t 



THE AUTHOR. 



PETE1 DECKETUM. 



| Trado tibi potestatem a Domino mihi traditam 

I ligandi atque solvendi : ligabis quod opportet, 

solves quod expedit, tanquam qui ad liquidum 
Ecclesias regulas ncveris, et tu in cutis seculi 
deditus minime reperiaris ; tibi auiem empietatis 
est studia et solliciiudines suscipere secures. 
Adboc non solum vooatus es ut opportune, et 
sine intermissions dooeas Yerbum Dei, et hie 
ante Pasca Domini Quadragesimale Jejunium 
tradidit, et ante JSTatalem tres Hebdomadas et 
quartam imperfectam ab omni Ohristiano Populo 
instituit venerari in commemoratione primi et 
secundi adventus Domini Mostri Jesu Ohristi et 
ordinationes celebravit per mensem Decembrium 
— and you must avoid secular affairs ; there- 
fore, the accepting or taking secular cares or 
Temporal Power shall he deemed an impiety 
and a crime. 



I submit this Work to the consideration of the 
ivhole Roman Catholic Hierarchy, and more espe- 
cially to the erudite CARDINAL WISEMAN, 

who is too learned not to appreciate the Work, 
and too acute not to see that the ca,use of the 
Papal Temporal Poiver is already lost. 



THE INCUBl 



OF 



ROME AND VENICE. 



OR, 



€k Criminal listen nf tjn ^does. 



AND THE 



MARTYBDOM OE VENICE. 



TWO VOLUMESLIN ONE 



That no Italian Priest 
Shall tithe or toll in our dominions; 
But as we under heaven are supreme head, 
So, under Him, that great supremacy, 
Where we do reign, we will alone uphold, 
Without the assistance of a mortal hand : 
So tell the Pope ; all reverence set apart, 
To him, and his usurp'd authority. 



Shakspeare. 



SECOND EDITION. 

PRINTED FOR THE AUTHOR. 

PUBLISHED BY J. CLEMENTS, 

LITTLE PULTENEY STREET, REGEXT STREET. 

1864. 



PREFACE 



TO THE SECOND EDITION. 



In tlie First Edition the Author has enumerated 
our Pontiff-Kings who have been omitted by St 
Matthew in the Genealogy of Christ. In conse- 
quence of which the London Publishers and the 
Hight Reverend Theologians have refused to accept 
this book. The Author — to prove that it is a 
valuable addition to Biblical knowledge and no 
mere invention of his own, or of the MS. Chronica 
de JEtatibus in his possession — begs to refer the 
candid reader to the following historical authorities, 
numbered from one to nine. 

St Matthew not only omits Ochosias, Joazus, 
Amazias, et JoacMmus, on account of their criminal 
conduct, but from Zerobabel to Joseph, the Virgin's 
Husband, he names only nine generations, whilst St 
Luke notices eighteen. 



London, 

July, 1864. 



\ 

I I 



ECCLESIASTICAL AUTHORITIES 



WHO HAVE NAMED THESE PONTIFF-KINGS OMITTED BY 
ST MATTHEW. 



I. Index in Tomos omnes Operum Divi Hiekontmi cum 

Interpretatione Nominum Gr. et Hebraic, per Joan. 

(Ecolampadium, Fol. Basilere per Jo. Froben, 1520. 
At page o, I find at the word " Achazias dicitur et 

Azarias et Joas." 
At page 6, u Achaz rex impius, filium idolis consecravit," 

&c. &c. 

At page 14, at the word Amasias it says, " Amasias 
idola coluit eo quod responsa darent," and also at 
the word " Amasice, multi falsi sacerdotes haeretici 
delatores." 

At page 194, " Ochosias filius solus remansit Joram, et 
quomodo quadraginta duorum annorum fuerit cum 
regnare inciperet." 

At page 304, " Zabulon dicitur Diobolus," " Zabulon 
prima audijt Christum." 

II. Anastasii Histor. Ecclesiast. Fol. Typogr. Eeg. Paris. 

1649. Page 182, Collectio Annorum, " Ochozias, 
Gotholia, Joas, Amesias, Ozias, Joathan" &c. 

III. Fasiculus Temporum. Fol. Erard Ratbolt, Venet. 
anno 1484. " Anno Mundi 4306, Reges Judse, Linea 
Christi, Joas anni 40 :" that is, that Joas reigned forty 
years. Then it relates that the names of Joas, his 
father Ac, aria, and his nephew Amasia, were on account 
of the enormities of their crimes, expunged from the 
Genealogy of Christ by Matthew the Evangelist : " Etic 
Joas cum patre Acaria et Amasia nepote, ob enormitate 
scelerum, nec pater filiusve aut quispiam eorum nihil 
boni habebat Mattheus Evangelista ipsos a Domini 
Salvatoris generatione secludit." Then follows the 
pedigree of Joas. I have another edition of this 
work printed one year later, in which, by a pious 
fraud, the above extract has been suppressed, leaving 
an empty space. 



IV. Cytraeus, Da"vid, Chronologia Historian Herodoti. 8° 
Rostochi, 1573, at page 252 and 253, " Joas Rex Judos 
and Amasias and Azarias Rex" &c. 

V. Mercator, Gerard., et Beroaldus Mat., Chronologia. 
8° Basilea, 1577, at page 266, " Joas" and at page 269, 
" Amasias and Azarias " are named. 

VI. Spondani, Annales Sacri, Fol. Lutet Paris* 1660, at 
pages 314, 316, Annus Mundi 3195, &c, I find 11 Joas 
Rex, Amasias, and Joackazis" instead of Acaria, with 
date and description of the time that they reigned. 
At page 145, infra, an. 4052, is named the tribe of 
Zabulon, &c. 

VII. Leusden, Jo., Onomasticum Sacrum, 8vo. Lugd. Bat. 
1684, at page 182. " Vixit autem, Amas Jilius Joas 
usque ad Jinem capitis." Ibidem, " Azarias Rex Judce" 
&c, at page 320, Zabulon and the Zabulonites are 
mentioned. 

VIII. Schraderi B. Christof. Tabulae Chronolog. a prima 
rerum origine ad natum Christum. Folio, Helmos- 
tadi, an. 1696, page 4. Anni Mundi 3066, Reges Judce 
"Joas filius Ochozice anno 40." Ibidem, An. Mundi, 
3106. " Amasias Jilius anno s 29." Anni Mundi, 3138, 
" Azarias qui et Uzias Jilius annis 52." 

IX. Vossi, Isac, Variarum Observationibus Liber, De Sibyl- 
linis Oraculis, 4to. London, Scott, 1685. Cap. 1, 
pages 218 and 219. 

*' Hinc quoque est quod in sacris litteris quadraginta 
tantum annis regnasse dictitur Solomon, cum tamen 
totis octoginta regnavit annis, suppresso nempe illo 
quo peccator fuit intervallo. Eadem quoque est 
ratio quod in Genealogia Christi apud Matthseum 
quatuor Reges peccatores, Ochosias, Joazus, Amazias 
et praeterea Joachimus omittantur," &c. &c. 

" Nec alia de causa in eadem apud Matthseum 
genealogia omittuntur complures alii post Zeroba- 
belem, utpote a quo ad Josephum maritum B. 
Virginis, novem tantum occurrunt generationes, cum 
octodecim habeantur apud Lucam." 



EPISTOLARY DEDICATION. 



In starting you on your mission, I humbly dedicate 
and recommend you, my Book, to the studious youths 
of the Colleges of England, Italy, France, and other 
countries, with the hope that some of them, with 
their patient and pure bright minds, will take the 
trouble to read you, and compare notes with certain 
superstitions which have crept and insinuated them- 
selves into their minds, for by these inadvertencies 
many youths fall yearly into the mysterious abysses 
of Jesuitism. You will point out to those students 
the old Pagan and Christian authors, from whom 
they will learn more than they expect ; you will be as 
an index to them to facilitate their labour of inquiry, 
by which they will soon find out and learn to repro- 
bate the evil and to cultivate the good — ut sciant rejpro- 
bare mala et eligere bonum. But then comes the 
question, how are you to get free access or introduc- 
tion into schools, colleges, monasteries, &c. ? Each 
Priest, like a Cerberus, will bar your entrance, bark 
at you, perhaps drive you out, and have you noted in 
the Index ExpurgoAorius, besides which who knows 
what else they might not do. But let not 
their opposition trouble you ; enemies to humanity 
and anti- Christians only will wage war against you ; 
nevertheless, do not fear them, but frankly and freely 
penetrate into society in the best way you can, and 
there modestly tell your story. If you should be 
opposed, cry out as loudly as circumstances may re- 
quire, whether in schools, streets, or squares — indeed, 
anywhere you may chance to be opposed. 

(*) 



viii 



Do not forget, either, that a number of Popes, in 
spite of the populations and of opposing armies, suc- 
ceeded in impudently passing through the gates of 
the Vatican, and with all the cunning of foxes pos- 
sessed themselves of the Stercorarian chair. Should 
you be denied entrance to the Colleges and Schools 
by the doors, pass through the windows, and tell the 
boys that you come to unmask and reveal to them 
the abominations of the past and the present — that is, 
the Criminal History of the Papal Usurpations ; and 
that you will narrate to them a full historical confu- 
tation of all the so-called Donations to the Holy See, 
nemine excepta. Lastly, my dear little Book, you will 
remember how troublesome you have occasionally 
been to me, and how many laughs we have had 
together during our solitude, and how, at times, I 
have deplored the human miseries which had been 
brought upon mankind by the Papal follies. You 
will remember also that, as a stranger in this free 
land, and unacquainted with the language of the 
people, I applied for counsel to some of my so-called 
friends, begging them to listen to your infantile story, 
and to suggest or correct some of your rude expres- 
sions, and how I failed to find anyone who could or 
would undertake to listen to more than a few of your 
pages, adducing by way of excuse their incapacity or 
want of time, and other reasons, contrary to my ex- 
pectations. The consequences of this disappoint- 
ment must be evident throughout your pages, though 
against my wishes. This renders it necessary for me 
to apologise to my readers for all our shortcomings, 
and in conclusion compels me to throw myself upon 
their charitable consideration. 



PREFACE. 



My dear little Book, you have grown up with suf- 
ficient strength amidst the noise and discordant 
sounds of pianos and brass bands in this so-called 
place, the Moon's fields. I am now tempted to let 
you out by yourself to try your fortune in the wide 
world, without protection and without the prestige 
of birth, trusting entirely to what merit and 
common sense you may possess. You know I have 
treated you with all the assiduous care and anxiety 
of a fond parent, and that for consecutive days and 
months I have never abandoned you. You know 
also how little mental relaxation I have had, for the 
better watching and tending your little wants. You 
are now more than four years old, and strong enough 
to meet the impetuosity of the tempestuous times we 
live in. Like a free-hearted pilot, then, I will leave 
you to brave the dangers, the machinations, and the 
daggers of your assailants. You know, likewise, that 
we are honestly poor and independent, that we have 
both had the same origin, and that we will invariably 
maintain that independence ; that your device is 
" Political and Religious Liberty," the best motto that 
can be engraved on the shield of a true Christian. 



You know, further, that, as my predilect offspring*, 
you have no other protector. True, you might claim 
a very distant acquaintance, and perhaps relation- 
ship, with those ancient and immortal sages — ■ 
Pythagoras, Aristoteles, Plato, Cicero, and a hundred 
ancient lay and. ecclesiastical historians, from 
whom I have made copious extracts. You might call 
them as witnesses to what you intend to express in 
your cosmopolistic peregrination ; and in case of fall- 
ing into distress, their high respectability might be of 
material assistance to you, particularly if you happen 
to get entangled by any Jesuitical sophistry, which I 
desire you to avoid. Should you, however, at any- 
time be put into such a dark corner by their arts, you 
must collect your mind, and imagine that you are in 
a temple supported by four columns. You should 
then suppose the two front ones Pythagoras and 
Aristoteles, the two behind Plato and Cicero, and 
that you took up your position in one corner of this 
quadrilateral structure, the walls of which you should 
fancy were constituted by, and the interstices filled 
up, from one column to the other, by the Apostolic 
Disciples. The above Philosophers you should fur- 
ther imagine to be respectively supported by three 
of the Apostles, the better to strengthen the struc- 
ture. Of course you should still further conceive 
that Jesus Christ occupied the centre of the area. In 
such a temple and so constructed, with your mind 
steadfastly fixed upon the sublime precepts which 
have been enunciated by the above-named primeval 
teachers of the doctrine of Christianity, and the 
wealth thrown into it by the Apostles and the 



xi 



Eternal light, which the Immortal God would reflect 
upon them and upon you, you would be inspired to 
defend yourself frankly and fluently against any pro- 
blematical questions that might be put. You would 
also be able to announce the whole of the truth, that 
truth which you intend to spread broadcast to the 
glory of God, and thus crush for ever the abominable 
evils which have so long mystified and deluded 
humanity. You should further bear in mind that 
the fundamental part of your mission is to explain to 
your audience how the religion of the Romans origi- 
nated, and how venerated and respectable were its 
high Sacerdotes ; how wise, moral, prudent, and 
liberal they were, and what strenuous defenders they 
were of the honour and dignity of their country. 

Do not trouble yourself with their laws, as it would 
impose too much labour upon you to recal them all 
to your memory. In order to avoid such an encum- 
brance, refer your new friends to the ancient digests 
which the Justinian Code has embodied and ex- 
plained for you ; it contains even the clauses which 
proved so unpalatable to the Christian Bishops. 

The period of the origin of the Religion of the 
Romans will comprise the first part of your infancy. 
The second opens to you, and to the whole known 
world, the most brilliant epoch that ever occurred ; 
and which might probably be revived if it were pos- 
sible to effect such an European Alliance as I have 
proposed elsewhere, and which I advise you to publish 
to the world, with its inherent reforms. My dear 
boy, you must not lose sight of this grandiose spec- 
tacle ; reflect a little, and you will see the wonderful 

(b 2) 



xii 



hand of God as it has descended from Heaven t& 
humanise and redeem the world from the false road 
into which it has been led through the corruption, 
luxury, and abuse of civilisation. You will see that 
He appeared with His Apostles when Caesar had con- 
quered and restored peace in every part of the world, 
which had become tributary to him and the Roman 
Senate. 

Turn to any art or science, and you will find your- 
self surrounded by an abundance of truly great men 
who have never ceased to instruct, delight, and 
civilise mankind with their works, and whi©h have 
not yet been surpassed, although they have been 
imitated fcy their posterity in every country, as Virgil, 
Horace, and Ovid predicted of their mental produc- 
tions. Apart from them, with a higher degree of 
immortality, we had the Apostles and their doctrine^ 
which was as new to the world, as it was sublimely 
beneficent to the whole creation. Their installation 
amongst us effected the suppression of the human, or 
rather inhuman, sacrifices, and inculcated all the other 
humanitarian and divine reforms which they received 
and preached by divine inspiration* You should here 
inform your audience that I have in my possession a 
manuscript copy of the ancient MS. Code, perhaps 
still extant in the Vatican Library, from which I 
have extracted several articles with regard to the 
origin of Christianity. You should likewise inform 
them that from this MS. Code I have introduced 
four Hebrew Kings (Pontiffs) who are not mentioned 
in the Genesis of our Lord Jesus Christ ; that I have 
also extracted the biography of St John,, Bapti&t 



and Evangelist, and the Decree of St Peter hf 
which, he constituted St Clement his successor at 
Antiochia, whilst he himself presided at the Church 
of Rome ; as well as many other important facts with 
relation to Christianity. The Christian churches 
were instituted in Asia, Africa, and Europe under 
the auspices of the Apostles* But, alas ! for poor, 
humble, virtuous, pious, and beneficently honest 
Christianity, the Apostolic reign, as has been seen ? 
was speedily suppressed, mystified, and supplanted 
by a new hypocritical, false, lying, and demoralising 
system which was foisted upon mankind under the 
mask of that Christian religion which had been so 
odiously perverted. It was at that time that we and 
our forefathers entered the third period, in spite of the 
warnings, the advice, and protests of the really good 
Christians of the period, such as Eusebius, Hiero* 
nimus, Origenes, Tertullianus, Cyprianus, Socrates, 
Sozomenus, St Augustin, St Ambrosius, St John 
Crisostomus, and others, who contended against and 
resisted those innovations which were offensive, 
derogatory, and detrimental to the piety and true 
interests of the Christian religion. 

My dear boy, remember that we will not make 1 
Constantine's spoliation of the Gentiles Pontifices, and 
his enriching the Christian Church with their spoils, 
a crime. His motives were probably good, and he 
believed he was acting for the advantage of humanity,, 
though the result proved quite contrary, not only 
to the interests of the populations, but to the throne 
itself, which has been in jeopardy ever since, on 
account of the Pontifical mines which were laid 



tinder it. You may consider it an inadvertence, a 
mistake on the part of Constantine, but not a crime ; 
the criminality rested only upon the conscience of 
the clergy, if they had any. It was his intention to 
provide for them, so that they might reform their 
scandalous abuses) and depart from plundering and 
other abominations to which they had been some- 
times addicted. Constantine also deluded himself in 
thinking to make atonement for his offences and the 
numerous crimes he had committed. At this point 
you should call attention to the real Donations of 
Constantine, which I have extracted from the MS. 
Code before mentioned, and which, although they 
conveyed so many precious gifts, ye* did not confer 
a single acre or a rood of land upon which the 
Pope could build any pretension whatever to the 
temporal power. 

It was within the third period also that the 
so- called Roman Episcopate, under another blasphe- 
mous denomination, began to grow up rampantly, 
and to abuse and delude every one, styling and 
installing itself as the Holy Roman Catholic and 
Apostolic See, In consequence of its sacrilegious 
luxury, excessive pride, atheism, anti- Christian ma- 
noeuvres, and pharisaical vices (sometimes supported 
by the sword of state for various interested motives), 
the said apostate and unholy See became insatiably 
powerful, and began to aspire to the temporal power. 
Fortunately, however, the whole of the line of the 
French Monarchs proved themselves quite able to 
check these first attempts at Cesarean dominion, 
and to keep the Roman See under their protection 



XV 



and domination, endowing it with money. I will 
not give yon a long memorandum regarding that 
period, my boy, as I know yon are quite competent 
to explain the religio-poiitical circumstances of 
these difficult times. I am also aware that you 
retain all the facts I have explained to 
yon, and that you appreciate them according to 
their diplomatico -historical interest. You may per- 
haps meet with glorious and unsullied-minded 
youths without experience, and who follow their 
collegiate instructions, by which they are regularly 
taught, by stress of mind, that a cart is a near rela- 
tive to a donkey, that a priest is a Pope in perspec- 
tive, and that the Pope eclipses the sun and moon, 
and is as great as God himself. You will find an 
instance of these monstrous perversions of the 
human mind in the Later an Council held under Pope 
Julius II, where and when, in the 9th Session, that 
Pope was styled the Prince of the Apostles, and 
simillimus Deo, et qui a populis adorari debet — as more 
than equal to God, he ought to be adored. It is here 
that the finest field for successful operation presents 
itself to your patience and benevolence ; and I would 
suggest that, with calm and clear arguments, directed 
in a familiar and friendly way to your new acquaint- 
ances, you should show the cause and reason why 
they are in error ; you should explain to them, freely 
and without reticence, the facts as you understand 
them, and taking care not to offend their self-esteem, 
or to overthrow all at once their prejudices, you 
may hope to obtain as good a result as any humani- 
tarian teacher could expect. 



xvi 



Let me counsel you to avoid the old clerical 
parties as much as possible. Most of them have 
their own views and interests to support, according 
to the sect to which they belong. Many of them are, 
nevertheless, good m^n, although sectarians ; and 
you will risk nothing in their company, while 
you will invariably learn something from their 
conversation. 

Your principal object will be to seek the company 
of the secular and theological students, and to point 
out to them many of the lessons you have received 
yourself. I know you will have some difficulty in 
approaching a certain class of persons, whilst you 
will find others easily accessible ; however, I trust 
that, by caution and promises of enlightening them 
upon certain historical facts, you may induce them 
to make your acquaintance. You might also 
instruct them as to how the Popes conspired with 
the French Kings to dethrone and spoliate the 
Lombard Kings and the Greek Emperors of their 
Italian possessions, and with what cunning and 
astuteness the Popes have succeeded in establishing 
their supreme ecclesiastical jurisdiction. You might 
likewise tell them how Pope Adrian invented the 
Donation by Constantine of St Peter's Patrimony, 
and to prove which a falsehood, you can acquaint 
them how his successor, Pope Gregory, was tried by 
the jury and the Imperial judges of Ludovic for 
the usurpation of the lands and territories situated 
within the limits of that so-called Patrimony ; you 
can read them the trial, if they do not believe it, and 
show them how he was found guilty of holding 



xvii 



unlawful possession of those lands, &c, and how he 
was compelled to re-transfer them to their rightful 
owners. Besides this, you can give a full confuta- 
tion of the whole of the pretended Imperial Donations, 
and of the entire batch of Episcopal pamphlets 
which have been issued during the past two or three 
years. 

Tou can further tell your readers that, in the fourth 
part or period of your existence, though absolutely 
most mischievously hard and obscure, most barba- 
rous and anti- Christian, most depraved and demonia- 
cally lewd, full of wars and revolutions, of degrada- 
tions of Bishops, Popes, and Emperors ; full of 
schisms and self -intrusions in the Papal chair ; full 
of poisonings, incest, murders, and gouging — I say yofl 
can further tell them, and your new acquaintances 
likewise, that they will find mention now and then, 
in spite of all these abominations, of some very great 
secular men, and at other times of ecclesiastical 
writers full of religion and Christian faith, worthy of 
the Apostolic name, and who have elevated their 
voices and used their pens most nobly to interdict, 
denounce, and criticise the actions of Bishops and 
Popes, with the hope of bringing them to the right 
Christian path of virtue. You can still further tell 
your acquaintances that they will hear or read from 
you the history of the Popess Joanna, who died in 
the street whilst suddenly delivered of a child ; you 
can tell them, too, of the Papal paramours with 
Theodora, and of her daughter Marozia, and their 
children and grand-children, who were made 
Bishops, Archbishops, and Popes, no matter at what 



xviii 

age, and who ruled Christianity in Italy and every- 
where else, and who murdered and poisoned each 
other whenever the opportunity was offered. In 
addition to all this, you can tell them that for a 
long century that family game was kept up, 
until the hydromancers and necromancers, Gerbert 
and Company, obtained the Pontificate. [Gerbert 
was a great master in the art of necromancy 
and hydromancy, and for a long series of years 
the succeeding Popes were all of them particularly 
expert in the magician's arts. The fashionable and 
felicitous novel-writers of the present day, who are 
fond of fantastical innovations, if they would turn 
their attention to this period, would find excellent 
Scope for the exercise of their talents and their pens. 
With their versatile genius they might select, out of 
the works upon the above subjects, something worth 
their while, and revive some of those old scenes and 
effects which could not fail to astonish and amuse 
the readers of the nineteenth century.] You might 
then further inform your acquaintances that after 
them came the great man and the great Countess, 
who were well matched in all sorts of iniquities, and 
who, like old Grimaldi and many other Popes, had 
no religion at all — Gregory VII, alias Hildebrand, 
and his concubine, Matilda, who had a good long 
swing and many wars, with the usual farces of schism, 
excommunication, imperial deposition, &c. After 
the period of Hildebrand's death you may entertain 
your readers with the miraculous breeches of that 
immaculate Pope, and a thousand other equally 
monstrous episodes (which I will advise you, my boy, 



xix 

• 

to relate one after the other), until the Roman Curia 
felt compelled to move away to Avignon, to hide its 
shame in that out-of-the-way place, where lust and 
the most horrible crimes of all kinds were practised 
in the most barefaced manner, with renewed vigour 
and the most consummate art ; as Petrarcha says : — 

" Mdo di tradimenti in cui si cova 

Quanto mal per lo mondo oggi si spande, 

Di vin serva di letti e di vivande, 

In cui lussuria fa I'ultima prova 

Per le camere tue fanciulle e vecchi 

Vanno trescando, e Belzebub in mezzo 

Co mantici e col fuoco e con li specchi," &c. 

I do not think it necessary to prompt your mind now 
as to what you should say of affairs at Avignon, as. 
you are well stored with facts which are substan- 
tiated and supported by Ecclesiastical, Secular, and 
Diplomatic history, and you have memory enough to 
tell the exploits of all that so-called Roman Curia 
which resided there, with its audacious Grand 
Masters, the pretended Vicars of Christ. By way of 
telling a story, you might also narrate the life of 
Boniface, and say how well he deserved the treat- 
ment he received from William Nogaretus, when at 
last the latter caught him and made him prisoner at 
Agnani, when he loaded him with torments, fastening 
them upon his tongue, around his neck, and on 
his wrists — when he tied him upon a saddled but 
unbridled horse, with his face towards its tail ; and 
that it was thus (escorted by a goodly number of 
troops in addition) that Pope Boniface VIII, in his 
pontifical dress, made his last triumphal entry into 
Rome, where he died soon after. I am confident 



XX 

that you will remember many events which tran- 
spired at that Lupanarian court, and relate them as 
you find them, well attested by all impartial writers, 
excepting always the Jesuits. 

Should you forget any fact of material importance 
you can refer to the Chronicon of Monfort, to Platina, 
Villani, Thomas Walsingham, Mattheus Westmonas- 
teriensis, Stella, Blondus, Laurentius Anglicus, 
Onuphrius, Sigonius, Pagi, Antonini, &c, all of 
whom will supply you with many important dis- 
closures of the whole of the Papal misdeeds, some of 
which I have only partly narrated, whilst I have 
omitted altogether to instruct you upon others, as 
my intention was merely to sketch how the Popes 
ascended the ladder, and usurped the temporal 
power. When they arrived at that point where 
they refused to consecrate the Emperors who were 
duly elected by the Electors, for the sake of ruling 
the world themselves and receiving the rents of the 
empire, proclaiming themselves respectively, u Ego 
sum Imjperator" I do not well see that they could 
have said or done anything further ; consequently, on 
arriving at this point, my task was ended. However, 
as I wished to convey through you to the public the 
opinions of Dante and Petrarch concerning tlje 
Papal temporal power, I was induced to carry the 
work on to the times of those writers ; accordingly, 
I have extracted passages from their poetical and 
prose works, which fully ratify and substantiate 
their denunciation and condemnation of the absurd, 
incongruous, and unchristian Papal mystifications 
and usurpations of the temporal power, in open 
violation of religion and law. 



xxi 



My readers will find that, at the end of this work, 
I have treated the Venetian Question ; and must not 
be surprised if, in perusing it, they discover a 
mixture of Papal mismanagements, of a spiritual 
and temporal nature, as well as various other 
allusions to the intemperance of the Clergy. For 
their information I may remark that it was my 
intention, in the first instance, to publish this 
portion of the work separately. It will also be 
evident to them that I commenced writing the 
Venetian before the Roman Question. However, as 
the latter appears to me to be the most urgent of 
the two, and offers the largest scope for treatment ; 
particularly as the priests are even more offensive 
and more insolent than the Austrians at the present 
moment ; and for the additional reason that both of 
these subjects are so intimately allied to each other 
as to form almost one and the same question, — I 
deemed it both necessary and advisable that the 
horrors, the crimes, and the spoliations of Papaldom 
should be first disposed of, and that the deliverance 
of the Venetians from the Austrians should follow. 
Besides, how could the Italians undertake to wage 
war against Austria, while they would leave behind 
their backs those Episcopal rebels who are ever on 
the alert to revolutionize the country and its cities, 
and throw confusion into society, by calling to their 
aid all sorts of assassins, the scum of the world, 
who are congregated in the centre of Italy under 
the control, management, and pay of that mitred 
and unmitred Pharisaical tribe which awaits the 
opportunity to pillage, sack, and murder the un- 



XXII 



fortunate inhabitants ? It is only in keeping with 
common sense and reason that a sensible person, 
upon being attacked simultaneously by a number of 
vicious animals, would strike first at the most 
powerful of them ; so it is with me, and I therefore 
aim at breaking the horns of the bull first. With 
regard to the barbarian hordes, I would leave them 
till a better opportunity, or if they should venture 
outside their fortifications for fresh air give them a 
taste of the cold steel. 

In the treatment of the Venetian affairs it will 
be observed that I have given a short descriptive 
sketch of the state of misery to which the Venetians 
have been reduced since the year 1815 ; also a few 
references to their genius in the arts and sciences, in 
legislation and in war. It will also be observed that 
I have referred to their conquests in the Peninsula 
and abroad, and related a few episodes in their 
history, their colonial conquests, their rapid and 
glorious ascendancy to wealth and power, and their 
unmerited downfall and barter, together with a 
chapter on the reason why the Italians desire re- 
union and nationality under that illustrious and 
constitutional king, the glorious Victor Emmanuel. 

F, 0. BEGGI, 
Commissary-Director of Police in the City 
and Province of Modena under the 
Provisional Government, and under the 
late King Charles Albert, in the year 
1848 ; and Medico- Chirurgo Applicato 
alia Questura di Torino, in 1849-50. 
April, 1862. 



INTRODUCTION. 



BID END CASTIGO MORES: 
Over the principal entrances of many of the Italian 
theatres I remember that I have seen this old Eoman 
motto in vario-coloured or sculptured capital letters — 
I have no doubt that the theatre traditionally passed 
to us as the best school for the correction of manners, 
and the moderation of our passions ; and at the same time 
it has been the best place where, upon fitting opportuni- 
ties, advising hints have been given to the ruling Dio- 
nysius. These hints have been frequently given in 
every one of the Italian towns, I am quite sure, some- 
times by allegories in the plays, at others by the extem- 
poraneous wit of the actors," who invariably knew 
what would produce an effect, according to the 
circumstances of the political thermometer. I may 
be excused if I do not here produce proofs of 
this assertion, and refer the reader to the Index 
Expur gator ius. The Circenses, though they have been 
the indirect means, now and then, of lightly casti- 
gating the bold tyrant, yet at other times they have 
served to elevate his disdainful pride and his triumphal 
haughtiness; moreover, they have been one of the 
greatest political means adopted by the retrograde Le- 
gislators to ensnare and enfeeble the minds of the 
thinking population, and to attract them to be surveyed 
by an ever-present posse of armed men, well salaried, 
and appointed to watch and catch, if possible, the 
thoughts and exclamations of the unguarded and exhila- 
rated people. I may remark that the policy of the 
Governments was based upon the principle of amusing 
the populations to their utter exhaustion and insensi- 
bility, so that they might not have a moment for 
reflective thought about their contemptible political 



xxiv 

nonentity, and so that they should not congregate any- 
where that the Government spies had not access also. 
Of course some of the high officials were always present 
at these spectacles ; and this is the reason why the most 
Reverend and Eminent Cardinal Panzanera (or his 
prostituted representative) always appeared in a con- 
spicuous place to grace with his presence the assemblies, 
and mar the popular enjoyment, by poisoning the atmo- 
sphere with his mephitic breath, nothwithstanding that 
it is strictly forbidden by Divine and Canonical laws 
that the priests should interfere in such matters, 
and ordained that they should attend solely to their 
ecclesiastical business, as I have elsewhere shown. 

When the Emperor of Austria visited Italy in 1825 
I was a boy, and though I could understand reason, I 
could not comprehend that extraordinary display of 
external magnificence and rejoicing in the streets of 
the towns through which he passed ; neither could I 
divine the difference betwixt the genuine and the 
fictitious or forced merriment of the people. I know 
money was distributed amongst the poor people, so that 
they might have an opportunity of feasting gratis, whilst 
the better class were forced to disgorge the means to 
supply the necessaries for that festive occasion. For 
certain, it was not the money of Francis the Eourth, of 
Este, which paid those expenses, because he ordered 
the proprietors of certain houses in the streets, wherever 
his processional train was to pass, to have them white- 
washed, repaired, and ornamented, &c, under penalties 
for non-compliance. And, as a matter of course, the 
citizens had to pay, as the Duke of Modena could not, 
nor did he intend to do so, as he had no money, having 
employed that which he had extorted from the people* 



XXV 



after his installation in that State in 1815, in buying 
property in Hungary and Bohemia. He had no money of 
his own, for certain, when he settled there, as was evi- 
dent by the loan which he contracted with a private Mo- 
denese family of the name of Eertacchi, the representa- 
tive of which lent him one or two millions of francs, with 
or without interest, directly after he arrived at Modena. 

Whilst these grand spectacles were being forced 
upon the people I was at Eubiera, a small fortified 
place, whose thick walls were partly converted into 
political prisons, crowded with patriotic and intelli- 
gent men, the flower of the Duchy of Modena — men 
who were presumed to be liberals, and who had been 
incarcerated there since 1821. After the period I speak 
of some were still confined there, whilst others had 
been removed to Modena and other fortresses, where 
they were kept in the severest and vilest durance, and 
subjected to the most heartrending misery, until the 3rd 
of February, 1831, when Francis the Fourth of Este 
was compelled to decamp, surrounded by his troops, and 
seek a lodging for himself and family in the fortresses 
of Mantua. I was one of those who joined in the 
popular movement to disarm the garrison of the palace, 
and who went to open the State prisons and liberate the 
imprisoned citizens. From that day I experienced the 
greatest, the most satisfactory rejoicing of my heart. 
It was then that I began to feel that I was a man, 
capable of defending myself, and that I was bound in 
duty to assist oppressed humanity, created by the all- 
merciful God to enjoy freedom of mind and body. 

I must not yet quit Eubiera, because it was there 
I first became inspired with liberal ideas. I had driven 
my mother and another lady to that place upon the 



xxvi 



occasion to which I refer, when we met a lady of their 
acquaintance who was in tears, and who had a relative 
immured in one of the prisons. My mother used all 
her endeavours to console the unhappy lady with the 
hope that her brother would soon be liberated. She 
replied that all her family had petitioned for years, 
but uselessly, for the Austrian tyrant was inflexible; 
and she declared that it was a shame that the 
population should have borne the expense even of a 
straw to feast that demon-like and perverse ruler, who 
was there to rob, abominate, and destroy the population. 
I listened attentively to the pitiful narration of that 
lady, I felt compassion for her, and from that moment I 
began to nourish in my soul thoughts of political free- 
dom, which secretly grew and impressed themselves 
deeply in my heart, until at last the political insur- 
rection of 1831 burst all external appearances and 
reticences. Since then I have lived a new life, 
though sometimes a very hard one ; yet it has been 
gloriously happy, and will be happier still, I hope, 
in the future; for I see, with pleasure, the ap- 
proachment of the realisation of my constant and 
best wishes, in the interest of which I have 
taken the trouble, as well as the pleasure, to write this 
volume, and to reveal and tell, in a jocular way, as far 
as I was able, the most serious affairs, with the hope 
that society would see, without prejudice, the awful 
absurdities which they have supported through ignorance 
and superstition. Should I be fortunate enough to save 
a few of the young Theologians from falling into the 
Roman Catholic abissns abominationis, then I shall have 
the privilege of repeating the old motto : 

BIDENDO CASTIGO MORES. 



DE KOMANOBUM RELIGIONIS OEIGINE. 



* — 

Numi Pompilius Salutatue Eex. Anno I, 
Ikterkegni. 

Post annum TJrbis Interregnum orbis conditi anno 
3236, ante Christum natum 712. Trojae exustae 471. 
JEnex adventus in Italiam 467. Novae Urbis Eomae 
39 ; faederis Eomuli cum Tatio Sabinorum Principe 
35. Olimpiadae 16, an. 2, quo vicit in stadio Pytha- 
goras Lacedaemonius fuitque Manasses filius Ezechiaa 
Eegis conceptus parentis sui an. 17. Leocratis primi 
Athen. Archontis 4. Tharachi iEthyopum Eegis 8. 
Dilulaei Chaldaeorum Principis II, et Cordeacis Me- 
dorum Eegis an. 8, quo primum Chersonesus in Sicilia 
exulta viguit, et Urbs Mylae sive Milassum, quae 
bellorum gloria insignis nunc Messanae urbis Eegni 
totius principi paret condita. 

Interreges Senatorum Consensu ac civium plausu 
Numam Pompilium revocarunt a Silvis ad Eeipub- 
licae tunc primum florentis regimen. Aberat tunc 
Numa et multi jugae virtutis fato ipsum praemovente 
Laus civium vota traxarat, et animos nullum ambi- 
tionis oraculum adfuit, nulla verborum pompa, fraus 
ulla regnandi cupidine premota viguit : sed tantum 
virtu tis pondus JSTumam elevavit in Eegem. Haec 
fere Diocles Pepareticus, Portius Cato, Pabius Pictor, 



2 



Zenodotus, Ennius ac Varro vulgant. Inter quos 
Luciana historia uno ex omnium oraculo si proclamat 
inclita Justitia, Eeligioque ea tempestateNumae Pom- 
piiii erat Curibus Sabinis habitabat consultissimus 
vir, nt in ilia quisquam setate esse poterat omnis divini 
atque bum an i juris. Eelxgio virtutum omnium 
monumentum prsecipuarumque Eeipublicee sanctio- 
num columen a Xenophonte, et Socrate scriptorum 
sapientissimis, omnimode pacis origo nuncupatur. 
Enim vero si a relegendo nomen apud Tullium de 
datura Beorum sortitur, sive a religando, ut Lac- 
tantio placet, vel potius a relinquendo, et Masurius 
Sabinus paenes Gellium, lib. 4. Soctiurn Atticarum, 
cap. 9, testatur, Eeligiosum appellariid, quod propter 
Sanctitatem aliquem remotum, et se positum a nobis 
est. Firmatque Macrobius ex Seyeri Sulpitii sen- 
tentia: Nulla Eeligio discordes hominum efformat 
ammos, neque pacis ablegat, sed potius ex bello an- 
nuente ipsa pax oritur, quae, teste Pyndaro Pyth., 
ode 8, vers. 287, reddit urbes maximas, et ut Bac- 
chylides inquit, Deorom ara sonant, estque Dei munus 
maximum hominum generi providenter illatum, sicut 
Plinius ad Traianum. Julianus Imperator ad Con- 
stantinum, et Div. Crisostomus elegantissime tradi- 
derunt. 

Pythagoeas bocttit Numam, &c. De Fictis a Httma 
Diis, Demonum Ctjlttj, et Hybeomantia, ac Libeis 
sljpeestitiosis, qtjibits nljma utebatub. 

a se:etch feom THE OLB classic ATTTHOES. 

Eomanos a Kuma Deos accepisse, et saerorum 
Ceraemonias apud Plutarchum et Dionysium, Eabium 
Pictorem, quam pluresque alios compertum est,- unde, 
et Deos ipsi autumare ceperunt ad instar Thuscorum, 
et Athaenientium, qui teste Clemente Alexandrino 
Deus sibi frangere prse viribus ausi sunt, hine ex 
Varrone, D. Augustinus, lib. 7, Civitatis Dei ad 
Marcellinum ait : Arcanam fuisse Numee Doctrinam ; 



3 



ut ignorantes Dsemonum amplectentur ludicra ad- 
monere sufficiat sacrorum causas a Eege Pompilio 
Eomanorum Sacrorum institutore conscriptas, nee 
populo, nec Senatui, nec saltern ipsis Saeerdotibus 
innotescere debuisse, ipsumque Numam curiositate 
illieita ad ea Daamonum pervenisse secreta, et antea 
fictos Beos inculcat, lib. 3, c. 11, &c. 

Numa faustissimus Eeligionis primus instituit 
colere Pacem et Deos, quod Ovidius in Fastis, lib. 3, 
tradit. 

" Principio nimium promptos ad bella Quirites 

Molliri placuit jure Deumque metu ; 
Inde datse leges, ne fortior omnia posset 

Caeptaque sunt pure tradita sacra coli 
Exuitur feritas armisque potentius equum est 

Et cum vice pudet conseruisse manus, 
Atque aliquis modo trux, visa jam vertitur ara 

Vinaque dat tepidis, farraque, salsa focis : 
Ecce Deum genitos rutilas per nubila flammas 

Spargit et effusis aethera siecat aquis." 

Messala Corvinus Orator disertissimus in libello 
ad Octavianum Augustum de Augustorum progenie 
id suo format oraculo. 

" Mox luma ad Eeligionem Conversus, ut Deorum. 
timor ad mitiora truces flecteret animos, sacra in- 
stituit, Sacerdotes creat, Yirgines Vestales sacrat, 
Pontificem Maximum declarat primus, dies fastos, ne 
fastosque Condidit, annum in 12 m - menses divisit." 

Ovid, lib. 15, Metamorpb., Pythagoram Samium 
Crotoniatem Numae prasceptorem fuisse decantat. 

" Hujus amor Curae patria Curibusque relictis 
Fuit ut Herculei penetraret ad Hospitiisurbem," &c. 

Tullius, lib. 2, Tuscul. 

" Nam Pythagoras ob Tyrannideas Polycratis re- 
licta Samo Crotonem petiit, ibique leges Italis dedit, 
et quae cum discipulis clarus est habitas, quod at 
Ovidius enarrat," vers. 60. 



4 



" Yir fait hie ortu Samius, sed fugerat una 
Et Sam on, et Dominos odioque Tyrannidis exul 
Sponte erat, isque, licet Cseli regione reniotus, 
Mente Deos adiit, et quae natura negabat 
Viribus humanis ocnlis, ex pectoris hausit," &c. 

Pythagoras nuncupatur Divinus, Sapientissimus 
ab Apuleio — auctor naturae, verique ab Horatio, lib. 
1, Od. 28. Vir doctissimus a Tullio, a Porphirio 
Celebris, et doctrinarum omnium fons. Oraculum et 
speculum virtutum omnium a Probo, &c. 

Pythagoras teste Athanseo qui, Tullio, Tertulliano, 
Justino Martyre, Cirillo, Arnobio Cseterisque Sacro- 
prophanes mutationes autumavit, et somnia. Tertul- 
lianus de Anima, c. 28. 

" Si vero Samius sophista Platoni auctor est ani- 
marum de recidivatu revolubili semper et alterna 
mortuorum, atque viventium sufectione, certe ille 
Pythagoras non turpi modo verum etiam temerario 
inendacio incubuit." 

Multi scribunt Pythagoras discipulum JsTumam 
fuisse, et quo tempore ad Eegnum Eomanum voeatus 
est apud Crotonem egisse, ac Philosophise operam 
dedisse, sic etiam Livius multos id ipsum refert, et si 
prseviribus impugnet. Auetorem Doctrine ejus 
quia non extat falso Samium Pythagoram edunt, 
eorumqve argumenta sive ab Epimareho, sive Diocle 
Peparetico, ac Zenodoto Contracta refert Plutarchus 
in JSTuma. TJnde percrebuit sapientiam hanc et 
eruditionem ex Pythagora Numam hausisse : magna, 
nam ex parte hie Reipublicas institutionem Philoso- 
phiam in rebus Divinis posuit. Exteriorem speciem 
quoque, et personam eamdem, ac Pythagoras mente 
dicitur petiisse. Eertur ille ita mansuefisse Aquilam, 
ut Certis vocibus sisteret, et deyocaret supervolantem. 
Jam in Conventu Olimpiaco transeuntem femur 
aureum protulisse, aliasque commemorant monstri- 
lices ejus artes, et facta, quare scripsit Thymon 
Phliasius. 



5 



" Pythagoram technis captantem nominis auram 

Yitam, et mulcentem blandis sermonibus aures." 
Numse fabulam Dese cujuspiam, aut Nimphse 
Montanse Amor, et Arcanum cum ipso Contubernium 
erat, mutuque cum musis consuetudo. Pierasque 
autem divinationes suas contulit in Camamas, unam 
peculiariter, atque eximie venerari prsecipit Eomanis, 
Tacitam earn nominavit, quae commemoratio visa est, 
et observatio Silentii Pythagorici — Jam hujus de 
statuis scita undequaque Pythagoras placitorum sunt 
germana. JSTeque enim ille sensui, aut ulli dolor 
ex positu rerum principium esse, sed invisibile 
sola mente existimavit apprehensibile. Hie vetuit 
Eomanis, vel bestias formam tribuere Deo, neque 
fuit ulla apud eos ante, vel picta, vel ficta imago 
Dei, sed prim urn 160, annos tempia extruxerunt 
et cellas Diis, simulacrum per id temporis nul- 
lum habuerunt, nephas putantes augustiore hu- 
milioribus, neque aspirari aliter ad Deum quam 
mente posse. Ad hsec hostile ejus respondent 
plane victimis Pythagoricis, incruentse enim erant, 
ac fere farinas libaminibus ex vino et rebus sim- 
plicissimis parabantur. Hactemis ille, et Pythagoram 
de divinis egisse cum Eeipublicae administration e 
tradunt Socrates paenes Platonem, Apulejus de Deo 
Socratis, et Xenophon, mente omnia didicisse. 
Tertullianus de Anima refert et irridet. Eventum 
Aquilae, quam domuit, Jamblicus enarrat in vita 
Pythagoras. De femore aureo Philostratus in vita 
Apollinis Thianaei monstrifica plura edidisse, quam 
saepe Tertullianus Philostratus, Hierocles Pytha- 
goricus, et Eusebius Cassariensis scribunt. De ejus 
dulci eloquio Suiclas, et Lactantius vulgant. Eerum 
principium mente assequendum Pythagoras in Car- 
minibus expressit, expenditque Hierocles Pytha- 
goricus Deum forma aliena animantis exutum, 
Psellus ex Pythagora colendum tradit, et Crotoniates 
simulacra damnasse Archita Tarentius, et Tymeus 
docuere. Hostias absque sanguine Diis litandas, 

b 2 



6 



Cyrillus Alexandr. et Clemens quam ssepe tradunt, 
victimasque incruentas Pytbagoram censuisse Laertius, 
Porphyrins, Jamblicus, Malchus, Eusebius Csssari- 
ensis, et Hierocles Pythagoricus uno omnium calculo 
produnt, quod inquit de picturis, et Statins non 
solum prim os 160 annos, sed quam plures enumerat 
Plinius, lib. 35, c. 4, ubi sic ait— Apud Romanes, 
quoque honos mature huic arti eontigit, si quidem 
cognomina ex ea Pictorum Eabii clarissiinae gentis 
Princepsque ejus cognominis. Ipse sed em salutis 
pinxit anno 450, quae pictura duravit ad longam 
memoriam. Proxime celebrata est in Eoro Boario 
sede Herculis Pacuvii Poetse Pictura Ennii Sorore 
genitus fuit hie* clarioremque earn artem Eomse fuit 
glorise scense. Liberum Patrem depictum Lucius 
Mamicii cui cognomen Achaici victoria dedit, 
n am q ae cum in preda vendenda Rex Attains VI. M. 
Sextertium emisset Aristidis tabulam Liberum 
Patrem continentem praetium miratus, suspicatusque 
aliquid in ea virtutis quod ipso nesciret, revocavit 
Tabulam Attalo multum querente, et in Cseteris de- 
lubro posuit. Antea ergo ISTuma Pythagoram secutus 
nullum simulacrum Deorum posuit. 
Ovid in Eastis : 

" Ignis in extinctus tempi o caelatur in illo 
Effigiem nullam Yesta nec ignis habebat." 

Bionysins, Multa etiam ae mira de Numa predicant ad Deum 
Roman^' monita referentes ejus sapientiam fabulatur enim 
identidem ad eum ventitasse Egeriam JSTympham, 
eumque Regiam prudentiam docuisse, alii non Nym- 
pbam, sed unam Musarum idque manifestum omni- 
Livius, lib. 2, bus esse factum— Livius Deam fuisse scribit cum 
■ Dei ' *' qua, et Concubuisse Plutarchus ait, et Ovidius ISTym- 
pham velut uxorem Numse Hevisse post ejus obitum, 
ac orb am viro Dianse Lucum petiisse flentem. 

Ovid. Met., "Conjuge, qui felix Nympha ducibusque Camsonis 
lib. 15. Sacrirlcos docuit ritus, gentemque feroci 
Assuetam bello pacis traduxit ad artes 



7 



Qui postquam senior, regnumque aevumque peregit, 

Extinctum Latiseque nurus, populusque patresque 

Deflevere IS"umam, nam Conjux urbe relicta, 

Yaliis AricinaB densis latet abdita sylvis 

Sacraque Oresteae gemitu questuque Dianas," &c. 

Itaque perfecto undique pacis omine ^ T uma tan- 
quam pacis Numen a hnitimis colebatur. Quod 
Valerius Maximus, et Asconius Prasdianus scribunt — 
Hisque antiquiores Piso, Portius Cato, Eabius Pietor, 
Diocles Peparcticus, Zenodotus, et Dionysius Hali- 
carn., qui cuitum eleganter sic tradit. Hoc pacto 
consecutus est, ut ex Subditi eum amarent, et flnitimi 
semuiarentur, et posteri honorifica memoria celebra- 
rent, quippe qui prospexerit, ne vel intestina seditio 
Civiurn concordiam derimeret, Tel externum bellum 
ab optimis, et prseclarissimis studijs civitatem dimo- 
veret, tantum non haberet, ut finitimi Eonianos in 
hac quiete suspectos haberent, suique invadendi oc- 
casionem quasri metuerent, ut etiamsi, quot inter 
ipsos existeret bellum, non alium, quam j^umam et 
Eomanos dirimendis inimicitiis sui arbitrum quaeren- 
dum existimarent. Sic itaque ad Eeligionis cuitum 
efferatos homines avvocavit, pace affectata, ac Eeli- 
gione ficta, de hac ostentatione Valerius Max. 

Egerise simulationem inculcat, dicens ±suma Pom- Vaier. Max., 
pilius ut populum Eomanum sacris obligaret, volebat c- 3 ' 

videri sibi cum Dea Egeria congressus esse nocturnos, 
ejusque monita accepta Diis Immortalibus Sacra 
instituere, nec male rem perpendit. Enim vero, teste 
Messala Corvino rudes ad hue insolentes decepit 
milites Pontiflcem selegit, Salios, Vestales, Templa, 
Librosque, quos tandem sapiens Eomanorum posteri- 
tas Plinio, Lactantio et D. Augustino testibus, igne 
consumpsit. 

A Numa ergo tunc primum cepit Eomanorum 
Eeligio de qua Lactantius Eirmianus, lib. 1, c. 22. 
Sed ut Pompilius apud Eomanos institutor ineptarum 
Eeligionum fuit, sic ante Pompilium Eaunus in 
Latio, quia et Saturno Ayo nefaria sacra constituit, 



8 



et Picum Patrem inter Deos honoravit, et Sororem 
suam Patuam Eaunam, eamdemque conjugem conse- 
cravit. Hinc Dseinonuni cultus, et Ceremoniae exqui- 
sita curiositate peracta3. Unde Valerius Maxim us 
ex Tullio, lib. 1, sic inquit— Majores nostri statas 
solemnesque ceremonias Pontificum scientia bene 
gerendum rerum auctoritate Augurum obseryatione, 
Apollinis prsedictione. Vatum libris portentorum 
depulsis Hetrusca disciplina voluerunt explicari. 
Prisco etiam institute rebus divinis opera datur cum 
aliquid commendandum est prsecatione, cum expo- 
scendum voto, cum solvendum gratulatione, cum 
inquirendum vel extis, yel sortibus imperito, cum 
solemni ritu peragendi sacrificio, quo etiam ostento- 
rum, ac fulgurum denunciationes E"uma Pico, 
Eaunoque obligatis adinvenit, ut Ovidius, Pierius, 
Valerianus, ac Lactantius tradunt. 

De Eomulo, qui Jovem Statorem Coluit, preter 
Livium Messalam Corvinum, et Dionysium tradit 
pra3ses apud Prudentium in passione Divi Eomani 
Martyris — 

u Ubi iste v ester tunc erat Sunimus Deus 
Divum favore cum puer Mavortius 
Pundaret arcem septicollem Eomulus 
Quod Eoma pollet auspicato condita 
Joyi Statori debet et Diis ceteris." 

The above question I might ask of Antonelli, 
" Where is your God ?" &c. 

Itaque Numa Eegni basemEeiigionis monumentum 
adjecit, idque Monstri feris Sacrorum ritibus, ut 
Plutarchus ait, fulminum, tonitrumque fragore, ut 
Lactantius scribit, Larium horrendo vultu. Ita ut 
simplices ad hue timore impelleret ad Dsemonum, 
quos ignoraverant Cultum. TJnde Lucillus vetus 
Poeta Eumam sic carpit. 

" Terricolas Lamias Pauni, quas Pompiliique 
Instituere Numae, tremit has, hie omnia ponit, 
Ut pueri infantes, credunt signa omnia ahena 



9 



Vivere et esse homines, et sic ista omnia ficta, 
Vera putant, credunt signis, cor inesse ahenis 
Per gula pictorum, veri nihil, omnia ficta." 

Quod etiam satirice expressit Petronius. 

" Primos in orbe Deos fecit timor ; ardua Caelo 
Eulmina cum caderent, Discussaquemaenia flammis 
Atque ictus flagraret Athos, mox Phoebus adortus," 
&c. &c. 

De Aetis Stattjaeije, et de Aetis Pixgendi Oeigine. 

Rex quippe Tarquinius ibi Capitolium fabricavit, Tertuiiianus 
Nam et si a Numa concepta est curiositas, nondum j^t.,^c?2S. 
tamen, aut simulacris, aut templis res Divina apud 
Eomanos constabat, frugis Religio, et pauperes ritus, 
et nulla Capitolia certantia Casio, sed Deus ipse 
nusquam nondum enim tunc ingeniosa Graecorum 
atque Thuscorum fingendis simulacris Urbem inunda- 
verat. Athenagoras Philosophus sapiens nomina 
Scultorum recenset, inculcatque flgmenta dicens. 
Caeterum Imagines Deorum antequam plasticae 
pingendi, et Statuaria Ars in usum venissit, nec 
nominabatur quidem donee tandem nati floruere 
Saurius Samus, Craton Siyonius, Cleantes Corinthius, 
et Coreas. His posteriores Daedalus et Theodorus, 
Milesius Statuariam, et Plasticam adinvenerunt. 
Nempe adeo breve tempus est post inventas imagines 
et simulacrorum usus effluxit, ut nomina etiam arti- 
ficum, qui Deos expresserunt sigillatim referre 
possimus Dianas enim Ephesise Idolum, et Minervae 
quam Grasci vocant A&rjXav secretius, oleagiinum 
vetus, et sedentem Endius Daedali discipulus fecit. 
Pythius Theodori, et Teleclis opus est. Delius 
Apollo, et Diana in Delo Idectaei, et Angelionis ars, 
Juno in Samo, et agris Similidis manus, simulacra 
caetera Phidiae. Yenus Hetaera, hoc est meretrix in 
Cnido, Praxitalis. Denique Esculapius in Epidauro 
Phidiae, et ut paucis absolvam omnes ubique Imagines 



10 



Prudentius 
in hymno, 
D, Eomani 
Marfyria. 



ab hominibus factae sunt, quod si Dii isti initio non 
erant, illis ne a quibus facti sunt posteriores erunt, 
vel cur essent hominibus, et arte indignerunt ? 
Terra hsec sunt, et lapides, et materia, et ars curiosa. 

" Sed pulchra res est forma in acre sculp tilis 
Quid imprecabor officinis Grsecise 
Forceps Myronis, et Polyceti malleus 
Hatura vestrum est, atque origo Cselitum 
Ars seminandi efficax erroribus 
Barbam rigentem, dum Jo vis circumplicat 
Dum defluentem leniter flectens comam 
Limat capillos, et Corimbos liberi, 
Et dum Minervse pectus hydris asperat, 
Injecit atram territis formidinem 
Ut fulmen acris, ceu tonantis horreant 
Tremant venenum sibilantis Gorgon so 
Putent Ephebum post triumphos Indios 
Ferire thyrso posse, quum sit Ebrius 
Turn quod Dianam molle succintam vident. 
Yenantis arcum pertimescunt virginis 
Si forte vultum tristioris Herculis 
Liquore crispo massa finxit fusilis 
Clavam minari, ni colatur, creditur." 

Pythagoras Samius Numam Reipublicas ac Sacro- 
rum Oracula docuit, et adjecit basem Eeligionis 
Hydromantiam, Necromantiam, &c. Augustinus 
in civitate Dei, cap. 35, ibi enim ad Marcellinum sic 
ait — Nuraa ad quern nullus Dei Propheta venerat, 
nullus Sanctus Angelus mittebatur Hydromantiam 
facere compulsus est. Quod genus divinationis a 
Persis Varro dicit esse allatum, quo ipsum JNumam 
postea Pythagoram Philosophum usum fuisse, ut 
adhibito Sanguine etiam inferos perhibet suscitari 
Yarronis verba D. Augustinus sic interpretatur dicit 
vocari, quae sive Hydromantia, sive JSTecromantia 
dicatur, idipsum est. Ubi videntur mortui divinare, 
et ad interrogata respondere vepog. Enim Greece 
mortuus \kavrua divinatio nuncupabatur. Ad quos 



11 



sanguinem dicunt, ideoque, quoties N"ecromantia sit. 
Cruor aqua miscetur, ut calore sanguinis facilius 
provocentur. Itaque sanguis et aqua utramque 
divinationem Hydromantise et Necromantise com- 
plent. Hinc Claudianus in Kuffinum : 

"Est locus extremum pandit qua Gallia littus 
Oceani prsetentus aquis, ubi fertus Ulisses 
Sanguine libato, populum movisse silentum 
Illic umbrarum tenui stridore volantum 
Elebilis auditur questus, simulacra Goloni 
Pallida, defunctasque vident migrare figuras," 

Sed Divus Augustinus potius Kumam Hydro- 
mantiam peregisse in Kymphse ubi aquas sub- 
saltantes irriguum Egerias antrum complebant, 
intendit — Inquit enim. In ilia igitur Hydromantia 
curiosissimus JSTuma Bex, et sacra didicit, quae in 
libris suis Pontifices haberent, et eorum causas, quas 
propter se neminem scire voluit, quid mihi ergo 
Yarro illorum sacrorum alias nescio, quas causas 
velut physicas interpretatur, quales si libri illi, ilia 
habuissent, non utique arsissent, aut et istos Yarronis 
ad Caesarem Pontificem scriptos, atque editos 
Patres Conscripti similiter incendissent. Quod 
ergo aquam egesserit, idest exportaverit ISTuma 
Pompilius, unde Hydromantiam faceret, ideo 
jNympham Egeriam conjugem dicitur habuisse 
quaBmadmodum in libro Yarronis exponitur. Ergo 
in antro Egeria3 ubi perennis surgebat fons, 
Hydromaticus Numa divinabat. Sicut Boetius in 
Biblioteca refert. Incidit in faeminam sacram, cujus 
natura divina et admirabilis ; aquam, nam puram in- 
fun dens cuidam poculo yidebat in aqua imagines 
futurorum, quibus inspectis futura praedicebat. Quod 
Pausanias in Achaicis, et Apuleius in Apologetico 
firman t, simulque Isidorfis, lib, 8, originum, c. 9. 
Hydromantia est in quae inspectione umbras Daemo- 
Dorum evocare, et imagines, yel ludificationes eorum 
yidere, ibique aliqua ab aliis audire, ubi adhibito 



12 



sanguine etiam inferos perhibent suscitari. Hactenus 
ille ex quo optime colligimus Hidromantiam, et Ne- 
cromantiam ex aqua, et Sanguine idipsum interpre- 
tari juxta Divi Augustini ex Yarrone Censuram. 

Hinc animadversione indiget Numae adinventum 
circa Yestae cultum, Inquit Suidas — nam Numa 
Yirgines Yestales ignis, et aquae curam habere deman- 
davit, totidem faere verbis hoc leges in Georgio 
Cedreno. Lipsius quae has aquae curse ! Opinor non 
aliam, quam quod fonti Camaenarurn praeessent, 
exque eo solo aquam ad sacra peterent. Plutarchus 
apud eundem ait. Fontem qui locum irrigat, aquam 
sacram Yirginibus Yestae attribuisse, ut ex eo quo- 
tidie haurientes purificarent, et aspergerent sacram 
aedem. 

" Silvia Yestalis, quid enim vetat inde moveri, 
Sacras lavaturas mane patebat aquas 
Yentum erat ad mollem declivi tramite ripam 
Pomitur e Summa fictilis orna coma." 

Ad Hydromantiae exercitium inquit Augustinus, 
quod licet ipse non explicat, imo dicens. Quibus 
haec artibus flant ipsi viderunt, damnat et silet : ejus 
Scholiastes vives modum enarrat. Hydromantia non 
fit simpliciter ; Nam, et in ampulla vitrea imposita 
aqua, quae a puero inspicitur, quam Gastromantiam 
dicunt a Tumore, et ventricositate ampullae ; turn et 
in pelvim, aqua infusa, quae Lecanomantia dicitur — 
hactenus ille ex Psello de Daemonibus, Yarrone de 
Trallibus, Pausania de iEginensibus Achaicis, ac Stra- 
bone, qui in Asia hujus peritissimos plurimos esse 
tradit. Lucanus, lib. 6, Pharsaliae Aquae ac Cruoris 
in impia Magorum arte meminit. 

"Pectora turn primum ferventi sanguine supplet 
Yulneribus laxatu novis, taboque medullus 
Abluit, et virus large lunare ministrat 
Hue quicquid faetu genuit natura sinistro 
Miscetur, non spurn a canum quibus unda timori est 
Yiscera non Lyncis," &c. 



13 



Kemesianus, De Aqua in Magicis, Eclog. 4. 
" Ter vittis, ter fronde sacra, ter thure vaporo 
Lustravit cineresque aversa effudit in amnem." 

" Stant aras circum, et crines effusa sacerdos. Virgil, Mb. 4, 

Ter centum tonat ore Deos, aerebumque chaosque ^ neid - 
Ter geminamque Hecatem, tria virginis ora Dianae 
Sparserat et latices simulatos fontis Averni." 

" Lustralem sic triste facem cum lumen odorum ^^T^a 
Sulphure caeruleo, nigroque bitumine fumat neg. L a " 

Circum membra votat doctus purgauda sacerdos 
Eore pio spargens, et dura fugantibus herbis 
K"umiua terrificumque Jovem, Triviamque precatus 
Trans caput aversus manibus jaculatur in austrum 
Secum rapturas cantata piacula tsedas." 

u Cumque manus puras fontana perluit urida °^ di Fast Kb " 

Vertitur, et nigras accipit ore fabas." 

u Forte Deum variis per noctem territa monstris VaieriusFiac- 
Virgo thoris primi jubar ad placabile phaebi Seon b ' 5 ' 

Ibat et horrendas purgantia flumina noctes." 

Superstitiosimas gentium vanitates Depromit, et 
multis olim modis divinatio fiebat inquit, nam vel ex 
terra petebatur, et erat Geomantia, vel ex igne et 
Pyromantia, quae eadem ignis picina, cujus auctor, 
ut inquit Plinius, Amphiareus, vel ex fumo, quae 
Capromantia, vel ex avibus quae Auguria, vel ex 
extis, que Auruspicina, in qua multum Hetrusci 
valuerimt, et Janus apud iEleos Apollinis fllius, et 
post eum Trasibulus, qui canem inspiciebat, sectum 
jecur ostendentem, vel ex cribo que Coscionamentia, 
vel ex Securibus, quae axiomantia, ex herbis Bota- 
nomantia Sagarum ars, vel ex mortuis, quae £Tecro- 
mantia, seu Neciomantia, vel ex astris, quae Astro- 
nomia in qua, qui peritissimi dicuntur Chaldaai. 
Etiam si Chaldasa non sunt nati, ex Sortibus Clero- 
mantia, ex manum linementis chyromantia, ex facie 
ipsa, et filo totius corporis Physiognomia, vel ex 
piscibus, quae Ichthyomantia, quae objecta est Apuleio, 



14 



vel ex palpitatione oculorum, quae Saltatio, et Pal- 
micum Augurium, turn sornniorum conjecturae et 
omnia, quae et fulgetrae monstra, voces, et sternu- 
tamenta, et Daemonum eyocandorum mille artes, 
quas satins est, nominari quid em, quae omnia san- 
guine, et aqua indigere tradit Psellus, et ante Jam- 
blicus de Sacrifiiciis, Porphirius, Proclus, Pruden- 
tius, caeterique quamplures, quorum oraculis de aqua 
adduximus, nunc nonnulla Sanguine nec absre, quia 
D. Augustinus ex Varrone inquit. Numa Hydro - 
mantiam facere compulsus est, ut in qua videret 
Imagines Deorum, vel potius ludificationes Dasmo- 
num, a quibus audiret, quod in sacris eonstitueret, 
atque observare deberet. Quod genus Divinationis 
idem Varro a Persis elicit allatum, quo et ipsum 
Numam, et postea Pytbagoram Philosopbum usum 
fuisse commemorat ; ubi adhibito Sanguine etiam 
inferos perhibet suscitari, Hactenus ille, et Ovidius, 
lib. 7, Metamorpb. De Medaea. 

" Sacra facit cultosque in guttura velleris atri 
Conijcit et patulas perfundit sanguine fossas." 

Horat., Sat. 8. ..... " Scalpaere terram 

Unguibus et pullam divellere mordicus agnam 
Caeperunt, cruor in fossam confusus ut inde 
Matres elicerent animas responsa daturas." 

incan, lib. 6. "Haec facit ubi caput, spumantiaque ora levavit 
Protinus astrictus caluit cruor." 

" Vocat inde manes, teque qui mares regis 
Carmen que magicum voluit, et rabido minax 
Decantat ore quicquid, aut placat leves 
Aut cogit umbras irrigat sanguis focos 
Solidosque pecudes urit." 

u Postquam Deos Manes votis et praecibus 
Propitiavi, pecudes jugulavi in Scrobem 
Pluebat in earn ater sanguis 
Animae autem mortuorum ex Herebo congrega- 
bantur." 



Sen., in 



Homer. 



15 



u Principio largos novies tellure cavata 
Inclinat Bacchi latices, et mimera verni 
Lactis et acteos imbres suadumque cruorem." 

" Postquara evocavit omne serpeiitum genus 
Congerit in unum frugis infaustae mala 
Quaecumque generat invius saxis Eryx 
Quae fert opertis hyeme perpetua Jugis 
Sparsus cruore Caucasus Promethei 
Pharetraque pugnax Medus," &c. 

Et quamplurimi scriptores confirmavere haec omnia 
supradicta, enim vero Minucius felix in Octavio ex 
Socrate Sosthene, ex Platone Daemones sic prodit — 
Isti impuri Daemones sub statuis et Imaginibus con - 
eecrati delitescunt, et afflatu suo auctoritatem, quasi 
praesentis Numinis eonsequuntur, dum inspirantur 
interim Vatibus, dum fanis immolantur dum non- 
nunquam extorum fibras animant, avium volatus 
gubernant, sortes regunt, oracula efficiunt falsis plu- 
ribus involutu, nam et falluntur, et fallunt, ut 
nescientes sinceram veritatem, et quam sciunt in 
perditionem sui non confitentes. Sic a Ccelo dorsum 
gravant, irrepentes etiam corporibus occulte, ut 
spiritus tenues morbos fingunt, terrent mentes, mem- 
bra distorquent, ut ad Cultum sui cogant ut nidore 
altarium, vel hostiis pecudum saginati, remissius quae 
constringxerat curasse videantur. Haec ille, quern 
ex Eritrhea Sybilla ex Trismegisto sequitur Lactan- 
tius, etPrudentius in HymnoD. Vincentii Martyris. 

" Adsit et illic spiritus 
Sunt sed magistri criminum 
Vestrae et salutis aucupes 
Vagi, impotentes sordidi, 
Qui vos latentes incitos 
In omne compellunt scelus." 

Horum ergo Daemonum cultorem fuisse Numam, 
dum Hydromantiae, ac Necromantiae studebat, com- 
pertum est. Nam Lares apud Plutarcbum, Penates 



Statins. &c. 
Thetuiiu. 



Sen., in 
Medse. 



16 



paanes Dionysium Dii Patrii, quorum Livius menii- 
nit, Trojas Numina apud Zonaram, Diique Indigetes 
apud Messalam Corvimim, etiam iEgeria, de qua 
ej usque Vafritias scribuat Polieenus et Valerius quid- 
nam fuere quam Dsemones? D. Augustinus ad 
Marcellinum ait. Numam Pompilium curiositate 
illicita ad Dasmonum pervenisse secreta. Quod 
Lactantius firmat — Tandem hsec superstitio in libro- 
rum nonnullo servabatur volumine, quod post obi- 
tum secum humari jussit, ne posteritas illo sufful- 
tus mendacium retorqueret in falsae Eeligionis 
auctorem — fuerunt itaque Numas libri in janiculo 
agro reperti post Numae obitum, anno 535. P. 
Cornelio L. P. Caathego, M. Bebio Q. P. Pamphilo 
Coss. At Lucius C. Bebium Pamphilum, quern 
Cassius Hemina et M. Emilium Loepidum prasscripsit, 
quern Hemina, lib. 4, Annal. apud Plinium, lib. 13, 
c. 13, siluit, et rem sic enarrat Cn. Terentium 
scribam agrum suum in Janiculo repastinarum 
offendisse Arcam, in qua Numa qui Bomaa regnavit 
situs fuisset, in eadem libros ejus repertos. Valerius, 
lib. 1, De Religi., c. 1, JTu. 12. Plinium et Hemi- 
nam secutus eosdem Consules assignat sed duas 
inscriptas Areas depromit dicens. In agro L. Petilii 
Scribse sub Janiculi cultoribus terram altius versan- 
tibus duabus arcis lapideis repertis, quarum in altera 
scriptura indicabat corpus Numae Pompilii filii 
fuisse. In altera Libri reconditi erant Latini septem 
de jure Pontificum, totidemque Grseci de disciplina 
sapientiae, Latinos magna Diligentia asservandos 
curaverunt ; Graecos quia alia ex parte ad solvendam 
Religionem pertinere existimabantur, L. Petilius 
Praetor Urbanus ex Auctoritate Senatus per Victi- 
marios igne facto in conspectu populi cremavit. 
^Noluerunt enim prisci viri quicquam in hac asservari 
civitate qui animi hominum a Deorum cultu avvoca- 
rentur. Plutarchus Xumam id jussisse tradit, tanquam 
ultimum sui testamentum. Corpus ex praecepto ejus, 
ut fama est non cremaverunt, verum duas areas lapi- 



17 



deas fuerant, quas condiderunt sub janiculo, quarum 
in una cadaver ejus posituin fuit, in altera Libri 
Sacri, quos ipse ut in Graecia Legum scripturas 
tabulas, quos Cyrbas vocant* conscripserat, et quae in 
iis expressa erant quia ea tradiderant, dum viveret 
Pontificibus omniumque arte et sensu imbuerat eos 
sacras tabulas una cum corpore jusserat huraari 
censens non tuto Arcana mortuis committi litteris. 

At Lactantius Eirmianus, lib. 6, de Falsa Reli- 
gione, c. 22, .iEgeriae ISTymphae conjugis septem 
libros de Jure Pontificio, totidem Graecos scripsisse 
refer t. Divus Augustinus Hydromantiam in illis 
obsignasse scribit, ac Daemonum cultum ; in ilia 
igitur Hydromantia Curiosissimus !N"uma Hex Eoma- 
norum sacra didicit quae in libris suis Pontifices 
haberent, et eorum causas, quas practer se neminem 
scire voluit. Itaque eos seorsim scriptas secum quoad 
modo mori fecit, quando ita subtrahandas hominum 
notitiae sepelliendasque curavit. Aut ergo Daemonum 
illic taui sordidae et noxise cupiditates erant con- 
scriptae, et ex his tota ilia Theologia civilis etiam 
apud tales homines execrabilis appareret, qui tarn 
multa in ipsis sacris erubescenda susceperant, vere 
execrabilis quia superstitiosa praescripserat, et ut ait 
Lactantius, lib, 2. Quibus libris Eeligiones non eas 
modo quas ipse instituerat, sed omnes praeterea 
dissoluit, quare ad Senatum delata decretum est ut 
hi libri abolerentur ita eos Q. Petilius Praetor Urbis 
in concione populi concremavit. 

Causa comburi jussisset eos Senatus, &c. The 
cause for which the Senate ordered that they should 
be burned was on account of the superstitious and 
diabolic notions contained in them, unfit to be 
divulged, and only apt to demoralize the people, as 
Plutarch says, that the commentaries were found in 
the second tomb of Numa, and that Pretor Petilius 
had read them, and swore in the Senate, that there 
was neither reason, common sense, nor decency in 
permitting the circulation of such books, and for 

c 2 



18 



those reasons, already condemned by the Comitiuni, 
they were burned. Valerius Maximus asserts, that 
in order that these books should not contaminate the 
minds of the people, by corrupting and withdrawing 
them from the worship of the Gods, by the Senate's 
authority, they were publicly burned by the man 
who prepared the fires for the sacrifices. These 
ancient men disliked to preserve in their city any- 
thing tending to remove the people from the adora- 
tion of the Gods. 

Cassius Hennina, in lib. 4, Annal., raves about 
the Dogmas of Pythagoras. In those books were 
written the Pythagorean Philosophy, and they were 
burned by the Praetor Petilius because they were 
philosophical works. Piso Censorius, in his works, 
lib. 1, and Plutarchus said, that they were seven 
books on the Pontificial Jurisdiction, and seven others 
on the Pythagorean Philosophy. Valerius Antias says 
that they were two books on Pontificial Jurisdiction, 
written in Latin, and two others in Greek, containing 
the Philosophy. St Augustin, writing to Harcellinus, 
condemned those delirious oracles, saying that JSTuma, 
by the advice of iEgeria, learned those injurious 
Hydromantic Mysteries which were found written in 
those books. But enough of these books, and if any- 
one is curious to know more about them he will find it 
in Livy, lib. 10, Decad. 4, and other ancient writers. 

I may say here that the Eoman Cathol. Apostol. 
Popes, the successors of St Peter, must have found a 
copy of those books somewhere, and that will account 
why, for several consecutive centuries, they have 
practised Hydromancy, and all the other mancies so 
successfully, one after the other, to the astonishment 
of the fools who are still believing in them. When 
I shall arrive towards the year 999, I shall speak of 
them. 



19 



The Oath. 

The oath was forbidden to the ancient Pontifices 
of Paganism. The present Pope, Antonelli, and all 
the other rebel Bishops who continually assert the 
story of the Donation of St Peter's patrimony, every 
one and all of them are perjurers, because the an- 
cient Pontifical institutions particularly forbid on 
any account to their Diales, or Priests, and a majori 
to the Pontifices, to swear either by Heaven or Hell, 
or any other thing, or to state anything unless it 
was truthful. How can all those protesting Bishops 
support and swear to the gift of Constantino of St 
Peter's Patrimony to the Holy See ? In proper time 
I shall prove it a lie, a complete false assertion. 

Dialem Jurare fas nunquam fuisse. 

And Gellius quotes the words from the perpetual 
edicts of the Praetor who ordered that the Ministers 
of Jupiter or of Yesta should never swear, and at 
least that he never would compel them to swear 
during his jurisdiction ; and the reason why it was 
not permitted to the High Priests or to Ministers to 
bind themselves by oath was because the oath was 
required from the downright swearers, whom nobody 
believed. 

Unde Gellius verba Prsetoris ex edicto perpetuo 
de Plamina Diali, et Sacerdote Yestse, sic proscripsit 
Sacerdotem Yestalem, et Plamen Dialem in omnia 
mea jurisdictione jurare non cogam. jSTon licuisse 
itque flaminibus jure jurando se obstringere, ratio 
fuit, quia juramentum exposcitur cum deieranti non 
creditur. 

Unde vel in legem jurare, ut Tullius pro Cluentio 
et Cselio tradit. Yel per ignam, et aras,' ut saepe 
Livius refert, vel per alium Deorum, ut Grippus Pis- 
cator apud Platonem in Prudente. 

In affairs of law it was permitted, as did Tullius. 



20 



in the defences of Claentius and Cselius, as it is re- 
ferred frequently by Livy, that he swore either by 
the fire, or by the altars, or by some of the gods, like 
Grippus Piscator in the Prudent, of Piautus, &c. and 
so did every poet or orator, &c. 

Nam Callimaeus ait — Juravit quidem, sed ut aiunt 
amatoria Juramenta Deorum non subeunt aures. Non 
parturientes enim vero Sophocles jocans, inquit, Jura- 
mentis mulier fugit acerbam parturiginem liberorum, 
ast ubi malum abierit eisdem in retibus capitur a 
cupiditate victa. Non scortorum, neque vana loquen- 
tium. De quibus Dephilus ait. Idem est Juramen- 
tum Meretricis et popularem captantis auram uterque 
jurat apud ilium quo cum loquitur. Neque Impos- 
toris et Puris. TJnde Sophocles utrumque premit di- 
cens, nullum jus jurandum grave est furi et impostori. 

TJnde Callimachus inPerseide inquit — Jusj urandum, 
nec justum, nec injustum usurpandum est, quia teste 
iEschilo Juramenta non Mem afferunt viro, sed vir 
juramentis. Et Socrates ad Demonicum propter 
pecunias nec juret, omnino admonet, tradit Epitectus 
in Enchyridio, et concludit Eusebius penes Stobatum. 
Hulti homines adhortantur, ut jure jurando probi 
sint et fideles, ego vero ne principio quidem facile 
jurare Eeligiosi viri officiuni existimo : ob re- 
ligiositatem ergo Plaminibus jurare nefas censebant ; 
eorumque verba tanquam oracula habebantur. 
"What a difference between the priests of old, and the 
moderns, I might say almost of any sect, but par- 
ticularly the so-called Christian priests, the High 
Venerables, the columns of the Roman Catholic 
Church : with few exceptions, not only their oath 
or their word of honour is insufficient, null and void 
at their pleasure, but their writings and deeds, signed 
and sealed, when it suits them, by the aid of the quib- 
bles of the various laws, and their subtiity and cun- 
ning dispositions, they will try to evade and nullify 
them. ¥e are at a period when neither Papal oaths, 
deeds, bonds, or even bank-notes have any value. 



21 



Peiest op Jttpitee. 

The Elamen Dialis, or Archpriest of Jupiter, used 
to wear long, straight hair, and what was exuberant 
after a certain length they used to cut it, and bury 
it under a propitious tree, with the cutting also of 
their nails. The albaspina, aubepine, for instance, 
was a good or sacred tree. Numa instituted these 
particular priests to devote their constant services to 
the worship of Jupiter. They were splendidly 
dressed, and used to sit in Curuli Begia Sella. The 
first of them had two assistants, one to do honour to 
Mars, and the other to Quirinus: so say Livy, 
Plutarch, and Dionysius. Varro says that there 
were many more : they used to derive their names 
from the Divinity to whom they were consecrated to 
do homage and sacrifices. It was considered a great 
honour even by the Emperors to be enumerated 
amongst the xv Elamina Diales, the last of whom was 
addicted to Pomona, and was the infimus ; and 
Sextus Pompeius, and D. Julius Caesar, both of them 
were Divinized, and had obtained the sacerdotal title 
of Pomonalis Dialis. 

Itaque unusquisque Imperatorum cum inter Deos 
referretur Elaminem Numinis novi insignitum nomine 
habebat, colebaturque focis, et aris quorum primum 
D. Julium Caesarem eo usum honore haud vita func- 
tum tradit Suetonius in ejus vita, et Tullius amaru- 
lenter M. Antonium carpit Julii Caesaris flaminem ab 
adalatione inter Divos relati inquit enim in 2. Anto- 
nianar. Ergo flamen ut Jovi, et Marti ut Quirino, 
sic D. Julio, M. Antonius, cujus fastigium preter 
rationem Suetonius Tranquillus inculcat dicens. £Ton 
enim honores modo nimios recepit, ut continuum 
Consulatum, perpetuam Dictaturam, Praafecturamque 
morum, insuper Prasnomen Imperatoris Cognomen 
Patris Patriae statuam inter Eeges, sugestum inter 
orchestra, sed ampliora humano fastigio sibi decerni 
passus est sedem auream in Curia, et pro Tribunali, 



22 



tensam et ferculum Cirensi Pompa, Templa, Aras, 
Simulacra juxta Deos, Pulvinar Plaminem Lupercos, 
appellationem Mensis e suo nomine, &c. Porro 
a Julio consuetudo ista invaluerat ut omnibus pene 
Augustis, quibus* mortuis ob merita in Reipublicam 
divini honores decernebantur simul Plamines cum 
Sodalibus constituerentur. Prudentias in Sym- 
mach. 

" Posteritas mense atque adytis et flamine et Aris 
Augustum coluit, vitulo placavit et agna 
Strata ad pulvinar jacuit." 

This Consular Priest sometimes was compelled to 
resign bis office if any accident happened in his sacri- 
fices, or if his second wife died, or if he committed 
any blunder in the exercise of his office ; and Pabius 
Pictor and Massurius Sabinus said that these Priests 
never quitted their tuniques nor their caps, and if they 
fell from them while officiating they were dismissed. 
It was also considered a high punishment to deprive 
them of their caps or their tuniques, as they were 
bound to be constantly covered. 

In Appianus Alexandrinus, lib. 1, de Civil. Eom. 
Bellis, Cinna and Antonius, the familiar of Sylla, 
condemned the Arch- priest of Jupiter Merula to die 
by degrees by cutting his own veins. They pre- 
viously removed the cap, which was done to any of 
those Consul-priests, before they were conducted to 
the scaffold. 

In such cases the Pontifex Maximus would wear 
that cap himself, and exercise the office of the 
Plamen Dialis; even in cases of indisposition of any 
of the Diales the Pontifex Maximus would assume 
momentarily that office, as stated by Tacitus in 
lib. 3, Annal. Under the Consulate of Cinna, by a 
Senat. Consultum, was ordered the suspension of 
the Plamines Diales, on account of their jealousies 
and quarrels, and Rome remained without these 
Arch -priests for 72 years. To settle the contests 
for supremacy, it was necessary to fix that the 



23 



three first ordered by JSTuma should have the pre- 
eminence, that is, the Dialis Maximus, who was the 
one dedicated to Mars, and then the Quirinal followed 
as second, and so on ; the first being taken from the 
Patricians, and the minors from the people. Tacitus, 
in lib. 4, describes, also, the wives of these Con- 
sular Priests splendidly covered with a rich hood, 
in the top of which was stuck a branch of the 
aubepine, or May-tree, as stated, also, by Massurius. 

At/guhum Collegium a Nttma Statuittte, 

Collegium illud Augurum, urbis coiumen ab 
Antio Yalerio dictum. Deorum omnium oraculum 
a Vannonio Jovis Optimi Max. Internuncium a 
Tullio in Philippicis velut auspicatissimum feli- 
citatis perpetua omsen aggredimur : Enim vero 
Augures Antiquitus Eeipublicee sceptra tenebant, 
sicut in 9, Aeneid. ostendit Yirgiiiu?, cum Nisns et 
Eurialus Autulorum castra devastant — 

" Sic memorat vocemque premit simul ense superb um 
Ehamnetem aggreditur, qui forte tapetibus altis 
Extinctus toto proflabat pectore sornnum 
Eex idem, et Eegi Turno gratissimus Augur." 

This college of the Augures was instituted by 
Eomulus, and confirmed by Numa, and the other 
Kings, &c. Cum, ergo tarn reipublicae commodum 
afferret in augurandi experimentum, luma primum 
Eorauli secutus vestigia, tres augures selegit, ut 
Tribuum in Centuriis singuli essent, quod Alexand. 
ex Livio, Dec. 1 9 lib. 10, animadvert 1 ! t, et ex his 
Giraldus subinfert. Augures summo in honore 
habitos, modo apud Eomanos, se et apud Grascos et 
Barbaros plerosque. £Tam Chaldseos primum, et 
Pisidas, et Cilices, deinde Hetruscos et Grsecos, mox 
Latinos, et Eomanos augurandi disciplina excelluisse 
et Augures quidem tres primum Eomae fuere propter 
tres ipsius Tribus Luceres, Ehamnenses, Tacienses, 
mox vero addito quatuor extiterunt. Sed cum post 



24 



plebs admissa est in partem bonorum TJrbis, Quinque 
Plebei Augures creati, et Patricii quatuor, atque ita 
novem numero fuere, idque M. Valerio et Q,. Apuleio 
Coss., hsec ille ex Livio, Dionysio Haliearnasseo, 
lib. 2, Plutarcb. in Prob. Vol. Max., lib. 2, de Eelig. 
Tullio de Divinat. et Varrone, ac Pesto Primi ex 
Plebe Augures fuerunt. C. Genucius, P. _ZElius 
Paetus, M. Minucius Eessus ; C. Martius, et J. Pub- 
lilius. Tandem a Sylla Dictatore Collegium propa- 
gatum ferunt usque ad Undecim, quod Lucius Elorus 
in Epitome Livii, lib. 89, sic tradit. Sylla Dictator 
factus, quod nemo unquam fecerat cum fascibus Vi- 
ginti quatuor processit, rebusque novis Beipublicse 
statum confirmavit Pontificum, Augurumque Colle- 
gium ampliavit ut essent quindecim. Sed divina- 
tionis modum terapus est aperire ; Enim vero Tullius 
de Divinat., lib. 2, advers. Deistarum, cum augurandi 
artem disciplinam dicat, non divinationera sicut D. 
Augustin. ad Marcellin., c. 30, tradit eamque 
expendit ab ipsa rei natura incipiens. Quae est 
igitur, inquit natura, quae volucres hue, et illuc 
passim vagantes efficiat, ut significent aliquid, et 
tunc vetent agere, turn jubeant, aut cantu, aut 
volatu ! Cur autem aliis a dextera aliis a laeva 
datum est avibus, ut ratum auspicium facere possint ? 
quae ut lucem praeferant verba, facem desumo ab 
Alexandro qui lib. 19, c. 19, habitum, gestum, ac 
gesta Auguris ex Varrone, Dionysio, Livio, ceterisque 
vetustioribus prsescripsit dicens: Sedebat Augur velato 
capite duplici toga augurali, que Lsena dicta est, vel 
trabea amictus ex purpura et cocco cum captabat 
auspicia, et litico coeli regiones notabat. Post effusas 
preces oculis in Ccelum fixis sedere convenit mo- 
mentis omnibus paratum intentumque toto animo 
affixum facto silentio ubique, nequid videretur, audi- 
returque, quod auspicium dirimeret, quod de Ccelo 
servasset captataque auguria et signa missa forent. 
Quibus missis ex avibus, quae Oscines, quae Praepetes 
vel Inferae, et an tacitaa vel strepentes advolarent, et 
si dextra, vel sinixtra quaeve admissive essent, et 



25 



quae Arculae et quae Olivias, ant inebrse quae vetarent ; 
tnm si motur pronus, vel obliqnus snpinus ant rectus, 
ant in latera referebat, conyeniebatqne ex templo 
Angureni adire et augurium firmari, namqne unum 
vidisse auspicium non erat satis. Adnotatumqne 
exemplis est, non nbique, et passim Anguri captare 
Auspicia licere, quia nisi in praescriptis destinatisqne 
locis, quibus Thesca nomen, aut in Arce, vel ad 
veteres Curias Augures auspicia captare fas erat, &c, 
et cum certa dies auspiciis dicata esset post mediam 
noctem ad mediam diem futuram auspicari licere. 
Septima autem, aut sexta diei hora non decebat, 
namque incipiente, aut crescente die, non autem 
desinente jnsta auspicia fuere, licet priora sint : 
siqnidem Cornicis, aut Columbarum auspicia Aquila 
snperveniente irrita fiunt, Aquilarum vero augurium 
fulmine adveniente nullum est. Hactenus ille — - 

Nonnulla nihilominus auspicamur ex probis, 
scitisque scriptoribus animadvertere. De Yelato 
capite litico, ac trabea plerique meminere, Livius, 
lib. 1. De Numa inaugurato ad Eegnum: Augur ad 
laevam ejus capite yelato saedem caepit dextra mann 
baculum sine nodo aduncum tenens, quern Liticum 
appellaverunt. Idem Titus, lib. 10. Cui Deorum 
horninumque videri potest inquit, eis viris, quos vos 
sellis curnlibus toga picta, et corona triumphali 
laureaqua honoraretis, quorum domos spoliis hostium 
affixis insignes inter alias feceritis, Pontificalia, atque 
auguralia insignia adiicere ? Qui Jovis opt. Max. 
ornatu decoratus, curru aurato per urbem vectus in 
Capitolium ascendent, si conspiciatur cum Apice et 
Litico capite velato victimam caedat, auguriumque 
ex Arce capiat, et tandem quia in Numa paulo ante 
multa edixi sufficit Virgilii locum apponere ubi in 
7, iEneide de Pico inquit — 

" Ipse Quirinali Litico paryaque sedebat 
Succinctus Trabea.'' 

Nihil dicam de avibus quae Oscines, quae Praepetes 



26 



yel infers, quae Arculse, quse Cliviae, ant Inebrse 
designabantur prospers, et quse adversse auguriis ad 
meam rem satis est qnod scripsi. 

Igitnr Vestse primum Templa Eomse Numa erexit, 
et ceremoniarum arcana tradidit Virginibus, qnas 
ipse legit ad Ignis perpetui obsequium, et qnamvis 
non desint qni totam ad Eomuli solertiam provinciam 
tribuant, nihilominns Dionysius Alicarn., lib. 2, An- 
.tiq. Rom. JTnmam id effecisse sic tradit. Veste 
Numa primns apnd Eomanos templnm statuit, et 
Virgines sacrornm ministras assignavit. Itaqne Pub- 
lins dnm Vestalia festa recenset Templnm a Numa 
primnm excitatum accinit. 

" Dena qnater memorat habuisse Palilia Eomam 

Cnm flammse custos, sede recepta Bea est 
Eegis opns placidi, qno non metuentius nllnm 

Numinis imperinm terra Sabina tnlit 
Quse nunc sere nitent stipnla tnnc texta virebant 

Et paries lento vimine textns erat 
Hie locus exignns qni snstinet atria Vestse 

Tunc erat intonsi Eegia magna Jfumos." 

-Id Fastis, lib. " Vesta eadem est et terra snbest vigil ignis ntriqne 
6 * Significant sedem terra, focnsqne suam." 

Ph De n Natura ^p-* 8 perpetuus Vestse dicatus est, qnod videatur 
Deor. plnrimis et ipsam esse ens, nimirnm Ignis iste per- 
petuus Vestse consecratns ostendit ipsam esse cansam 
ejus ignis, qui in mundo est, quasi ejus vi extortus 
sit, est et elia causa perpetui ignis, nempe quod terra 
faceunda mater sit animalium omnium, et suam vitam 
ab igne habeat. 

Legimus numam Vestse templnm orbiculare velut 
Telluris signum sacrasse idque tradit Phornutus De 
Hat. Deor. juxta Dese simulacrum quod rotundum 
censebant. Porma Vestas sicut Pictura indicant 
rotunda est, et per medios collocantur humeros, si 
quidem et terra rotunda est et in tunc modum con- 
globata ponitur. 



27 

Sextus Pompeius rotundam sedem Vestae Numa 
Eex consecrasse videtur, quod eamdem esse terrain, 
qua Vita hominuin sustineretur, crediderit. Ad 
quae Pomponius enarratis quampluribus Vestse JEdi- 
bus banc Roinae Ifcimam excitasse rotundam sic ab 
oyo denunciat. Vestalem ignem cum PenatibusiEneas 
e Troja in Latium tulit condito Lavinio, Vestas 
iEdem sacravit. Postea Ascanius condita Alba, tem- 
plum Vestas sadincavit in montis Albani parte, cui 
suberat lucus in quo Ilia Eomuli matre a Marte com- 
pressa fait. Testae Ministry Yirginitatem servabant. 
Mos Latinis fuit generosas ex castas Yirgines legi. 
Post muitos annos Romulus castissimus sacrorum 
ceremonias constituit, et ut Yarro tradit Sacerdotes 
LX, qui publica sacra facerent per Tribus, et Curias 
a virtute, et generis nobilitate. Inopes et aliqua 
parte corporis, debiles Sacerdotes fieri vetuit et in- 
Curiis singulis Yesta quasdam communis erat. Tern- 
plum Vestas Romulus condidit et Yirgines legit, sed 
frequens opinio Numani Pompilium asserit. Credi- 
ble est Romulum, qui in omnibus Curiis Yestam 
esse voluit separatim non posuisse Rotunda Efiigie, 
Templum est inter Capitolium et Palatium, et in eo 
servabatur perpetuus ignis, qui Yesta nihil est aliud 
quam purus ignis. Eamque enarrationem a Dionysia 
habes in lib. 2, De Antiq. Rom. Ignis dicatum 
est Vesta?, quod cum Dea hasc sit Tellus mediumque 
mundi locum obtineat, sublime micantes ignes ipsa 
ex se accendit hasc ille, ct ex Platone firmat, accinit- 
que Ovidius in Fastis, lib. 6, qui templi formam ad 
instar orbis librat ea qua arte sapientissimus Archi- 
medes Sicilies, imo Orbis totius in arte Princeps 
ostendit. 

" Eorma tamen templi quae tunc manet, ante fuisse 
Dicitur, et formas causa probanda subest 
V esta eadem est, et Terra subest vigil ignis utrique 

Significant sedem terra focusque suam 
Terra pilas similis nullo fulcimine nixa 
iEre subjecto tarn grave pendet onus, 



28 



Ipsa volubilifos libratum sustinet orbem 
Quique premat partes, Angulus omnis abest 

Cumque sit in media rerum Kegione locata 
Et tangat nullum plusve, minusve latus. 

Hi convexa foret parti vicinior esset, 
]STec medium terra mundus liaberet onus. 

Arte Siracusia suspensus in sere clauso 
Stat globus immensi parva figura Poli 

Et quantum a summis, tantum secessit ab imis 
Terra, quod ut fiat Terra Eotunda facit 

Par facies templi : nullus procurrit in illo 
Angulus a pluvio vendicat imbre tholus." 

Sic templi rotunditatem indigetat, ut ne Angulus 
formam orbicularem irrumperet a pluvio et tholo 
aerem lumenque capit. Nonnulli vero praeter Ignem 
in iEde Vestae aliquod arcanum fecisse censent, quod 
tantum verosimile probat Dionysius Halicarn., ab 
eventu L. Caecilii Metelli dicens. Alii tradunt 
praeter Ignem arcana quaedam sacra in Fano Deae esse 
deposita, quorum notitia sit penes solos Pontifices, 
et Yirgines, ac pro argumento non levi afferunt, 
quod in aedis incendio contigit, quando primum 
Romano cum Poenis ob Siciliam bellum caeperunt. 
In illo enim incendio Virginibus metu diffugientibus 
Pontificus unus L. Caecilius Metellus vir consularis 
(his qui devictis in Sicilia Carthaginensibus in celebri 
illo triumpho 138 Elepbantorum traduxerat), 
posthabito publicae utilitati privato periculo irrupit 
in ardens Penetrale sacraque a Virginibus deserta a 
flammis eripuit. Quamobrem maximos in civitate 
honores est promeritus, sicut ex aelogio patet quod 
scriptum est ejus statuae in Capitolio. Haec ille, 
cui consentiunt fere omnes, obdubitantque precipue 
Plutarchus, alii alia asserunt, quorum oracula Lipsius 
de Vesta, c. 9, erudite admodum congerit; ideo 
plura praetermitto, &c. 

Veritas si lucem praefert ex antiquissimis quibus- 
vis bistoriarum scrip toribus post Trojae excidium 
Palladio stetisse compertum est. TTnde Trojanum 



29 

Kornse asservari fidem non obtinet, scribit enim yero 
Strabo in 6 Gograph. cum Cassandra violaretur in 
Templo Palladium sese avertisse, quod factum . ab 
Euripide, Homero, ca3terisque recensitum post iEneee 
fugam auspicor, et juxta JEmilii Probi, sive Asconii 
Pediani de orig. Gent. Eom. sensa aufugit ipse 
primum qua nocte Achivi Trojam diripuere. Pras- 
terea Varro in lib. quos de Famiiiis Trojanis scripsit 
tradit Is auticorum Familiam Eomae fuisse quae Palla- 
dium custodiret, et sacra retineret. Cujus verba ut 
innotescant, animadverte pauca, quod scilicet Nautia 
gens a I's'antae iEness Comite Palladis Sacerdote sacra 
Minerva? faciebat, ut Dionysius Halicanass., Lib. 6, 
tradit floruitque anno ccxx, ut Streimnio placet, 
ex cujus stirpe quamplures recenset, feruntque S. P. 
jNautius Eutilius, S. P. Kautius, S. P. F. Eutilius 
Cos. cum Sexto Furio ann. cclxy, memiDitque^ 
Dionysius, lib. 8, Cassiodorus et Livius. Insuper C. 
jSTautius S. P. F., S. P. ST. Eutilius Consul, cum P. 
Valerio, ann. cclxxyiii ut Dionysius, lib. 9, et 
Cassiodorus, simulque Livius 2, tradunt. Itemque 
secundo Consul fuit cum L. Minucio, ann. ccxcv, 
Dionys., lib. 20, Livius, lib. 3. Alter Nautius Euti- 
lius Trib. Mil. Cons. Pot. fuit ann. cccxxxix 
teste Livio, lib. 4, et tandem ut ceteros omittam ulti- 
mus Isautiarum fuit Consul cum M. Claudio anno 
cdlxyi, ut Cassiodorus adnotat. Ergo familia hac 
superstite Palladium non apud Vestse servabatur 
iEdem. Enim vero Nautia Gens Yestain adire praa 
mulierum pudicitia haud poterat, et cum apud se 
Palladion haberet, Yestales ad hujus numinis tutela 
excludebatur. Cum autem scriptores id agunt, ex- 
pende de aliqua imagine Paliadii, silicet Minervas r 
sic dictae a Pallante Palude, unde orta est ; uti Festo 
Pomponio placet vel ab hasta concutienda, Saltuque 
in bello sicut Plato ait, vel ut Arcades fabulantur a. 
Pallante Lycaonis filio a Jove missa, ut cum ejus filia 
ejusdemque in sedibus educaretur. jNec mirum quia 
in Dei cujuscumque aade Imagines, acsigna plurimo- 

d 2 



30 



rum reposita legimus penes Pausaniam, Aehillem 
Tatium; unde et in aede Yestae Minervae signum 
reponi potuit, non in aperto, sed in adyto et arcana 
interiore cellula, quia foris nulla imago neque Yestae, 
neque ignis ab Ovidio traditur. Nonnulli ad Dolia 
se convertunt, eaque in adytis servasse Virgines 
tradunt, de quibus sic Pomponius de Sacerdotiis 
inquit. Sunt qui dicant in templo servari duo Dolia 
non magna, alterum clausum, alterum apeitum, in 
quo nihil est. Plutarchus in Camillo. Qui plus in 
his rebus volunt sapere duo Dolia haud magna 
recondi aiunt, atque -ununi ex his plenum esse 
obsignatumque, alterum. vacuum, utrumque tamen 
solis Virginum oculis usurpandum. Multa de Doliis 
dicerem sed satis est enunciare duo Dolia quae olim 
in sacello quodam Komae ad Cloacam maximam via 
quae ad Carinas ducit habebantur, quo quidem in 
loco spuere nefas erit, quod quidem sacellum Doliolo 
Plutarchus vocatum ait : nempe nihil aliud lit 
nonmilli tradunt, nisi duo fuisse Dolia, alterum in 
quo Kumae sacra quaedam olim reposita fuerint, 
alterum inane, sed in quo Gallorum Senone irruptione 
sacra, quaedam a Yestalibus virginibus abscondita, 
servataque fuerint, cum ipsae metu perculsae, deserta 
urbe fuga sibi consuluissent. Haec ille de Doliis 
IsTumae. At ego ad Divinationem per Hydromantiam 
Doliis usum fuisse, ut tradit D. August., quo que in 
lib. 7, de Civit. Dei, Dionysius Halicarn. ait has 
virgines necesse est per xxx annos mancre puras 
a nuptiis, deamque sacriflciis, et ceteris ex lege 
ceremoniis colere, &c. 

Juxta portam Collinam ibi extabat terrestre super- 
cilium quod vocatur Tumulus, sive Campus Scele- 
ratus ob Virginis Vestalis incestum ait Festus, quod 
in eo puniebatur. Livius eo anno Mucia Yestalis facto 
judicio viva sub terra ad Portam Collinam dextra via, 
strata, defossa scelerato Campo, ab incesto id ei loco 
nomen factum. Deferebatur itaque Yestae Sacerdos 
in Sandapilo per Urbem velut extincta feretro. Enim 



31 



vero ait Dionysius, quod vivae funebri ritu, et porapa 
deferebantur. Sic tandem vittis ac Sacerdotalibus 
signis a Pontifice denudatis vivas cum Lucerna lacte, 
et melle inhumabantur. Audi Plutarchum in JSTuma, 
Strupi comperta juxta Portam, quae dicitur Collina 
viva defoditur Tumulus ibi intra muros terreus est, 
in Longum porrectus, in eo aedicula subterranea ex- 
truitur modica gradus habet, quibus descenditur 
superne. In ea lectus ponitur stratus et Lucerna 
accensa eorum quoque, quae ad victum sunt necessaria 
pauca, ut panis, aqua in ampulla, lac, oleum, quasi 
corpus abominentur maximis consecratum cerimoniis 
fame conficere. Damnatam Lecticao induunt, atque 
undique obnubunt earn vinciuntque loris, et ne vocem 
quidem mittere ilia, quae valeat exaudiri queat. Ita 
earn per forum devehunt. Decedunt autem via 
omnes taciti prosequunturque sine voce, atque ingenti 
cum mcestitia neque est spectaculum illic ullum magis 
horrendum, nec tristior facies civitatis ulla alia est 
die. Ubi ad locum ilium est Lectica delata appari- 
tores ei vincula demunt. Pontifex Maximus ante 
supplicium preces quasdam arcanas, tenses ad Ccelum 
manibus peragit, inde adducit obvolutam atque in 
scalis, qua descensus est in domunculam constituit, 
turn avertit se cum aliis Sacerdotibus : postquam ipsa 
descendit, retrahuntur scalae et aedicula multa injecta 
desuper humo, contegitur, donee complanatum solum 
ageris sit. Yides Livium et Ovidium et alios qui 
scripserunt de punitione, &c. Stupratores Virginium 
virgis adeo plectebantur, ut inter plagas expirarent 
Suetonius tradit Domitianum jussisse. Stupratores 
virgis in Comitio ad mortem caedi. Plinius Secundus 
de Celere Eomano Equite, quern stuprum Cornelias 
intulisse dixere inquit. Praeterea Celer eques Eo- 
manus, cui Cornelia objiciebatur, cum in Comitio 
caederetur virgis in hac voce persisterat. Quid feci ? 
Nihil feci. 

Cum defecisset ignis Urbs turbata erat, et inquisitio 
a Pontificibus habita, nam forte parvum caste sacrum 



32 



focum Sacerdos tractavisset. Fertur turn vero iE mi- 
ll am insontem quidem, sed in tali casu inopern Con- 
silii Sacerdotibus, cssterisque Virginibus inspectan- 
tibus ad Aram man us tendentem dixisse— Vesta 
lioinanae Urbis custos, si tua sacra sancte et rite per 
xxx ferme annos obii puro animo, et casto corpore, 
ades mihi nunc, et fer opem, neve despiciam tuam 
Sacerdotem miserrimo perituram exitio, si quod nefas 
admisi in eo supplicio tollatur Civitatis piaculum. 
His dictis avulsam Carbusinae Stolae quam erat in- 
duta Laciniam injecisse arse, post eas preces e frigido 
cinere, ac ne scintillam quidem retinentem mult am 
per carbasum emicuisse iiammam, ita ut nec procu- 
ratione ulla, nec instaurato igne Civitati opus fuerit. 
Hactentis ille, a quo et Valer. Max., lib. 2, c. 1, 
nu. 7, factum depromit, firmatque id ipsum Diony- 
sius Halicarn., exemplo Tucise Vestalis, quae aquam 
in cribro vacuo exportavit a Tyberi. De qua. Divus 
Angus tin. de Civit. Dei ad Marc, lib. 20, c. 16, sic 
ait. Yirgo Vestalis de cujus corruptione quaestio 
vertebatur a qua impleto cribro de Tyberi, neque pro- 
fluente, abstulit controversiam. Valerius, lib. 8, 
De Judiciis publicis, c. r 2, nu. 4, enarratis, A. Gabinii, 
et Claudii Palcbri auxiliis, quae extant apud Tulli- 
um, lib. 4, ad Atticum, Livium, Polybium et Zona- 
ram inquit; Eodem auxiiii genere Tucise Virginis 
Vestalis incesti criminis rese castitas infamiaa nube 
obscurata emersit, quse conscia certse sinceritatis 
suae spem saiutis ancipiti argumento ansa petere est. 
Arrepto enim cribro Vesta, inquit, Sacris tuis castas 
semper amovi manus, effice, ut hoc hauriarn e Tyberi 
aquam, et in iEdem tuam perferam audacter, et 
temere jactis votis Sacerdotis rerum ipsa natura 
cessit. Dionysius ad Pontificum pedes earn ermdisse 
aquam testatur, etPlinius, lib. 28, c. 2, hoc evenisse 
anno Urbis dcix, quo tandem disparuisse aecusato- 
rem, tanquam ad Inferos abreptum, ut paenas lucret 
tradit Dionysius Halicarnasseus dicens. Accusato- 
rem ejus multum, diuque perquisitum, nec vivum 



33 



usque comparuisse, nec mortuum. Interim vide 
Eutropium, lib. 4, c. 4. Ah ! here I must rest for 
a while, as I am tired even of these beautiful classic 
readings ; besides that I have gone out of my pre- 
fixed sphere, as I intended only to show how the 
Pagans, or Gentiles, instituted their Priests and 
their Pontifices. These last shall have their chapter, 
as I have got plenty of materials to dress them 
in their classic style. I only regret that I am 
compelled to cut it short on account of the times 
we live in, and for fear of losing the oppor- 
tunity of wishing a good voyage to Palestine to 
Antonelli, and to his Sacripantes and Co. But 
as I have expatiated so far as to reproduce two 
ancient miracles, perhaps it is better if I take a chair 
and meditate a little upon them, and compare them 
with those of the present century. These two old 
miracles seem to have been done with perfect success, 
and were authenticated by the priests and people, 
and reported by the above-named learned authors, 
who were sagacious and honest enough to write what 
they thought to be the truth ; but a trifling idea 
insinuates itself into my mind, that I can hardly 
believe that fire revived again without the assistance 
of some chemical agent ; and so it might have been 
done with the carrying of the water in the sieve, if 
it had been prepared with anything transparent or 
pellucid like % fine oilskin, fine enough to deceive 
the sight of the circumstant priests. I will say 
nothing more about them, because they were cleverly 
done, and with great result ; therefore I only will 
ask Mr Dupanloup, the best and most modern necro- 
mant, the successor and candidate to the Hydro- 
Necromantic Pontifical chair, if he can work two- 
miracles so cleverly performed as these two old ones 
now that chemistry has made such progress as to 
enable Bosco and the other Wizards of the North 
almost to pass as the Demigods of Mythology. My 
doubts arise from the awkwardness of the last three 



34 



or four miracles that were made partly by you and 
part by others since the year 1851. At the time of 
the Great Exhibition, I saw a lamp which could be 
lighted only by touching a spring, and this would 
most certainly be a very good contrivance to apply it 
to a good number of large torches placed on the 
altar upon which you celebrate, and when the church 
is full of believers you could just touch the spring 
and light them all, to the great surprise and astonish- 
ment of the people, who would follow you, and, you 
may depend upon it, even if you placed yourself at 
the head of a great rebellion. Now that I have 
given you the hint of the ability of the Pagans to 
make miracles in a masterly way, I shall not be 
surprised if you do not surpass yourself in doing 
something extraordinary on the first opportunity 
you may have of astonishing the marines. I 
would recommend you to be quick, otherwise, the 
water-melon season soon passes, and you will 
not have an audience. As you are an Arch- 
bishop, of course you must be a prodigy of 
nature, if not an abortion, sui generis, endowed 
with extraordinary intellect; but, nevertheless, if 
you want any inspiration for a new miracle, you 
might call on me, and amongst my collection of 
paintings you will see one of Salvator Bosa, which 
was done by him to satisfy the caprices of the friars 
in whose convent he sheltered himscif, and by that 
way he paid the hospitality he received, while the 
reaction was taking place at Naples after Masaniello's 
revolution. You will see, I say, St Francis preach- 
ing to a splendid lot of vario- coloured fishes, who 
float around him with open mouths, shaking their 
tails in the air with that same merry nonchalance as 
you would do if you could sing victory like you did 
in the year 1850. This painting might inspire you 
with something profitable to the holy shop, and you 
might gain a new red hat. I must put aside the 
Testales and name, hereafter, the Sacerdotes Salios, 



35 



who were instituted also by Numa, and their rights 
and duties, and then pass on quickly to the creation 
of the Pontifices Maxinii. 

IftTMA SALIOS XII, LEGIT EISQTJE PeLTAjU!, SITE An- 
CILE CJSLITTTS DELAPST73I, TJT SaLTU ET CkOEEIS 
YEXEEAEENTUE TEADIT. 

Sapientum ratio arcano quodain intellgentiaa im- 
perscrutabilis sufiulta nurnine non semel mortalium 
animos cum astris componens harmoniam emngit, 
sicut Aristoxenus apud Tullium 99 : Tuscul., lib. 2, 
edocuit. IsTon Aristotilern sequutus, sed Pythagoram, 
Architam Tarentinum, Archimedem, ac Empedoclem 
Agrigentinum duo Grsecige Magnee columina, ac duo 
Siculorum sapientum numina qui Coslorum orbes 
armonica quadam concinnatos simetria Musicos 
dixere, et animos a superbis delibatos, ut virtutum 
sectantes ordinem undique personarent Altissimo. 
Hinc JNuma, ut Joyi obsequiam lubenter praBstaret 
Ancile e superis obtento Saiiorum edixit Arcana, quae 
fiiPontincum annalibus, ac Pabio Pictori credimus, 
tantum Choreis, Saltu, Carmine, Sonituque praesta- 
bant. Pestus Pompeius dixit. Salios a Saliendo, et 
Saltando dictos esse, quamvis dubitari non debeat, 
tamen Polemon ait Arcada quemdam fuisse nomine 
Salium, quam .ZEneas a Mantinea in Italiam de- 
duxerit, qui Juyenes Italicos saltationem docuerit. 
At Critolaus Saonem ex Samothrace cum JSnea Deos 
Penates, qui L'avinium transtulerit saliare genus sal- 
tandi instituisse, a quo appellatos Salios, quibus per 
omnes dies ubicumque manent, quia amplae ponuntur 
csense, si qua3 alias magnse sunt Saliares appellantur. 
Hactenus ille, quorum Auctores tamquam fabulaa 
actores premit Plutarchus in Numa. Dicti Salii 
sunt, non ut nonnulli fabulantur ex nomine Salii 
viri Samothracis, yel Mantinaei (qui armatum tripu- 
dium tradit) verum ab ipso potius tripudio, quod 
Saltando obeunt. Nec aliter Yarro, lib. 4. Ling. 
Lat, et Ovidius Pastor., lib, 3. 



36 



" Jam dederat Saliis (a saltu nomina dictu) 
Armaque et ad certos verba canenda modos." 

Virgilius, lib. 8, iEneid., ubi in gratiam Augusti 
fingit expressas in Clypeo JEneaa res Italas, quern 
fabricasse Yulcanum futurorum prsescientem Arcana. 

" Hinc exnltantes Salios, nudosque Lupercos 
Lanigerosque apices, et lapsa ancilia ccelo 
Extuderat." 

We shall see in course of time that the Pontifiees 
Jfaxinii were always either the Kings, the Consuls, 
or the Emperors, and that Christianity entirely bor- 
rowed the title and functions of them, and deposed 
them occasionally by presuming above the Kings and 
Emperors, and besides that, occasionally the Kom. Ca- 
tho. Pont, put themselves on a par and sometimes above 
God; as if the first monstrous impudencewas not enough 
to satiate their selfishness. However these Sacerdotes 
Salii were elected from the Patricians of Kome, as it 
was a great honour to be one of them, and they 
were dedicated to the culte of Mars Gradivus, who 
was the son of Juno, whosine viro fcecunda Mar tern 
peperit. She was the oldest of all the Immaculates. 
I leave the story as it is, without remarks, to avoid 
saying anything of the young and old Immaculates, 
and pass under silence also the Coenas Saliares, 
though I am much tempted to quote the old Ode of 
Horace, which though beautiful to me now, yet 
thirty-six years ago it was a troublesome rock. 

m Wixm est bibendum, nunc pede libero 
Pulsanda tellus nunc Saliaribus 
Ornare pulvinar Deorum 
Tempus erat Dapibus Sodales," &c. 

Tempus quo missum Ancile tradunt, NumaB reg- 
nantis anno vin. Pomponius, Juba, Cseterique 
volunt inter quos Plutarchus ait. Octavo Anno 
Regni Numae Pestilentiam Urbem vastasse, et cceli- 
tus Ancile inventum protinus depulisse morbum. 



37 



Anno Urbis condit. 46, orbis 3342. Ante Christum 
natum 706. Olimpiades xvin, anno 2, eompleto, 
silicet anno Olirapiaco 69, quo vicit in stadio Tellis 
Sivonius. Ezeehioe Eegis 21, et Aposandri Archontis 
Decennalis vi, apud Athenienses, anno i. 

I do not think that I have said enough of the 
Sacerdotes Salii, and of their pedigree, and of their 
Crooked Staff, which, as it had been of some use to 
the old Ministerial Pagan Pomp, the Eornan Catho- 
lic Eishops adopted it for the same purpose ; and, 
besides that, it had been of some service in several pre- 
latic unchristian rows. I shall only name the Pelta, 
or Ciypeus, here, though I have ready descriptive 
materials of those used by the Salios, and of those 
of the Amazones. Therefore I return to the Salios, 
and shall speak of their number, and when I come to 
their stick, you Bishops must mind and pay at- 
tention ; if I am wrong you will correct me, if 
I am right you ought to applaud this little bit of 
learned antiquity, which extols your dignity and 
brings it back almost, I was going to say, to the 
companions of the celebrated jNoas ; but I see that 
there is a trifling distance of above 3,000 years, and 
perhaps much more, therefore I drop it. 

De Saliorum numero de quibus Dionysius Halicar- 
nasseus, lib. 2, Antiq. Eoman. inquit, Numa e 
Patriciis deiegit juvenes, decore conspicuos duodecim 
numero, qui sacra in Palatio celebrant nomine 
Palatinorum; hsec ille et Annseus Lucanus, lib. 9, 
Pharsaliaa Patricios fuisse recenset; ^Emilius 
Probus, sive potius Pedianus de viris illustrious 
nimia brevitate enarrat numerum, ac Principis 
nomen : Nam in vita Numse sic scribit Salios Martis 
Sacerdotes, quorum primus Prsesul vocatur xir, 
instituit unicuique Peltam tradidit, ut gestarent in 
Choraeis, ideo ait Plutarchus, preter caeleste illud 
monstruose emissum Mamurius xr reliquas perfecit, 
JEdes Saliorum in Palatio fuere, de quibus meminit 
Tullius, lib. 1, de divinitate, etportentum de Eomuli 

E 



38 



Lituo reserat ; Eomulus Lituo regiones direxit, turn 
cum Orbein condidit, qui quidem Eomuli Lituus, 
idest incurvum, et leviter a Summo inflexum baeil- 
lum, quod ab ejus Litui, quo canitur similitudiue 
nomen invenit, cum situs esset in Curia Saliorum, 
quae est in Palatio, eaque deflagrasset inventus est 
integer : hsec Tullius, ad quse in fallor hsec expen- 
sionis ratio quadrat : est Mons Palatinus it, Urbis 
Eegio, ait Varro a Palantibus qui Aborigines ex agro 
Eeatino dieebantur, vel a Palante proavo Evandri, ut 
Virgilio placet, sive a Pale Pastorum Dea, ut tradit 
Eulvius, vel potius Nevio teste a pecudum Balatu 
nuncupatus. Ibi prima Imperii sedes, quamvis apud 
Eulvium Sabinatem M. Cato de Origine Urbium 
scribat Saturnum incoiuisse, Capitoliuni, Italum 
Aventinum, Eomam Palatium, Coelium Tuscum, 
Ccelum, et Viminalem, certum est Eomulum sedifi- 
casse Palatium, et Exquilias : Ibi postea templum 
Jovi Statori excitavit. Lupercal, ob Lupse Lactantis 
Eomulum Eemumque premium ut in Fastis tradit 
Ovidius, et Lactantius Eirmianus adversus Gentes, 
et tandem templum ; Post modum Numa Templum 
Eidei fecit et Vestae, ac Saliorum Curiam, ubi Palla- 
dium, Ancilia, Eomuli Lituum, cseteraque fatalia 
Urbis reposuit. Hinc Palatini dicti apud Dionysium, 
Arconem Horatii Seboliastem, Lactantium Dioclem 
ac Verrium estque Eomse rude monumentum Saliorum 
ubi sic ait — 

Mansiones Salioevm Palatinoetjm Veteeibtts 
Ob Aemoetjjm Ancilivm Cvstodiam Constitvtas 

LONGrA ^ETATE 

ITeglectas Pectjnia Eepabaeott. 
Meminitque Palatinoeum Saliobtjm P. Victok, 
ac Sextus Etjfeus. 

Et bee instituisse ]STumam Compertum est : post 
modum Tullus Hostiliusnonnullosadjecit, nomenque 
diversum suis imposuit, et usque ad xxiv cumulayit, 



39 



Livius, Tullius in re trepida duodecim noyit 
Salios, fanaque Pavori et Pallori, at non semel 
Quirinales dicti, nonnunquam Collini, et Agonen- 
ses. Servii vetus fragmentum apud Ovidii Scholias- 
tem rem aperit. Duo sunt genera Saliorum, ut 
in Saliaribus Carminibus inyenitur, Collini, et 
Quinnales a Numa instituti, ab Hostilio yero Payorii 
et Pallorii, haec ille, et Dionysius Haliearnass., ubi 
Palatinos a ISTuma institutos tradit, caeteros ab 
Hostilio dieatos autumat dicens, Agonales, siye ut 
quidam appellare yolunt Collini Salii habent in 
Collino tumulo sacrarium post Numam instituti a 
Kege Hostilio, sicut bello Sabino yoyerat. Est que 
Agon teste Fulvio Sabinate in centro Urbis, quem 
Agonem nominant, quod in eo olim Agon alia fierent, 
quae erant Jani sacra a Kuma Eege instituta ad diem 
ix Januarii Agonio Deo, qui rebus agendis praeside- 
bat, et Agonalia ejus diei festa nuncupabatur. Ex 
yerbis Liyii esse circum naminium nonnulli. conten- 
dunt, eumque sequitur Pandulfus Lateranensis Ec- 
clesia3 Hostiarius, quod Pediarus Asconius sub 
Nicolao V Pontifice adinyentus ineulcat, traditque 
Agonem circum fuisse, ubi Eomulus Equiria in 
honorem Martis Genitoris instituit ; nunc yero 
Templum Sanctae Marise in Aquiro praBstat. Festus 
Pompeius Locum sic dictum ait, quia preter angulum 
praecurrebant. Hinc Romse mos Quirinalis Agonis, et 
Collina Porta ^gonensis Agonium idest Ludum, 
ab hoc dictum quia locus, in quo Ludi initio facti 
sunt fuerit sine angulo ; haec ille et plura de Agonali- 
bus Yarro, Ovidius in Eastis, Suetonius, Diony- 
sius et Pedianus. Hinc Salios Herculi plerique 
dicasse JSTumam autumant, praecipue Octayius Her- 
senius in libro, qui dicitur De Sacris Saliaribus 
Tyburtium, cujus meminit Yectius apud Macrobium, 
lib. 3, Satyr. Multa de Saliis dicerem sed nunc 
satis est. 



40 



De Pontifice Maximo, et be Pontif. Jttbe. 

Pontificem Maximum a primseva Urbis origine 
Sacerdotum fere omnium Principem, eoque dignum 
fastigio existimabarunt Scsevola, ac Csesar, et ipsi 
prsestantissimi Pontifices, ut Coelorum posset 
culmen pertingere, arcana Numinum oraculis 
pandere, Jovis fulmen avertere, Deorum om- 
nium vices prseferre, ac omnia posse. Unde 
Pontificis nomen, omenque prsefertur ; hinc Agellius 
Not. Attic, lib. 1, c. 13, P. Crassum Mucianum, ut 
summse felicitatis compotem ostenderet, in quit. Is 
Crassus a Sempronio Asellione, et plerisque aliis 
Eomanse historise Scriptoribus traditur, quinque 
habuisse rerum bonarum maxima, et prsecipua, 
quod esset ditissimus, quod nobilissimus, quod Elo- 
quentissimus, quod Juris Consultissimus, quod Ponti- 
fex Maximus hsec rerum bonarum corona, dignitas 
Pontificia quam Sacrosanctam appellat M. Yarro in 
suis Pontificalibus et divinarum antiquitatum libris, 
Coelestem ac Divinam Trebatius quern Labeo Antis- 
tius, et Actejus Capito secuti sunt penes Servium et 
Fulgentium, eamque coelo sublimiorem Numinibus 
dignam indigetant ; et rerum est quod Tacitus, lib. 3, 
Hist. Aug. cum de Dialibus duobus Julio Bleso et 
Servio Maluginensi in Provincias cum Imperio missis 
loqueretur. Deum munere Summum Pontificem 
etiam summum hominum esse. Id genus Sacerdotum 
siye Doctores Sacrorum, Administratores, Interpretes 
a vero non aberraverit, et ut ultima verba Dionysii 
intelligantur apud Pontifices (inquit Tullius, lib. 3, 
de Orat.) divinarum humanarumque rerum notitia 
Pontificibus solis cognita primum atque prospecta, 
T. Corruncanius Pontifex Maximus, ex omnibus qui 
civilem scientiam nacti sunt, primus illam publice 
professus est, traditque Grutherius, lib. 1, hunc 
secutus est P. Licinius Crassus, quern Tullius ipsi 
Corruncano anteponit. Post hos P. Sesevola, et P. 



41 



Scipio Nasica, caeterique Pontifices dejure responde- 
runt, ex quibus Q. Mucius, P. Pilius ; Idem Pontifex 
Maximus jus Civile primum Consti fruit, cujus Audi- 
tores Maximag autoritatis Gallus Aquilius et Sextus 
Papirius, aliique a Pomponio diligentius numerati : 
Simulque Coccejus Nerva Tiberii Principis Cosultis- 
simus familiaris, legum oracula toto terrarum in orbe 
evulgavit. Unde divinitate velut compotes fuisse 
appraehendo et rectitudinis semitas, legumque divi- 
narum itinera percurrentes ad Numinum faustissime 
culmen pervenisse idque exprimo Zoroastris oraculo 
compertum facio — Exquire animae viam, ubi corpori 
inservieris eamdem rursus in locum a quo fulsisti 
extolles Sacro Sermari opus adjungeus sensus licet, 
perdifficilis utpote oraculo consonans nihilominus 
sacrum sermonem, ac verbum rerum divinarum 
notione praeditam animas ad originem unde fluxere 
primitus potenter transferre prodit, quod Psellus 
sapientissimus tradit, clariusque expendit Plethonis 
praescriptum in illud ubi sic ait. Huic corpori opera 
navata in eumdem locum a quo defiuxisti excitabis 
eumdem, videlicet animse ductum, conjungens, et 
opus sacris verbis Sacrosanctum igitur Yerbum hoc 
loco intelligit quod sit de pietate, opus vero sacrifi- 
cium. Dicit itaque oraculum ad hanc animi erecti- 
onem utendum esse una cum sermone, qui fit de cultu 
divino, etiam sacris mysteriis, quod ad Pontifices 
pertinere nulli incompertum arbitror. 

Numa itaque Eex, ac majorum more Pontifex, 
Pontifices instituere antumavit, ut quamplures mente 
sublimiores e propinquo Numinum arcana percipe- 
rent, ac Eeipublicae ministeria exercerent, qua de 
institutione Tullius orat. xxix, pro domo sua ad 
Pontifices inquit. Cum multa divinitus Pontifices a 
Majoribus nostris inventa, atque instituta sunt, turn 
nihil prseclarius, quod vos eosdem, et religionibus 
Deorum immortalium, et summae Eeipublicae praeesse 
voluerunt — ut amplissimi, et clarissimi cives Eem- 
publicam benegerendo religiosissime Eeligiones sapi- 

e 2 



42 



enter interpretando Eernpublicam conservarent, quod 
si nllo tempore magna causa in Sacerdotum populi 
Eomani judicio, ac potestate versata est : hsoc pro- 
fecto tanta est, ut omnis Eeipublicae dignitas, omnium 
civium solus, vita, libertas, arse, foci, Dii Penates, 
bona fortune domicilia vestra? sapientise fidei, potes- 
tatique commissa creditaque esse videantur. 

Et ut a nomine incipiamus Dionys. Halicar., lib. 2, 
antiq. Eoxn. inquit: Ultima in Saeris ordinibus a 
Numa institutis classis est, Maximi apud Eomanos 
Sacerdotii cujus potestas est amplissima : hi ab uno 
suorum operum refieiendo silicet Ponte Sublicio 
ipsorum lingua vocantur Pontifices summa autoritate 
praediti, hactenus ille juxta Yarronis mentem qui 
lib. 4, ling. Latin, ait Pontifices ego a Ponte arbi- 
tror, nam ab iis Sublicius est factus primum, et 
restitutus saepe cum ideo sacra, et uls, et cis Tiberim 
non mediocri ritu fiant, firmat id ipsum Pomponius ; 
dicitur enim hunc ex oraculo totum pontem absque 
ferro fuisse claveis ligneis junctum, lapideus, multis 
sseculis post sedificatur ab iEmilio Questore fuit. 

" Sacra Ponte in hoc sublicio agebat Pontifex, et 
Yestales Idibus Maii," &c. 

Extat Pons Sublicius ad radices Aventini juxta 
Navalia ab Anco Martio primum conditur, et Subli- 
cius dictus a Sublicibus lignis, quibus compactus 
erat, Sublices enim lingua Volsca magni trabes 
Tocantur inquit Eulvius Sabinus. Fuisse tamen 
ante Urbem conditam, Pontam Sacrum scribit Diony- 
sius Halicarnasseus, dicens, nam cum per casdes homi- 
num Saturno sacrificarentur ad placandam Dei iram 
hoc more sublato ab Hercule factum est, ut pro homi- 
nibus, qui in Tyberim dejicebantur simulacra eorum 
scripca dejicerent, quos Argeos vocabant. Hunc 
Pontem Horatius Codes in bello Porsennse impetus 
hostium solus sustinens a tergo intercidi jussit, ipse- 
que armatus natans ad suos se recepit eumdem postea 
JEmylius Lapideum fecit. Unde Lapideus, et 



43 



JEmylius ab eo nuncupatur dicitur, qui postea Ty- 
beris inundationibus Lsesus a Tiberio Caesare resti- 
tutus Antonius Pius Imperator marmoreum fecit, 
ut scribit Fulvius ex Capitolino, et Plinio de Viris 
Illustr. In via Flaminia distabat ab TJrbe ultra 
primum lapidem ; ubi Lupanaria erant, vel impudicss 
praecipitabantur, audi Juvenalem Satyr. 6, v. 38, 

"Certe sanus eras, uxorem Posthume ducis ? 
Dicque Tisiphone, quibus exagitare colubris ? 
Ferre potes Dominam salvis tot vestibus ullam ? 
Cum patent altee caligantesque fenestra ? 
Cum tibi vicinum se presbeat iEmylius Pons/ 7 

Sed hasc a Ponte nomenclatura plausa scriptorum 
veterum evulgata, cum Pontincibus haud placeat, 
neque mihi omnino placere potest, enim vero tempore 
quo Knma vixit Pons Sublicius Tyberis verticem non 
comprimebat, quia ut ex multorum scrip tis prodit 
Piutarchus in Numa. Sublicium referunt ab Anco 
Martio iSTumse ex filia nepote fuisse excitatum. Ita- 
que a Numa vix potuerunt Pontifices nuncupari Ponte 
nequaquam existente. 

Alia est nominis ratio, quam Q,. Sceevola Pontifex 
Max., penes Yarronem, lib. 4, ling. Lat. exhibet. 
Pontifices dicti a Posse et facere. Piutarchus in Isuma. 
Sunt quia dictione posse deducuntexemptisquibusdam 
litteris, prsecipiente Sacerdotibus Legislatatore, Sa- 
crificia facere quae possent, nec si quod intervenerit 
majus impedimentum fatigante eos, forsan Pom- 
ponius rem magis aperit. Quidam scribunt ab eo 
quod potentia sacra perficiant, quod veteres cum 
posteritati divinitus commendasset, Piutarchus ani- 
madvertit. Aiunt K"umam inter eos Pontificem 
Maximum fuisse, unde ducto vocabulo quod Deos 
curent, qui potestatem et arbitrium habent omnium 
rerum. Nec aliter quam ssepissime Tullius admonet : 
unde probatissimi quique scriptores veterum non 
semel Pontificum pro potestate usurparunt prsecipue 
Symmachus, lib. 7, epist. 27, ad Maeedonium. Qui- 



44 



dem fieri oportsere consentio, sed non catenus ut 
Pontificium tuum in damna nostra protendas. Solinus, 
c. 26, Devotionis, quam peregre prosequebantur 
Pontificium mox intra suos fines receperunt. Asserit- 
que A. Gellius, lib. 1, c. 13, ut Juretus juxta Aldi 
editionem animadvertit. Arnobius, lib. 2, adv. Gen. 
TJnius Pontificium Christi est, dare animis salutem, 
et spiritum perpetuitatisapponere. Gelasius Pontifex, 
Epist. 1, ad Orientales Episcopos, Cum ne exami- 
nandi aut recipiendi cum haberet ipse Pontificium. 
Calcidius in Timseum Platonis. Effecti operis Ponti- 
ficium, et auctoritatem manibus magis, quam dispo- 
sition! mentis solemus adscribere, et denuo Symma- 
chus vir eloquentissimus, lib. 3, Epist. 1 7, Iterumque, 
lib. 10, Epist. 44, ad Theodosium Imperatorem factu 
optimum credidi, ut seternitati vestrse causae istius 
Pontificium reservarem, et clarissime Pontificium 
pro potestate Juretus, Codex Theodosianus, legesque 
Longobardorum posuerunt. Ergo Pontifex a Ponti- 
ficio, sive potestate dictus fulget in Templis, nec est 
ratio, ut de Ponte autument, quamvis non in Tyberi, 
sed Congregationis in Scrobe Pontis meminerit Pru- 
dentius in Hymno D. Eomani Mart., velut victimarum 
alicujus receptaculum, quo utebantur Elamines in 
Pontificis inauguratione. 

" Hie ut statuta est immolanda belva 
Pectus sacrata dividunt yenabula 
Eructat amplum vulnus undam sanguinis 
Ferventis, inque texta Pontis subditi 
Eundit vaporem flumen, et late 89stuat. ,, 

Ergo Pontifices potissima in Eeipublicaa florentis 
Eeligione Numa selegit, quatuor primitus ex 
Patriciis Urbisque Proceribus, immo ipse Principatum 
obtinuit, ut Plutarchus in Numa refert. Etiam 
Sacerdotum quos Pontifices vocant, abscribunt 
ordines, et primordium JNumse, aiuntque ipsum inter 
eos Pontificem maximum fuisse, JEneam secutus, 
quern Pontificem prsefuisse enarrat Macrobius 



45 

Saturnal., lib. 3, c. 2, dicens — Pontificem JEneam, 
vel ex nomine referendorum laborum ejus ostendit, 
et ipse iEneas penes Virgilium, lib. 12. 

" Non ego nec Teucris Italos parere videbo 
Nee mihi regna peto, paribus se legibus ambse 
Invictse gentes sterna in foedera mittant 
Sacra Deosque dabo, Socer arma Latinus habeto 
Imperium solenne socer, mihi mcenia Teucri 
Constituent, Urbique dabit Lavinia nomen." 

Deinde ut posteritati consuleret, teste Pomponio, 
Pontifices a Patribus legit, et ex his Pontificem 
Maximum fecit Martium Martii filium, et ipsius 
Numse generum, et antea Livius Pontificem 
deinde Numa Marcium Marci filium ex Patribus 
legit, eique sacra omnia exscripta, exsignataque 
attribuit ; cum deinde inquit forsan Numee Pontifi- 
catum prsemisit, et Penestella de Sacerdot. Kom., 
cap. 8, numerum tradit, fuerunt ab initio Pontifices, 
num. iy, post vero Maximorum quorumcumque 
honorum partem plebs tribunitiis rogationibus 
obtinuit ad Sacerdotia quoque Sacrosanctasque 
potestates patere sibi aditum voluit, quatuor ergo 
alios creari ex plebe Pontifices placuit. M. Yalerio 
et Q. Apuleio Coss. omnes nihilominus Senatorum 
ex or dine legit, neque Populo jus nuncupandi 
Pontificem sed ipsismet Pontificibus tradit, asse- 
ritque Dionys. Halic, lib. 2, Aut. Eom. [This law 
we shall see adopted by the Eom. Catho. Bishops 
in the eleventh century, when they emancipated 
themselves from the Emp.] Quorum siquis e vita 
excesserit in defuncti locum alius solet subrogari, 
non populi sufTragiis sed qui maxime Collegio videtur 
idoneus ex omnium Civium numero elegitur, et 
civium nomine Patricios intelligendos procul dubio 
esse conjicitur ex Tullio, qui ex Patribus selectos 
adscribit, et expressius ex Tullio orat. pro domo sua 
ubi sic ait : Itaque Populus Eomanus brevi tempore 
neque sacrorum, neque fiaminem, neque auctores 



46 

Centuriarum, et Curiatorum, Coniitiorum silieet, 
Pontifices auspiciaque Pop. Kom. sic Magistratus 
Patricii creati non sint intereant necesse est. At- 
tamen temporum varietas Eeipublicae detrimentum 
praefert, et Sacerdotum ordines evertit anno Urbis 
cdliy. Q. Apuleio Pansa, et M. Valerio Corvo 
Coss. Veterum mos descivit ab Urbe. Enim vero 
inquit Livius, lib. 20, Dec. 2. Inter Appium 
Claudium, et Publium Decium Murem certamen 
efferbuit, et cum undique tranquillae res essent, 
certamen injectum est inter primores Civitatis 
Patricios, Plebeiosque ab Tribb. Pleb. Q,. et Cn. 
Ogulnys, qui undique criminandorum Patrum apud 
Plebem, occasionibus quaesitis Eogationem promul- 
garunt, ut cum quatuor Pontifices insuper de 
Plebe adlegerentur, Inde Decius concionem egit, et 
retulisse dicitur parentis sui speciem qualem eum multi, 
qui in concione erant viderant incinctum Gabino 
cultu super telum stantem, quo se habitu pro Populo, 
ac Legionibus Eomanis devoyisset. Inde Plebeorum 
fastos, fascesque enarrans inquit : Noli erubescere 
Appi Collegam in Sacerdotio habere, quern in Cen- 
sura, quern in Consulatu Collegam habere potuisti 
cujus tarn Dictatoris Magister Equitum, quam Ma- 
gistri Equitum dictator esse potes. Enim vero L. 
Sextius primus de Plebe Consul est factus, Cajus 
Licinius Stolo primus Magister Equitum, C. Martius 
Eutilius primus, et Dictator, et Censor. Q. Publius 
Philo primus Praetor; his plerisque dictis ille diei 
ihtercessione sublatus, postero die deterritis Tribunis 
ingenti consensu lex accepta est, et ex Plebe Ponti- 
fices creantur Suasor legis P. Decius Mus, P. Sem- 
pronius Sophus, C. Martius Eutilius, M. Livius 
Denter, nec finis ampliandi Pontificum subsellia fuit, 
post modum etenim teste L. Eloro in reliquas T. 
Livii Decades quae desiderantur Epitome, lib. 89. 
Sylla Dictator factus, quod nemo umquam fecerat 
cum fascibus viginti quatuor processit, rebusque 
novis Eeipublicae statum confirmavit Tribunorum 



47 



Plebis potestatem minuit, et omne jus legum feren- 
darum ademit Pontificum Augurumque Collegium 
ampliavit, ut essent quindeeim. Victor deinde 
Caesar Collegiorum omnium alterum adauxit, et 
ipse Pontificis Auguris, ac quindecim viri nomine 
eoaptatus in omnia Collegia Saeerdotium praetulit. 
Sic usque ad Gratiani Imperatoris tempus (ut Zosimus 
docet) perseveravit Pontificum numerus et Plebei ac 
Patritii simul sacra litabant. 

Institutionem itaque ac Numa3 respectum enarrat 
Livius, lib. 1, Dec. 1. Pontificem deinde Numa 
Martium Marci filium ex Patribus legit, eique sacra 
omnia exscripta exsignataque attribuit, quibus 
hostiis, quibus diebus, ad quae Templa sacra fierent, 
atque unde in eos sumptus pecunia erogaretur, cetera 
quoque omnia publica privataque sacra Pontificis 
scitis subjecit, ut esset quo consultum plebs veniret, 
ne quid divini juris negligendo patrios ritus, pere- 
grinosque asciscendo turbaretur, nec caelestes modo 
eeremonias, sed justa quoque funebria placandosque 
Manes ut idem Pontifex edoceret. Haec Livius quae 
breviter Macrobius perstringit, lib. 3, Saturnal., 
c. 3, Inter Decreta Pontificum hoc maxime 
queritur, quid Sacrum, quid Sanctum, quid Ee- 
ligiosum. Yarro Sacrum velut sacellum indigitat. 
Sacrum et Sacratum vel Eeligiosum, Virgil., lib. 4., 
Csoterique Sacrum Polybetem, et lib. 7. Scep- 
trumque sacerque tiaras. Sacrum etiam sceleste ac 
detest abile ita consecratum Afranius fratriis. 
Sacrum Scurram et malum, Plautus in Paenulo. 

" Venditque has omnes, et ISTutricem et Virgines 
Prsesenti argento homini (si lene est homo) 
Quantum hominum terra sustinet sacerrimo." 
Virgil, ^Ineid, lib. 6. Auri sacra fames. 

Dionysius Aut. Eom., lib. 2. — Pontificatus fasti- 
gium ab ipso suae originis aevo sic prodit. Pontifices 
Summa auctoritate praediti omnes lites sacras judi- 
cant inter privatos pariter, et magistratus ac Servo- 



48 

rum ministros, leges etiam ferunt de sacris, quae non- 
dum scriptis mandata, nec usu recepta sunt, si digna 
videantur quse legibus, et consuetudinibus saiiciantur. 
In omnes item Magistratus, quibus sacrificia, et Deo- 
rum cultus est commissus, et in omnes Sacerdotes 
inquirunt. Ministros quoque sacrorum in officio 
continent, ne quid contra sacras leges delinquant, &c. 
Sed antea ex Tertulliano in lib. de Prsescriptis ad- 
versus hoereses, c. 4. Similitudinem JudeorumPon- 
tificis, Numa Sathana edocente, quam prope imitatus 
sit adnotare necessam arbitror. Si jNumse Pompilii 
superstitiones revolvamus, si sacerdotalia insignia 
officia, et privilegia, si sacrificalia ministeria, et in- 
instrumenta, et Vasa ipsorum sacrificiorum, et pia- 
cularum, et votorum curiositates consideramus, nonne 
manifestos Diabolus morositatem illam Judaicse legis 
imitatus est ? Ergo sicut primitus usque ad Samuel- 
em Summus Jud coram Pontifex judiciorum arbi- 
trer prestabat, sic et in TJrbe Pontifex Maximus 
summa auctoritate praeditus, ait Dionysius omnes 
sacras lites judicabat. Livius dixit: Pontificum 
instituisse Collegium, ut esset quo Consultum plebis 
veniret, ipsique lites adjudicarent. Item in dec. 4, 
lib. 7, De Q. Pabio Pictore, quern refert eo anno quo 
creatus est Praetor inauguratum fuisse Plamineum, 
ita scribit : Priusquam Provincias Praetores irent, 
certamen inter P. Licinium Pont. Max. fuit, et Q. 
Fabium Pictorem Plaminem CJuirinalem quale Patrum 
memoria inter L. Metellum, et Postbumium Albinum 
fuerat, &c. Unde an Diales Plamines ire in Provin- 
cias possint Pontificem arbitrio res tota pendebat, et 
Servius Muliginensis apud Taciturn ad Tiberium 
Imper. inquit. Privatis olim simulatibus effectum 
ut a Pontificibus Maximis ire in Provincias prohibe- 
rentur, &c. Pontifices Sibillinos libros evolvere 
solebant, vel jubebant, et nonnunquam ipsissimi 
eorum inspicientes arcana expendebant. 

Aurelianus Imp. Senat., ut admoneret, scribit apud 
Vopiscum : Miror vos Patres Sancti tamdiu de aperi- 



49 



endis Sybillinis libris perinde quasi in Christianorum 
Ecclesia, non in Templo Deorum omnium tractaretis. 
Agite igitur, et castimonia Pontificuin, ceremoniisque 
solemnibus, juvate Principem necessitate pubiica 
laborantem : Inspiciantur libri, quae facienda fuerint, 
celebrentur, &c. Sic etiam Ammianus Marcellinus, 
lib. 22, refert — Scipionem Pontificem, quern Julius 
Solinus in Polyhistore, c. 7, optimum existimarunt, 
non privato tantum testimonio, sed totius Senatus 
Sacramento inspecto Sybillae carmine matris Deum 
simulacrum Somam transtulisse ab Oppido Pessi- 
munte belio Punico Sebundo, carmine Cumano mo- 
nente per Scipionem JSTasicam simulacrum translatum 
est Romam. Tunc Claudia Virgo Vestalis, qua3 ob 
nimium corporis nitorein, externamque pompam, 
purum pudica habebatur, teste Lactantio Eirniiano, 
lib. 2, de Palsa Relig., c. 4. iNavim, quam tota 
juventus commovere vix poterat, cingulo aliigayit 
amovitque, ut in pudicitiae portentum mulierem 
sequeretur. Hinc lectis Sybillinorum libris Sacrincia 
Pontificem peregisse, tradit Julius Capitolinus in 
Gordiano Minore, Trebellius Pollio in Gallienis, 
Suetonius in Octavio August o aliique passim. Enim 
vero quamvis teste, Plinio, lib. 13, c. 13, crematis 
sub Tarquinio Superbo duobus Sybillee libris, tertius 
cum Capitolio Syllanis temporibus exaustus est, 
reliqui penes Pontificem servabantur, ut cum de 
placanda Cerere Cracchano tumultu Ennam Decem- 
viros ad earn propitiandam miserunt, ut Valer. Max., 
lib. 1, c. 1, tradit. Pontincum accessit oraculum, 
quo procul nihil librorum custodes agebant, de 
quibus Servius ad illud Virg. Lectosque sacrabo 
alma viros, inquit : Sane sciendum Primum duos 
librorum fuisse custodes, inde Decern, inde quindecim 
usque ad tempora Syllana, post creavit numerus, 
nam quadraginta fuerunt, sed remansit quindeum 
virorum vocabulum : baac, ille et Gellius, lib. 1, c. 19, 
numerum enarrat, et accessuni, libri tres in Sacra- 
rium conditi Sybillini appellati ad eos quasi ad 



50 



oraculum quindeum viri adeunt cum Dii immortales 
publice consultandi sunt, silicet ut Capito Pontifex 
expendit, cum Pontificis jussu publice Dii sunt 
consulendi, ut cum ingens pestilentia Bomse sseviret, 
teste D. August., lib. 3, de Civ. Dei, c. 17, ex Tullio 
in libris de Divinat. frustra presente iEsculapio 
aditum est ad libros Sybillinos, et Livius, Dec. 5, 
lib. 2. Ob haec prodigia libri fatales inspecti, edi- 
tumque a Decemviri est, et quibus Diis, quibusque 
Hostiis sacriflcarentur, et, ut supplicatio prodigiis 
expiandis neret; quse omnia tunc jubente Pontifice 
exequebantur. Prseterea Pontifiex Vestales sorte inter 
quamplurimas jacta capiebat, sicut Gellius et Pom- 
ponius tradunt, et Penetrale ubi teste Yarrone, 
lib. 5, Ling. Lat. Virgines sacriftcabant Palladio 
sacrum et Doliis nullo adeundum viro Pontinces 
ingrediebantur, statisque diebus sacra peragebant, 
quoforsan fractus PontificatuHeliogabalusImperator, 
ut inquit Lampridius in ejus gestis : in Penum Veste 
irrupit, et penetrale sacrum auferre conatus est 
additque Herodianus, lib. 5, plura facinora impio 
potius Ponte, quam Pontiflcatu digna. Valerius 
Max., lib. 1, c. 1, ait, P. Licinio Pont. Max. Virgo 
Vestalis, quia quadam nocte parum diligens ignis 
seterni custos fuisset digna visa est, quae flagro 
admoneretur. De Vestse, placando Numine, ac 
Virginum pudicitia, quibus mulcta indicebatur Vir- 
garum, earumque stupratores Virgis in comitio usque 
ad interritum afnciebant, quod produnt Livius, et 
Plutarchus, ipsam vero vivam humi sepeliebant cum 
lacte melle, ac Lucerna uti antea dixi. Pcense de- 
linquentibus graves constitute, quarum arbitri, 
et exactores sunt ex lege Pontifices — Insuper Begem 
Sacrorum et Plaminem Pontifex inangurabat eique 
Augures parebant, quod Alexand., lib. 2, c. 8, sic 
prodit. Pontif. Max., reliquis praeest, et prope 
dominatur an Bex Sacrorum, Augures, et omnes 
Flamines, ac Vestales Virgines parent quibus mulc- 
tam indicere, et poenam irrogare poterat. Dionysius, 



51 



lib. 5, Aut. Rom., expulsis Regibus inquit Papyrium 
Regem Sacrorum Pontifices inaugurarunt Livius, 
lib. 4, meminit certaminis, quod Cujus Serviliu& 
Pontifex Maxim, cum L. Cornelio Dolabella in locum 
C. Cornelii Dolabellse Regis sacrifici suffecto, et 
concludit Religio inde Pontificibus fuit augurandi 
Dolabella^ P. Cornelium Siculum inaugurarunt, qui 
secundo loco inauguratus erat, silicet centuriatis 
comitiis, quse a Pontifice Maximo siquidem in urbe 
esset, sin minus ab uno quodam Pontiflcum habe- 
bantur, sicut Livius, lib. 5, Decad. 3, H. Cornelium 
Cethegum Pontificem comitia jussisse scribit. 

Quseve ad Nuptias pertinebant Pontifices firma- 
bantur calculo enim vero Nuptias plenae Numine 
censebantur, et Sacrse ut penes Stobsecum Yates 
quamplures edixere ; unde Tacitus, lib. 1,- hist, 
Consultos Pontifices, an concepto ne dum edito partu 
ritae nuberet ? ab impio Nerone tradit. His addenda 
sacra qusecumqne Romanorum, quae per minores 
Pontifices curabantur, Reipublicae silicet gesta per- 
scribere sepulturse loca designare, Kalendas indicere, 
in Curia Calabra Junoni singulis Kalendis sacrafacere, 
novamque lunam observare, insuper adoptionem 
comprobare, de quibus Tullius in Orat., pro domo 
sua in Sex. Clodium — Dixi apud Pontifices istam 
adoptionem nullo decreto hujus Collegii probatam 
contra omne Pontificium jus factum pro niiiilo esse 
habendum. Pontifices insuper templa inaugurabant, 
cum primum, silicet erigerentur, qua de re penes 
Tacitus, lib. 4, hist, comperta est lectio, ubi de 
reficiendo Capitolio per L. Yestinum sic ait. TJn- 
decimo Kal. Junias, serena luce spatium omne, quod 
Templo dicabatur, evinctum vittis, coronisque in- 
gressi milites, quibus fausta nomina, felicibus ramis ; 
Deinde Yirgines Yestales cum pueris, puellisqus 
patrimis matrimisque aqua rivis, et fontibus amni- 
busque hausta perluere. Turn Helvidius Priscus 
Praetor praeunte Plauto iEliano Pontifice, lustrata 
bove, taurisque arca,et super cespitem redditis extis 



52 



Jovem, Junonem, Minervam, Prsesidesque Imperii 
Deos precatus, uti csepta prosperarent sedesque suas 
pietate hominum inchoatas divina ope attollerent ; 
vittas quibus ligatus lapis innexisque funes erant 
contigit, &c. 

Et ut esetera omittam omne sacrum sive nionstruo- 
sum deferebatur Pontifici, ut ipse decerneret, &c. 

His itaque leviter enarratis ad Pontificis Conse- 
crationem vertere calamum est operis pretium. 
Enim vero inter Principes Unus Maxime prsefere- 
batur, sicut inter Deos Jupiter Optimus Max. tam- 
quam omnium Princeps, et Imperatores, teste Eulvio 
Sabinate, quia Pontificatum gerebant, et ipsi Maximi 
dicebantur. Nam hoc Maximi nomen licet Praetor 
TJrbanus inter Prsetores quam ssepe prseferat abs re 
factum arbitror, quia Tullius in Orat. quam in Piso- 
nem Free tor em primum dixit. Sic Maximus Curio 
inter Curiones, Yirgo Vestalis Maxima, quae tamen 
a Tacito Vetustissima, ab Ovidio in 4 Fastor. Nata 
Maxima; sic etiam Suetonius in Domitiano, c. 7. 
Damnatam ab eo Corneliam Virginem Maximam 
tradit, quae perperam in Plinii, 2 epist., lib. 4. Unde 
Lipsius, vir eruditione maxima praestans inquit. — 
Ordo inter eas fuit Ministeriis et aetatis, una enim 
quae vetustissima Maxima dicebatur ad aotatem 
in quam id referendum. Sic Maximi nomen prae- 
stantissimum Pontifici omnium Principi debebatur, 
et Curio eademque ratione Maximus, non suffragante 
honoris fastigio inter Curiones tantummodo prae- 
stabat, quod ab antiquis usurpatum repert Alexander 
prsecipue quia Sacerdotum Principem inter Graecos 
Archierosinem vocant Babylonii Isidis sum mum 
Antistitem Archigrammateum. Syciony teste Plu- 
tarcho in Arato, Charmium quorum Collegium Pas- 
tophorium nuncupat, cujus meminere Apuleius in 2 
Metamorph. et Hieronymus in Esaiam qui ait Pas- 
tophorium est thalamus in quo habitat Propositus 
Templi, &c. TJnde ex his omnibus nomenclaturis 
Antistitis Magni dignitas renidet, quam Bomani, ut 



53 



commendarent Pontificem Maximum dixere — 
Maximi itaque Antistitis maximum consecrationis 
arcanum curare exigebat praostantiaa culmen, id eo 
inaugurationis instante die Pontifex infulis, vittisque 
exornatus procedebat inde sub scrobe coronam cinctu 
Gabino conseeraudus praeferens mergebatur quod sic 
D. Boman. apud Prudentium enarrat. 

" Summus sacerdos nempe sub terram scrobe 
Acta profundum consecrandus mergitur 
Mure infulatus, festa vittis tempora 
Nectens corona tarn repexus aurea 
Cinctu Gabino serica fultus togam." 

Super banc Scrobem pulpita sericis strata renident : 
intextis auro tectum crebro acumine perforatum, ut 
ab JEra numinis aer frequens hiatibus evolaret in 
Scrobse prsefulgens Sacrorum pompa ornabat Inde 
taurus ingens sertis recinctus victimse parat sacrum,: 
fulget et ipse bracteatus auro, flosculis vittisque pur- 
purascentibus sicut de Hostiis Persarum tradit 
Strabo, lib. 15, et Lieophron in Cassandra Vaccam 
vittatam vocat, quia teste Luciano de Sacrifices- 
Sacrificantes primum coronant victimam, quam 
absque macula legunt, ut Ovidius Metamorph., 
lib. 15, accinit. 

" Victima labe carens, praestantissima forma 
. . . . vittis praesignis et auro, 
Sistitur ante aras." 

Placent has Superis Yictimae, ideo Ccelorum Antis- 
titi feliciter caeditur — unde Prudentius, de Pontif. 
Inauguratione. 

" Tabulis superne strata texunt pulpita 
Rimosa rari paegmatis compagibus 
Scindunt subinde, vel terebrant aeram 
Crebove lignum perforant acumine 
Pateat minatis ut frequens biatibus 
Nunc taurus ingens fronte torva et hispida 

f 2 



54 



Sertis revinctus, aut per armos floreis 

Aut impeditus cornibus deducitur 

Nee non et auro frons Coruscat hostise 

Setaque fuigor bractealis inficit," 
Interim Victimarias apparabat cultrum aquam, et 
ignem simulque molam, utpote inaugurations minis- 
terio opportunam, quia et ipse victim ara alligans 
adducebat, sicut in Columna Trajani extat. Victi- 
mam adducens ad Aramsuccinctus, ideo Suetonius in 
Caligula, c. 32, ipsum cultrarium dixit, deinde 
Popa uti in eadem Columna observari licet, semi- 
nudus, et succinctus lauro redimitus, velatus lino 
ad aram denuo constringit Victimam, feritque cultro 
Spartianus in Yita Gaetse percussit hostiam Popa 
nomine Antonius quam forsan Lanium, Plautus in 
Pseudolo nuncupat. Eestus Pompeius lecumanus : 
nonnulli Suetonium Cultrarium nuncupasse autumat 
de quo sic Ovidius. 

"Nominis esse potest succinctus causae minister 

Hostia Ccelitibus, quo feriente cadit." 
Ej usque muneris fuisse opimam Victimam ferire 
compertum est, enim vero inquit Varro, lib. 3, de re 
Eustica. Eoves al tiles ad Sacrificia publica saginati 
dicuntur opimi. Festus, Hostias opimas prsecipuas 
vocat. 

Opima, ac pingue parata Victima, Popa, astante 
Pontitice, cultro Victimam jugulabat, ac unico 
tantum ictu, quin si plurias feriebat pessimum inde 
omen oppetiebantur, quod Manto apud Senecam in 
(Edipo, ad Tiresiam, sic exprimit, 

" Juvenca ferro semet imposito induit 
Et vulnere uno cecidit at Taurus duos 
Propessus ictus vix reluctant em exprimit.' ' 
Idem denuo Seneca — 

"Colla tacturus steterat Sacerdos 
Dum manus certum parat alta yul nu 
Aureo Taurus, patuit sub ictu 
Ponderis vasto resoluta cervix.^ 



55 



Et hunc >Komanorum morem e Vestigio prose- 
quitur, Dionys. Halicas., lib. 7, qui rem fere onineiri 
immolandi denarrat. Sacerdotes quibus fas erat, lotis 
nianibus et lustratis aqua pura victiniis, rnolaque 
conspersis earum capitibus, votisque nuucupatis, 
ministros eas mactare jubebant, quorum alii stantem, 
turn etiam hostiam vecte feriebant iu tempora, alii 
cadentem cultris excipiebant, mox direpti tergere 
concidebant membratim, delibatasque ex singulis 
extis, aliisque membris primitias farre obvolutas in 
eanistris offerebant sacrificantibus, qui aris impositis 
succedebant, et vinum insuper infundebant, hsec ille 
ex Homero in Odissea, quern Eustathius expendit, 
moremque refer t Suidas : ex quo observandum unico 
ictu victimam eecidisse, deinde suppositis cultris 
pellem detrahere frustratim cedere et ad sacrum 
apponere, percutiebantur primum vel vecte, vel 
securi, ut Columna Trajani Popas inservientes aris 
exprimit : et iterum longa cum clava et manubrio 
yictimam caedentes. Ovidius 2, Metamorph. tradit, 
malleo nonnunquam percussisse. 

" . . haud aliter quam cum spectante juvenca 
Lactantis vituli dextra libatus ab aura 
Tempora discussit claro cava malleus ictu. ,, 

Paratis itaque undique Sacris prsecipue per Camillos, 
Taurus ad inaugurationem Pontificiis percutiebatur, 
et ipse capite dimisso in scrobe guttas excipiebat 
in capite, ut inde per yestes emissus totum corpus 
infunderet, inde, os, nares, linguam manusque rore 
sanguinis superstitiosissima Eeligione rigabat, quod 
sic Prudentius decantat — 

" Hie ut statuta est immolanda belua 
Pectus sacrata dividunt venabula 
Eructat templum vulnus, undam sanguinis 
Eerventis inque texta Pontis subditi 
Eundit vaporum flumen et lacte sestuat. 
Turn per frequentes mille rimarum yias 



56 



Xllapsus imber tabidum rorem pluit, _ 
Defossus intus, quern Sacerdos excipit 
Guttas ad omnes turpe subjectas caput 
Et veste et omni putrefactus corpore. 
Quin os supinat, obvias offert gen as 
Supponit aures, labra, nares, objicit 
Oeulos, et ipsos perluit liquoribus 
Nec jam palato parcit, et linguam rigat 
Donee cruorem totus atrum combibat. 
Postquam cadaver sanguine egesto rigens 
Compage ab ilia Elamines retraxerint, 
Procedit inde Pontifex visu horridus 
Ostentat nudum verticem, barbam gravem 
Yittas madentes, atque amictus ebrios 
Hunc inquinatum talibus contagiis, 
Tabe recentis sordidum piaculi 
Omnes salutant, atque adorant Eminus 
Vilis, quod ilium sanguis, et hos mortuus 
Ecedis latentem sub cavernis laverint. 
Ad quas Prudentii plura animadvertenda reor, 
primum, 

Tauri inaugurasse Pontificem sanguine. 
Secundo, Elamines ibi adstantes compagem retrax- 
isse. 

Tertio Pontificis denuo inaugurat honorem. 
Quarto Insignia Pontificis Maximi." 

Hujus itaque Tauri sanguine Pontifex inauguratus 
procedebat e Scroba perfusus undique cruore forsan 
quia manibus Diis sacra ilia Elamines peragebant, 
idem sub scrobis tegmine ideo coopertus in cavea 
Pontifex sanguinem excipiebat. Prudentius. 

" Summus Sacerdos nempe sub terram Scrobe 
Acta in profundum consecrandus mergitur." 

Philostratus, lib. 6. Vitaa Apollinis, c. 6. Dii 
terrestres foveas amant, et Sacra in Cavis terrarum. 

Virgilius, ubi iEneani Sybillse jussa rite peregisse 
enarrat, de sacra in Averni Cayea, lib. 6 iEneid., 
v. 236, sic decantat. 



57 



" Spelunca alta fuit yastoque immanis hiatu 
Scrupea tuta lacu nigro, nemoremque tenebris 
Quam super haud ullae poterant impune volante s 
Tendere iter pennis, talis sese halitus atris 
Paueibus effuudens supera ad convexa ferebat. 
Inde locum Graii dixerunt nomine Avernum 
Q.uatuor hie primum nigrantes terga juveneos. 
Constituit frontique invergit viva Sacerdos 
Et sum mas carpens media inter cornua setas. 
Ignibus imp o suit sacris libamina prima 
Voce vocans Hecatem, Coeloque Hereboque potentem 
Supponunt alii cultros, tepidumque cruorem 
Suscipiunt pateris ipse atri Yelleris agnam 
iEneas matri Eumenidum, niagneeque sorori 
Ense ferit sterilemque tibi Proserpina Yaccam 
Turn Stygio Eegi nocturnas inchoat aras 
Et solida imponit Taurorum viscera flamniis." 

Ergo dum Pontifex sub terram consecrandus mergitur 
cruor subterraneis Diis infunditur, eosque os, linguam, 
caput et Testes inspergit, non bibit, quia Tauri cruor 
venenum censetur : sed Diis inferis immolabatur ob 
fidei public 8e omen, uti Temistoclem litasse tradunt 
et (Edipum, Tiresiam, ac Manto, cum primum de 
Eegni monumento futura prsescire tentarunt. TJnde 
Tiresias eos alloquitur apud Senecam, in (Edipo, 

c * . . hoc prospere admove 

Et sparge salsa coila Taurorum mola 
Placido ac vultu sacra, et admotas manus 
Patiuntur." 

Ergo sanguis ille consegrationes dicebatur, nam 
certe a Sanguine ait Stuchius vox Santi, et Sancire 
videtur deducta, propterea quod Sanguine res qusevis 
sanctincari, atque sanciri putabatur, ergo Pontifex 
sanguinem excipiebat undique, ut consecraretur ab 
illo, et Lucianus Gentium Sacrificia irridens ait : 
Sacrificus ipse sanguine foedatus, neque aliter, quam 



58 



Cyclops ille pecudem incidit, intestina educit, cor 
revellit, cruorem arse circumfundit, a quo et omen 
excepisse compertam est. 

Aliae sunt Infulae Sacerdotum, alias pecudum, et 
vittimarum de quibus Varro., lib. 6, Ling. Latin, 
inquit : Infulas dictas apparet in hostiis, quod 
velamenta e Lana, quae adduntur Infulas infra hos- 
tiarum cornua velamenta erant. Itaque cum ad # 
sepulchra ferunt frondes, atque flores, addunt tunc 
Lanas, sed velatas frondentes comas. Euit insuper 
Infula ornatus militum, et Pretoriae dignitatis 
insigne, erant quoque Curules Infulae, &c. 

Et Prudentius, de Christi Miraculis, hymno 9. 
Sacerdotum Infulatum exprimit. 

" Christus est quern Rex Sacerdos ad futurum protinus 
Infulatus concinebat voce chorda et timpano 
Spiritum caelo influentem per medullas hauriens." 

Sed notandum infulas Pontificis maximi Albo- 
galerum ornantes se extendere tanquam concinnas, 
Erat Galerus ex pelle hostiae Jovi cassae, et a Galea 
nomen desumebat, nam inter Cassidem, et Gal earn 
Inquit, Isidorus, lib. 18, c. 14, differentia intercidit, 
quia Cassis de Lamina est, Galea de Corio, unde 
Tacitus de Germanis scribens ait. Vix uni alterive 
Cassis, aut Galea, unde Galerum Pontifici tribuit 
Alexander, lib. 2, qui ait : Pontifici proprium 
insigne erat Galerus sicut Lituus Auguribus, Palu- 
damentum Imperatoribus, Diadem a Eegibus. Apu- 
leius, Apol. 1. Veruntamen hoc Diogeni, et Antis- 
theni baculus, quod Eegibus diadema, quod Impera- 
toribus paludamentum, quod Pontificibus Galerum, 
quod Lituus auguribus : Formam vero ex pervetustis- 
simis nummis praebet Gulielmus Cholius Delphinatus 
Provinciae Praefectus, in lib. de Eeligione Veter. 
Eoman. gallice scripto et antiquam sculpturam 
secutus sic exhibet in Zaphiro. 



59 



The following is a fac-simile of the Poatif. 
Maximus Cap, as described by M. Choul : 



At Grutherus, lib. 1, c. 2, vir potius elegantia 
celeberrimus figuram prodit in onyce impressam curn 
Urceolo, et Gallogallinaeeo quse Pontificatum augu- 
ratumque designant. 

ISTec mirum si albo in Pontificis Galero Gallus, 
Urcello et cetera hujusmodi involuuntur cum Thraces 
teste Herodoto, lib. 7. Vulpinas Cassides, Albanos, 
et Hiberes penes Strabonem, lib. 2, Geograph. feri- 
nas Eomulum uti Virgilius, et Propertius enarrant, 
Lupinam Galeam gestasse compertum sit, Inquit, 
enim Polybius adornatur prsBterea Miles, et simplici 
Casside cui lupi pellem imponunt. Sic Papa galea- 
tus, yel gaieratus, aut gallus ferme lusum verborum 
facit cum Italico substantive Papagallo, idest parrot 
Anglice, aut Prench Pope, idem est. 

N"eme plusquam Pius Papagallus fuit (de quo di- 
cendum est habet nomen, et omen) ex eo quo nihil 
plusquam, et minusquam Antonellius stuatuit, ipse 
repetit, usque ad nauseam. In concreto casu circa 
questionem Temjporalem Pius supra laudatus Papagal- 
lus lectionem ab Antonellio acceptam stupide repetit 
non possumus loquendo, non volumus dormiendo. 
Ergo a Galero Galea nomen adinvenit, ut Varroni 
placet, et quia Galerus pictus, nunc Urceolo, nunc 




60 



Gallo Gallinaceo, nunc Jovis fulmine, vel lauro, et 
hominis vultu efferebatur, sic et Galeas omni ferarum 
genere adopertas Duces prestantissimi habebant, et 
notandum ex Gellio de Flamine Diali, quod is solum 
Galerum habet album, non quia caateri ipsum gestare 
prohiberentur, sed tantum intra Elamines sensa scrip- 
torum, jurisque Pontificii recenset. Ham Suetonius 
de Nerone fatetur, soiitum Galero post crepusculum 
arrepto popinas inire, et circum vicos vagari, et albo- 
galerum Pontificem Maximam prsetulisse nulli in- 
compertum arbitror. 

Vittaa enim vero in Sacris Sacerdotum ornabant 
tempora, sicut Yirgil., lib. 7 iEneid., v. 413, de- 
cantat, ubi Alecto in Anum Calyben se mutat, et 
velut Templi Sacerdos XJrbis Ardeae quam fundaverat 
Danae adductis ex Grecia Coloniis, ut Plinius tradit, 
lib. 3, c. 5. 

" Alectorvam faciem, et furialia membra 
Exuit in vultus sese transformat aniles 
Et frontem obscaenam rugis arat induit albos 
Cum yitta crines, turn ramum inectit olivae 
Eit Calybe Junonis anus Templique sacerdos.' 9 

Tertullianus in Apologet., c. 15, ad Gentiles, 
inquit : Caeterum si adjiciam, quae non minus con- 
scientiae omnium recognoscent in Templis adulteria 
componi inter Aras, Lenocinia tractari in ipsis, 
plerumque aedituorum, et Sacerdotum tabernaculis 
sub iisdem vittis et apieibus et purpuris thure 
flagrante libidinem expungis, &c, haec ille ubi 
expungi pro exprimi desumendum, sicut ex Plauto 
in Amphytrione, et Persio, et Martiali, quam saepe 
occurrit, et idem Tertullianus de Spectac, c. 12, 
inquit. Idem de apparatibus interpretabimur in 
ipsorum honorum suggestu deputandis, quod pur- 
puras, quod fasciae, quod Vittae, quod coronas, quod 
denique conciones et edicta, et pultes pridianae sine 
pompa Diaboli, sine Invitatione Daemonum non sunt. 
Sic et Vittatus et Infulatus Sacerdos Daemonum 



61 



cultui noctuque diuque obsequenter inserviebat ut 
inter Aras, et focum Numina coleret. Enumerat 
insuper coronam auream, quae Regiae in Sacris 
prsestantise faustissimum terrarum in orbe monu- 
mentum reserat et quia teste Tertulliano multa ex 
Hebraeorum institutis Daemon Romanis transtulit 
lamina aurea cum Dei Omnipotentii nomine corona- 
batur, eorum Pontifex Corona aurea super cuput ejus 
expressa signo sanctitatis gloria, et honoris, opus 
fortitudinis signum sanctitatis, vel auri puritas, vel 
Dei Sanctissimum Nomen Tetragrammaton intelligo : 
Tertullianus de corona militis, c. 10, ex Claudio. 
Sacerdotes fere omnes suas peculiares habuisse coronas 
ex Claudio Saturnino sic refert. Ipse fores, ipse 
hostiae, et aras ipsi ministri, et sacerdotes eorum 
coronantur. Habes ommium Collegiorum Sacerdo- 
talium coronas apud Claudium, et iterum de Idolatria. 
Igitur Purpura ilia, et aurum cervicis ornamentum 
eodem modo apud ^gyptios et Babylonios insignia 
erant dignitatis, quo nunc Praetextae, vel Trabeae, 
vel Palmatae, et Coronae aura3 sacerdotum Provin- 
cialum. Attamen non ideo cum ad Aras litabant, 
floreis corollis excludebantur. Imo et Pontificis 
Albogalerus, ut ex Pictura superius exhibita patet, 
lauro foliisque quampluribus coronatus renidet, sic 
Anacreon apud Athenaeum Deipnosoph., lib. 15. 
Sacrificantes Baccho apium gestasse decantat, ex 
Sappho — 

"Hie te coronato pulchrae comae 
Anethi ramos injice teneris, ac delicatis manibus 
Diis enim florida cariora sunt, et gratiora 
Eos immortaies aversantur coronam qui habent." 

Ita Pontifices auream Coronam, floridamque ges- 
tabant, sicut videre est in Columna Trajano in qua 
Pontifex vittatur infulis, ac corona utraque prseditus 
exhibetur. 

Though it is out of place to mention here the 
Eoman Catholic Pontiffs, I may state that the Eoman 

Gr 



62 



Catholic primitive Bishops, up to the time of the 
Emperor Constantine, were exempt from the ex- 
penses of buying and wearing a golden Diadem, or 
Crown, because they used to wear the fisherman 
caps, which were probably of white wool, shaped 
like those still worn by the Italian and Greek 
sailors. It is of such ancient usage, and so remote, 
that it is still called the Phrygian cap, and formerly 
it used to be called the cap of liberty, probably on 
account of the immunities inherent to the wearer of 
it, as the Pontifices were inviolable. Long after 
Constantine the Bishops thought of imitating the 
Egyptians, the Ethiopians, and the Hebrews, and 
began to ornament their wool caps, resembling those 
of the Hebrews, whom they so much affected to con- 
demn, while they borrowed almost everything of 
them pertaining to religion, laws, and administra- 
tion, except only other things which belong to the 
religious institution of Paganism. However, for 
the first thousand years Christianity never dreamed 
of the Triregno, which was probably locked up in 
the box which contained Constantine's deed of the 
Donation of St Peter's Patrimony to the Holy See. 
Popes Adrian and Gregory tried very hard to pick 
the lock at the beginning of the ninth century, with 
the holy intention of stealing the contents, but their 
efforts were useless, because Chubb, Marr, and the 
other American locksmiths, would not have anything 
to do with the Popes ; and at that time they were 
engaged in an aerial excursion in a balloon with Sor. 
Patrycinio, the immaculate ' Tablet,' and the Notary 
and witnesses of Constantine's Deed to Silvester. 
However, the box was forced open by Damasus II, 
who found in it a magician's nightcap ; and as at 
that time necromantic performances were fashionable, 
and used to take place in the Vatican, as well as in 
the Churches and Chapels, thinking that he would 
look well in it, though simply of common woollen 
material, and without a golden Crown around it, 



63 



Damasus put it on, and made his first appearance at 
the Lateran in the year 1053. Thus it remained 
until Pope John XIX, thinking that it would look 
much better if it were ornamented with a circle of 
gold, had it so ornamented for his first appearance, 
in the year 1276. Pope Boniface YIII (with his 
brazen face and extra-Papal audacity), in the year 
1295, raised the cap to a second gold story higher, 
that it might be seen and distinguished by the 
people, as happened when, a few years after, that 
William Nogareto, and Sciarra Cohnna, having 
caught him at Agnani dressed in his Pontificalia, 
brought him triumphantly to Rome, riding in a new 
style, suitable to his haughtiness, as described in 
another chapter. About twelve years ago, in the 
Blackfriars road, London, I saw a dustman riding in 
the same manner upon an ass, as a punishment in- 
flicted by others of his confraternity for a certain 
immoral transaction committed by him at his com- 
panion's expense ; and I could not help laughing at 
that specimen of popular retributive justice. 

Another celebrated Papal scamp, Benedict XII, 
raised up a third story to the Pope's Crown, 
and hence it is called the triregno, that is, the 
three Kingdoms — Paradise, Purgatory, and Hell, 
where the Papal Demigods pretend to have jurisdic- 
tion, though Leo X, wittily acknowledging that 
he had power in the two first, but as he had not in 
the third, he could not extricate from it his Cardinal 
friend, whom Michael Angelo had confined there in 
his immortal work, the ' Universal Judgment.' But 
let me return to Benedict XII, who enriched the 
triregno with precious jewels, the gifts of zealots to 
various Saints, and money out of the treasure left 
by John XXIII in the year 1334. It was this very 
impudent Pope who violated Petrarcha's sister, and 
disgusted that immortal poet and his honest contem- 
poraries with his immoralities, his perverted de- 
baucheries, and his criminal actions. I shall speak 



64 



further of him towards the end of this work. And 
this is a true sketch of the history of the Triregno. 

The Episcopal "White Cap, as it is now, unadorned, 
was the first alteration in imitation of the ancient 
Magi, and of the Roman and Greek Augures. For the 
Bishops it has remained so ; but for the Popes, it had 
been metamorphosed into such a superb jewel that 
no King can boast to match it — unless some zealous 
high Ecclesiastical thief has, in a saintly manner, 
substituted false for the precious jewels. 

I must not forget to mention the following Arch- 
Priests also instituted by Numa. 

Numa Elamines piloe insignitos segregat, eisque 
sacrorum secundam assignat partem. 

Pileum tan turn Flaminibus sacrum gesfcare licebat, 
idque Elammis, ut Dionysio placet, sive infulis 
intextum. Varro id asserit, cumque sequutus Sextus 
Pompeius, ceterique quamplures, erat enim laneis 
infulis undique ornatum filisque intextum, et quam- 
vis plurimos pileum gestasse compertum sit sacrum 
laneo apice habuisse prseter Elamines neminem 
legimus. Enim vero Nonius Marcellus ex Plauto 
usu venisse tradit, et de omine Tarquinii Prisci ex 
pileo ab Aquila erepto scribunt Dionysius, ac Livius, 
qui ait. Ei carpento sedenti cum Uxore Aquila 
suspensis demissa leniter alii Pileum aufert, superque 
carpentum cum magno clangore volitans rursus veluti 
ministerio divinitus missa capiti apte reponit, inde 
sublimis abiit. Plautus in captivis, pileum, quern 
habuit, diripuit, cumque ad coclum tollit. In Cor- 
nicula penes Wonnium Marcellum. Lyde Pileum 
meum, mi sodalis, mea salubritas. In Saturnalibus 
servos etiam pileos assumere haudquaquam illicitum, 
unde Martialis ad Eoniam, et Didymus scribens, lib. 
9, epigr. 2, Eomam pileatam in Saturnalibus indigetat. 
" Unitis falciferi senis diebus 
Eegnator quibus imperat Eritillus 
Versu ludere non laborioso 
Permittis pudor Pileata Eoma." 



65 



Pileati comedebant eo quia, ut ex Athenaeo, et 
Macrobio dixiruus libertatem affectabant, et pileo se 
liberos ostendebant, bine Proverbium ortum ad 
Pileum, voeare, idest ad libertatem, cujus meminit 
Livius, lib. 4, Dec. 3. Plautus, Dii faxint, ut hodie 
calvus capiam pileum, Appian. Alexandr. quosdam 
ex Caesaris interfectoribus pileum inhasta suspendisse, 
libertatis signum, tradit, extatque ISTumus Bruti 
ccelatus ejusdem Eruti imagine, pileo, ac duobus 
pugionibus, quo teste Dione, lib. 47. Ex his Brutus 
signiflcabat ab se, et Cassio Patriam Libertatem, sic 
Cecinnam fecisse cum ab Octavio Consule expulsus, 
se exulem dedit, scribit Appian. Alexandria, et 
JEmylius Probus, sive Asconius, de Yiris Illustr. 
Cecinna primo Consulatu legem de exulibus re- 
yocandis ferens ab Octavio Collega prohibitus et 
honore privatus Urbe profugit, vocatisque ad 
Pileum servis adversarios vicit. De Volonibus 
testatur Livius, de Plebe Eomana post Keronig 
csedem scribit Aurelius Victor. De Q. Terentio 
Culleone, qui a Scipione liberatus ipsum trium- 
phantem pileatus sequebatur Livius, quampluresque 
scribunt. Unde Ausonius inquit — 

H Triplex libertas, capitisque minutrio triplex. 7 ' 

It is said that the Emperor Constantine decreed 
that Bishop Silvester should ride on horseback. 

"Et ut equitare posset Pontifex Constantinus 
Magnus Imper. D. Silvestro Pontif. decretum inscrip- 
sit," &c. 

And because St Silvester refused from Constantine 
a golden crown, he placed with his own hands on 
the head of that Bishop a splendid white Phrygian 
cap. 

u Quia Sylvester auream coronam repudiavit 
Phryguium candido nitore spendidum ejus sanc- 
issimo vertici manibus suis imposuit." 

From these quotations it is evident that the Cap 
(Pileum) was an object of great distinction with the 

a 2 



66 



ancient Pontifices, that with them it was always 
white-coloured, and that the gentlemen and the free 
people used it also, but of different colour. We are 
told also that when a slave was made a free man, 
that he was capped with a wool-cap, &c. I leave the 
story of the eagle taking away and bringing the cap 
to Tarquinius Priscus, and will say that when the 
people were called upon for an insurrection to recover 
their liberty, they used to put on the cap of liberty ; 
as Appianus Alexandrinus said, that, as a sign of 
liberty, after Caesar's assassination, the people pro- 
menaded the streets carrying the cap of liberty on 
the top of an halberd, or pole, and the cap was also 
engraved on the Coins of Brutus, with two poignards, 
to signify the recovery of the country's freedom, &c. 

According to historical evidences, the actual white 
cotton night-cap is one of the most illustrious and 
ancient objects of wearing-apparel, symbolical of 
freedom and of religion. The Phrygians, the Babylo- 
nians, the Hebrews, the Greeks, and Eomans con- 
secrated it by making it an obligatory distinction to 
their Pontifices ; and with them it was always of 
wool, as they had no cotton nor silk at that time. 
The Secular people used to wear them also of any 
other colour or shape except white. I believe that 
the Apostles wore whitish or grey caps, to avoid 
notoriety and evade persecution. It was a splendid 
white cap that Bishop Silvester received from Con- 
stantine, in place of the Crown, which was the em- 
blem that the Popes and Bishops wore for the first 
thousand years of Christianity, when Damasus altered 
it to the shape of the actual Episcopal Mitres, white- 
coloured and without ornaments. 

A little before the Eevolution of 1831, the Italian 
Liberals began to adopt various-shaped sorts of hats, 
as conventional signs to know each other; many 
young people followed that style as a fashion without 
knowing the cause or the consequence of it. After 
the revolution the use of this hat became general, and 



67 



various edicts were issued in the Italian States, after 
the Restoration, against those who wore these hats, 
and fines and imprisonments failed to put them 
down. The use of them spread through Italy to 
Austria, France, and everywhere, and it is now 
known and called the ivide-aivake. 

I must apologise for having thus wandered from 
the ancient Pontiffs' caps, and treated of those of 
the Eoman Catholic Popes, and the ancient and 
modern caps of liberty. 

I will now return to the Pontifices vittati infulis, 
ac coronati. 

Hinc Cinctum Gabinum Prudentius praeferre Pon- 
tifices enarrat simulque sericam togam. 

" Cinctu Gabino sericam fultus togam.' 9 

Sabiorum itaque cinctura unde Romanorurn Ma- 
jestas effulget, togam praecingit uno ex latere, ne 
humi diffusa gressus impediat, Servius. Est toga 
sic in tergum rejecta ut una ejus lacinia revocata 
hominem cingat, et nonnullorum oracula sic refert 
praecinxisse se Gabios, ut ad bella citius procede- 
rent ; cum Gabii Campaniae civitas sacris operaretur 
bellum subito evenit, tunc cives cincti togis suis, ab 
aeris sunt ad bella profacti, et adepti victoriam 
propter quod omen tali habitu semper utebantur in 
bellis haec ille Yirgilium enarrans in JEneid. 7, ubi 
belli Indicem Jani portam reseratam facit — 

"Has ubi certa sedet Patribus sententia pugnae 
Ipse Quirinali trabea, cinctuque Gabino 
Insignis reserat stridentia limina Consul 
Ipse vocat pugnas, &c." 

Belli gloriam Templis dicandam honoremque 
Ducum in triumphis tribuendum Pontifici Maximo 
Patres censuere, et quia eloquentissimus Tertullianus 
in lib. de Pallio togam ab exteris Romanos habuisse 
testatur, ejus verba hue evocare necessum est. In- 
quit vero ad Carthaginenses. Vobis post injuriae 



68 



beneficium at senium non fastigium exemptis post 
Gracchi obscaena omnia, et Lepidi violenta ludibria, 
post trinas Pompei aras, et Ion gas Caesaris moras, ubi 
moenia Statilius Taurus imposuit Sentius Saturninus 
enarravit cum concordia juvat Toga oblata est. 
Proh quantum circumeavit a Pelasgis ad Lydos, a 
Lydis ad Bomanos, ut ab humeris sublimioris populi 
Carthaginenses complecterentur. 

Togam ex Togatis Senatorum et Pontificum Sta- 
tius, ac praecipae ex his, quae in Columna Trajani 
inspiciuntur Vestem fuisse usque ad Thalos comper- 
tum ast, deinde Octavio Augusto Imperante brevi- 
ores factae sunt, ut Quintilianus refert, nonnulli 
tamen earn usque ad calceos praetendebant : unde 
Menam Pompei libertum sic pendentem efFudisse 
irridet Horatius super humerum revoluta sinum 
altera ex parte prascingebat, undulisque pariter opis- 
santibus brachium ad gestu exertum preestabat. 

Etiam adulterae ait Isidorus, ac Meretrices Togatae 
circumferebantur. Cherinto apud Tibullum. 

" Sit tibi cura togae potior pressumque quarillo 
Scortum, quam Serilis filia Sulpicia." 

Sed nostra Pontificis Toga diyersa a Populare, 
quam ignominiose denuo Togulam Martialis nuncu- 
pat, damnatque Satyricorum turba. Hsec Candida 
remidebat, et liliata tamquam nix coruscabat, de qua 
Prudentius, lib. 1, in Symmach. 

" Exultare Patres videas pulcherrima mundi 
Lumina, Conciliumque Senum gestire Catonum 
Candidiore toga niveum pietatis amictum 
Sumere et exuvias deponere Pontificales." 

Quam Imperatores ut plurimum, imo semper ges- 
tare solebant, Spartianus de Hadriano. Ipse cum 
in Italia esset semper togatus processit, quod Taci- 
tus, lib. 4, De Druso, tradit : J ulius Capitolinus de 
Gordiano, Plavius Vopiscus de Aureliano, et de M. 
Catone Livius, lib. 7, Dec. 4, et quamplurimi scrip- 
tores de antiquitatibus, &c. 



- 



69 

Hinc grandis Pontificum Majestas, gravisque a 
primaeva Consultissimi Numae tempestate refulsit, 
unde, et Comitia indicere, Togas post Senatus 
Consultum impertiri, sacra Templorum explorare, ac 
colere inter sacrum, et saxa pietatem Maximo 
Pontifice relibuit, cui precipue castitas commenda- 
batur, &c. In cibis autem, cujus Sacerdotis 
abstinentior ceremonia ? In vino cujus senis mensa 
fragalior? Operto conclavis tui non sanctior Ara 
Vestalis, non Pontificis cubile castius, nec pulvinar 
Flaminius tarn pudicum castum Pontificis cubile 
premit, quia unius uxoris vir Pontifex ccelibatum 
immaculabilem castitate emulabatur, unde Tertul- 
lianus, in lib. exhort, ad Castitatem, c. 3, ait : Duo 
ipsi Pontiflci Maximo iterare Matrimonia non licet, 
quod Monogamiae gloria est; et denuo lib. de 
Praescript. adversus hereticos, c. 40. Summum 
Pontificem in unis nuptiis statuit, ac Daemonem 
imitatione Sacrorum in Ecclesia ordinum Numam ad 
Monogamiae sedulitatem incitasse testatur, de qua 
inquit Apostolus ad Timotheum. Opportet Epis- 
copum unius uxoris esse virum, quae cum pudicitia 
prepolleret esset honestatis exemplar : hinc Pontificis 
jus erat impudicos ab aris expellere, profanosque 
coercere. Hinc vero Virgil, lib. 6 : 

"Turn Stygio Eegi nocturnas inchoat Aras 
Et solid a imponit taurorum viscera flammis 
Pingue superque oleum fund ens ardentibus extis 
Ecce autem primi sub limina solis, et ortus 
Sub pedibus mugire solum, et juga capta moveri 
Sylvarum, visaeque canes ululare per umbram 
Adventante Dea, procul o procul este profani 
Conclamat vates, totoque absistite loco." 

Kec defuit Pontifici honos, sed praster Galerum 
Fasces, stolam, Infulas, Togam purpuram, Vittasque, 
quas in sacrifices praeferre ediximus majestatis utique 
ornamenta de quibus autor Panegirici dicti Maxi- 
miano, inquit Trabeae Vestae Triumphales, Easces 



70 



Consulares, et Sellse Curules, et hsec obsequiorum 
spatio, et fulgor, et ilia lux Divino vertice claro orbe 
complectens vestrorum sunt ornamenta meritorum 
puleherrima, et augustissima. Cum Carpento Capi- 
tolium ingredi prae cunctis privilegium fuit Pontificis 
Maximi immo serico indutus fastigio urbem cireuibat 
in Curru, juxta morem Begum Latii, qui duodecim 
radiis coronati in monimentum generis, quod a Circe 
Solis fllia pendebat curru lustrabant urbas, traditque 
Virgilius, JEneid., lib. 12. 

. . ingenti mole Latin us 
Quadrijugo vebitur curru, cui tempora cingunt 
Solis avi specimen bigis it Turnus in albis, &c." 

In spectaculis etiam Pontifex, ej usque Asscelse 
primum Theatri fastigium occupabat, Arnobius, 
lib. 4, Adversus Gentiles : Sedent in spectaculis 
publicis et Sacerdotum omnium, magistratuumque 
collegia Pontifiees Maximi, et Maximi Curiones, &c. 
Prudentius quoque, in Martyrio D. Eomani, de Ludo 
Tauri Europse raptoris, ac Cygni quern Jupiter 
assumpsit ad Ledam stupraret. 

" Cygnus stuprator peccat inter pulpita 
Saltat tonantem tauri cornem ludius 
Spectator horum Pontifex Summus sedes 
Bidesque, et ipse." 

Tandem Pontificum coenam inter lautiora urbis 
scriptores referunt unde Horatius in lib. 2, od. 14, 
et Homerus in Iliad, 2. Macrobius in lib. 3. 
Idemque refert Atheneeus, lib. 4. Deipnosoph. et 
Valerius Max., lib. 2, c. 8. Martialis, lib. 12, 
Epigr. 48. 

"Non Albana mini sit commessatio tanti 
Haec CapitolinaB Pootifictjmque Dapes. 
Imputet sibi Deus nectar, mihi fiet acetum 
Et Vaticani perfida Vappa cadi 



71 



Convivia alios caenarum quaere magistros 
Quos capient mensae Eegna superba tuae 

He meas ad subitas invitet amicus ofellas 

Haec mihi quam possum reddere caena placet." 

Memoriae commendata est Pontificalis caena in 
marmore fracto apud Auximum uti vetustate 
testatur. 

AESCVLAPIO ET HYGLZE SACEVH. 
C. Oppio. C. L. Leoxas VI. Vie 
Et Ayg, Honoeatys T. Teiby. C L. Pateym et 

LlBEEUM 

Clientiym et Adyeesys Pateo:nt syis D. D. quoeym 
Dedications Singylis Decyeionibys XIIII. 
Aygystalibys XII. et Colonis Caenas Dedit. 

At si ultro quis petit, cur Imperatores tanto rerum 
gestarum ambitu Pontificum insignia praeferre tentas- 
sent in promptu est Sacerdotalis honos, uti Eegia 
dignus, et dignitas supra Eegem capita conspicua, 
quis enim Yero ignorat Pontificiam Dignitatem penes 
omnium nationes Eegum praestitisse Infulas ? Mer- 
curius Trismegistus cum tautummodo sacrorum 
esset Antrites Sacerdotalem rationem, et Eegiam 
habuisse tradit Ptolomaeus, lib. 2, de Judic. quod 
apud iEgyptios usui quam saepissime paruit, sic 
apud Graecos teste Aristotele, lib. 3, Polit. c. 10. 
Idem fuit Eegnare, ac Sacerdotio fungi ; et Clemens 
Alex., lib. 5, Strom, inter Hebraeos Tiaram Eegalem 
Potestatem portendisse tradit, nec aliter D. Leo 
Pontifex ad Pulcheriam Augustam Eegiam et Sacer- 
dotalem auctoritatem penes Ecclesiae renatos esse 
testatur, quam D. Petrus, Eegale Sacerdotium nun- 
cupat, et in Apocalypsi Joannes, ubi Sacerdotes 
Antistites alloquitur, inquit, fecit yos Eeges et Sacer- 
dotes, et procul ambiguo ex ipsomet Yeritatis oraculo 
compertum est, Eeges Sacerdotes fuisse cum ait : Quanti 
Eeges et Prophetae Yoluerunt Yidere quae yos videtis. 



72 



Sacerdotes silicet Pontifices AaronemHeli, Samuelem, 
Oniam, cseterosque prasstantes indigitat, precipue 
cum apud Hebrseos, ante Sauli Regis exaltationem 
idem Pontifex, et Dux Castra hostium adoriebatur et 
urbem tamquam Princeps regebat, unde cum Esaias 
exclamet quasi sponsum decoratum corona in hebrseo 
est, ut alibi Agellius sicut sponsum fecit me Sacer- 
dotem corona. 

Do not cry out, Mr Antonelli, saying that this has 
nothing to do with the old Pont. Max., and I will 
agree with you that, tempora mutantur ; and though 
the Christians have imitated the Jews, yet it is im- 
proper, and against the fundamental laws of Christ- 
ianity. Here is the verdict against you given by 
Gelasius. 

Gelasius Papa ad Anastasium Imperatorem. Duae 
sunt quippe Imperatrices Augustas, quibus princi- 
paliter mundus hie regitur, Auctoritas Sacra Ponti- 
cum, et Regalis Potestas— Carolus Magnus, lib. 5, 
c. 167. Principalis itaque to tins Sanctse Dei 
Ecclesise corpus in duas eximias personas, in Sacer- 
dotalem videlicet, et Eegalem, sicut a Sanctis Patri- 
bus traditum accepimus, divisum esse novimus. 
Hanc divisionem ut in unum Imperatores redigerent, 
et ipsi Pontificatus fastigium occuparunt, modum 
juxta ordinem prosequar. C. Julius Caesar cum 
JEdilis prseter Comitium, et forum Basiliasque etiam 
Capitolium ornasset porticibus conciliato Populi 
favore tentavit per partem Tribunorum, ut sibi 
JEgyptus Provincia plebiscitu daretur, nactus extra- 
ordinarii Imperii occasionem quod Alexandrini 
Eegem suum socium, atque amicum a Senatu appel- 
latum expulerant, sed adversante optimatum factione 
Pontificatus Maximi dignitatem petere instituit, quod 
Suetonius, c. 13, sic enarrat. Deposita Provincise 
spe Pontificatum Maximum petiit, non sine profusis- 
sima largitione in qua reputans magnitudinem aeris 
alieni, cum mane ad Comitia descenderet predixisse 
Matri osculanti fertur, Domum se nisi Pontificem 



73 



non reversurum, atque ita potentissimos duos com- 
petitores, multumque eetate, ac dignitate antecedentes 
saperavit, ut plura ipse in eorum Tribubus Suffragia 
quam uterque in omnibus tulerit, hactenus ille, et 
sub exitum consulatus Tullii Pontificem factum Dio 
prodit, tunc amplissimos viros Q. Catulum, et P. 
Isaurieum profusa largitione in tenuiores, et poten- 
tiorum affectatione diligentissima usque ad adula- 
tionis foeditatem, nam ait Dio Chrisost., lib. 37 : 
Quos dignitate praeeedere studebat, eosdem ut digni- 
tate superiores afFectabatur, quod prosequitur 
Arrianus in Dissertationis Epicteti, lib. 1, c. 19, et 
Polibius, lib. 10, factum enarrat, ac hominis super- 
biam inculcat, quia a Matre exceptus osculo, se vel 
exulem, vel Pontificem omnino affuturum indixit, 
quod Plutarchus in Apoph. sic refert. Deductus 
Caesar a Matre ad fores, hodie, inquit, o Mater, aut 
Pontificem habebis, aut exulem, qua petulantia pro- 
batissimos homines superavit adhuc adolescens 
animositate tantummodo et genio fretus. 

Nam de Q. Catulo ait Tullius in Yerrem, Pet. Ser- 
vilius, et Q. Catulus tantis rebus gestis sunt, ut in 
clarissimorum hominum numero reponantur, de 
eodem insuper Sallustius refert, quod ex petitione 
Pontificatus odio incensus, quod extrema aetate maxi- 
mis honoribus usus ab adolescentulo Caesare victus 
discesserat sic et P. Isaurici vitam iaudatissimam 
fere omnes exaltant ; hinc Caesar post Pontificatum 
Anno Urbis ncxcu. Praetor effectus Cecilio Metello 
Trib. Plebis turbolentissimas leges adversus Collega- 
rum intercessionem ferenti propugnatorem se praes- 
titit, donee ambo administratione Keipublicae Decreto 
Patruum submoverentur : Inter socios Catilinae nomi- 
natus, et apud Novium Nigrum Questorem a L. 
Vectio indice, et in Senatu a Q. Curio cui constituta 
erant publica praemia, implorato Ciceronis testimonio, 
quaedam se de conjuratione ultro ad eum detulisse 
dixit, sicque evasus ulteriorem sortitus Hispaniam, 
ex duobus Consulatus competitoribus Lucio Luceio, 



74 



Mareoque Bibulo, Lucium sibi adjimxit. At opti- 
mates ne facinus cum sibi conjuncto auderet, Bibulum 
crearunt Consulem, quern sic inculcavit hastu, ut 
cum quid per iocum testandi gratia signarent, non 
Csesare, et Bibulo, sed Julio, et Csesare Coss. actum 
scriberent, eodemque ambitionis acumine fretus sub 
idem tempus Calpurniam L. Pisonis filiam successuri 
sibi in Consulatu duxit ITxorem, suamque Juliam 
Gn. Pompeio collocavit, repudiato priore Sponso 
Servilio Cepione : hinc socero, generoque suifragan- 
tibus ex omni provinciarum copia Gallias potissimum 
elegit, Galliam silicet Cisalpinam Illyrico adjecto 
lege Vatinia accepit, Max. per Senatus Comatam 
quoque veritis Patribus, ne si ipsi negasset Populus, 
et hanc daret, tandem Imperium subripuit, et Ponti- 
ficis Maximi nomen, simulque Imperii posteris trans - 
misit, quae ex Suetonio, Dione, Chrisostomo, Plu- 
tarcbo, et Tullio collecta exhibeo, ut Primitias Eegni 
simulque Pontificatus Lector agnoscat. Nam post 
Lepidi mortem Octavius Augustus cum Eempub. 
reddere nollet Pontificatum Maximum Suscepit, et 
Imperium, inquit enim Suetonius, c. 31. Postquam 
vero Pontificatum Max. quern nunquam vivo Lepido 
auferre sustinuerat, mortuo demum suscepit, &c, 
quod evenit An. Urbis Cond. dccxli. Prid. Non. 
Martii, rem vero narrat Seneca, lib. 1, de Clementia, 
Lepidi Pontificatum Maximum nonnisi mortuo ille 
transferri passus est Augustus, maluit enim ilium 
vocari quam spolium, forsan quia, teste Cassiodoro, 
ante interitum Infulas a Pontifice auferre vetant 
leges. Is this true, Mr Antonelli ? Have you re- 
tained the same laws of the Gentiles ? And if so, how 
do you account for it that in past centuries so many 
Popes and Antipopes not only stole the Mitres, or 
triregnos, from each other, but the strongest unmerci- 
fully gouged the weakest into the bargain ? The solu- 
tion of these propositions is thus resolved, that the 
Gentile Pontifices Maximi were better Christians 
than the Bishops or Popes of the past ages; and 



75 



Popes or Bishops with the pretences of a Christianity 
of their own making, neither would have been tole- 
rated, nor would they have been competent to become 
bad Pagan Pontifices Maximi. I must not lose 
time in making further remarks here, but will show 
that even amongst the Gentiles there have been some 
Pontifices degraded and dismissed, though without 
the ferocity of the Christian Bishops. 

Lege cxxir De Decurionibus in Theodosi Codi. 
quod de Sacerdotibus Arvalibus a Eomulo institutis 
tradit Plinius, lib. 18, c. 2, quamvis aliter alter 
Plinius Secundus scribit lib. 4, Epist. 8. Lepidum 
Octavius Spoliatum exercitu Circeios in perpetuum 
relegaverat, sicut Suetonius, c. 16, tradit. Post 
Pompei fugam Collegarum alterum M. Lepidum, 
quod ex Aphrica in auxilium evocaverat superbientem 
xx. Legionum fiducia, summasque sibi partes 
terrore, ac nimis vindicantem spoliavit exercitu, 
supplicemque concessa vita Circeios in perpetuum 
relegavit. Idque anno Urb. dccxviii, Orosius, 
Lepidus supplex Csesari factus vitam, et bona impe- 
travit perpetuo aniandatus exilio, nec aliter Velleius, 
et animadversor Suetoni Causabonus adnotat. Dio 
in Italia fuisse habitum non sine custodia, Appianus 
aperte Suetonio repugnat, vult missum a Csesare non 
in exilium, sed Eomam, ut privatus degeret Pontifi- 
catu Maximo. Sed Appiani suspecta fides, nam Dio 
anno demum 736. Duodecimo post conspirationem 
anno ab Augusto in Urbem retractum auctor est, 
interim ad Circeios secessit, de quibus Virgilius, 
lib. 7, jEneid., ait : 

"Praxinia Circese vaduntur littora terras 
Dives in accessos ubi Solis filia Luces 
Assidua resonat cantu." 

Et Strabo in 6 Geogr. Post Antium Circeium est 
stadiis ducentis distans, et nonaginta mons mari, et 
paludibus instar habens Insulse habet Castellum, et 
Circes Sacellum et Minervaa Aram. Unde et Octa- 



76 

viaims August, cum Templa numinibus dicaret, 
Pontificatus fastigium prseferebat tradunt lapides 
vetustissirai eaque inscriptio, quara contulit populus 
anno dccci in Larium Consecratione. 

" Laeibus Publicis Sacrum 
Imp. Caesae Augustus 

PoNTIFEX MAXIMUS 

Teibunis Potestatem xyiii 
Ex stipe quam Populus Ei 
Contulit K. Januae. Apsenti 
C. Caluisio Sabino 
L. Possieno Euro Cos." 

Sic cum Patris Patriae Cognomen obtinuit ISTon. 
Pebr. ut in Past. 2, Ovidius accinit, anno urbis Cond. 
dcclyiii. Consule Valerio Messala de quo agit 
Suetonius, eodemque Pontificatus nomine insignitur 
ut inscriptio, quae Seduni in Yallesia visitur, clare 
testatur : 

P. Caesaei Divi i 
Augusto Cos. xi 
Teibunicia Potesta. xv. 
Patei Pateiae 
Pojstifici Maximo 
Civitas Sedunoeum 
Pateono. 

Hinc Sacerdotum potestas, cui eligendum Pontificem 
jusantinquitusfuit, teste Dionys. Halicarnass., lib. 2, 
Ant. Rom. ab ipso Numse tempore usque ad an. 
"Orb. Con. dcli perseverans tandem desiit, et 
Populus ad libitum hunc, vel ilium proclamante 
nam Gn. Domitius Ahenobardus Domitii Neronis 
Imperat. Attavus Tribunus Plebis infensior Pontifi- 
cibus, quod alium quam se in Patris sui locum 
cooptassent, Legem tulit, ut Sacerdotes quos antea 



77 



Collegse suniciebant populus crearet, enarrat Legem 
Valerius Paterculus, et Suetonius Tranquillus, ideo 
facilis fuit Julio Csesari, facilior Octavio Augusto 
ratio Pontificatus sibi a plebe per vim usurpare 
traducemque posteri Pontificatus honorem vendicare 
honestum censuere; unde Symmachus Urbis Prse- 
fectus in orat. pro restituenda Deorum Keligione ad 
Valentinianuni, Theodosium, et Arcadium Augustos, 
ipsos Imperatores optinios Principes Patriae Patres, 
et Justitise Sacerdotes nuncupat. Magnus Ausonius 
in gratiarum actione ad Gratianum Imperat. pro 
Consulatu, inquit : TJnus in ore omnium Gratianus 
Potestate Imperator, virtute Yictor, Augustus 
sanctitate, Pontifex Eeligione Indulgentia, Pater 
iEtate filius, pietate utrumque, et paulo post ele- 
ganter subinfert. Tu Auguste Venerabilis, districtus 
maximo bello assultantibus tot millibus Barbarorum, 
quibus Danubii ora prsetexitur Comitia Consulatus 
mei armatus exerces tributa ista, quod in Urbe 
Sirmio geruntur, an ut quod in procinctu centuriata 
dicentur, an ut quondam Pontificalia Yocabuntur 
sine arbitrio multitudinis Sacerdotum tractata Col- 
legio. Sic potius, sic yocentur quae Tu Pontifex 
Maximus Deo participatus habuisti, et inter Gratiani 
Augusti titulos adhuc Eoniss extantes in vetustis 
marmoribus legitur : 

"Flayius Geatiaxus Pius, Felix, Maximus Victob 
Ac Teiumphatoe Semper Augustus Poxtteex 
Maxim. Geemanicus Maximus, Alemaxtcus 
Maximus, Feaxciscus Maximus, Gothicus Maxi- 
mus, Teibuxtcls; Potestatis Teettum." 

Plinius, 2, lib. 4, Epist. 11, ad Minutianum inquit 
adversus Corneliam Maximillam Virginem Yestolam, 
Domitianum Pontificis Jura exercuisse, omnesque 
Pontificatus tamquam Infulis decora tos, coluit am- 
bitio, quam inculcavit Gratianus Imperator edicto 
ccelitus proposito, ne quis in posterum Pontificis 
Maximi nomen sibi posterisque suis deferret, et hsec- 

h 2 



78 



de Pontificibus sufficienter dixisse orbitror. Are you 
at home, Mr Antonelli ? Do you hear the sound of 
the above sentence? You know well enough at 
what time Gratianus reigned, and you know also 
what position you would have if another Gratianus 
came again and said — Out of the way, you old Dan 
Tucker, &c, with a full chorus, and accompaniments 
of military bands with cannons, bombs, and shells, 
&c. You will excuse me if I have named Gratianus 
here, and if I quit him abruptly ! We shall see 
him by-and-bye in his proper chronologic place. 

Tantummoneolmperatores, uumPontificaturn Max. 
agerent religionis monimenta ceteris Pontificibus 
agenda curasse. Sic Plinius quern paulo ante 
reposui ait. Domitianum Jure Pontificis Virginem 
damnasse, additque Missi statim Pontifices, qui 
defodiendam necandamque curarent inter quos non 
semel Maximi nominis viros fuisse, Tullius, in 
Oratio. ad versus Clodium aperit, firmatque Julius 
Capitolinus in Macrino, dicens : Senatus Macrinum 
cum Scriba Pontificum fuisset, quos hodie Pontifices 
Minores vocant, Pontificem Max. appellavit quo 
nomine Imperatorem designasse scriptores unanimiter 
scribunt, &c, Etenim Pontificalis honor Imperio 
renidebat, sicut Ovidius, in Fastis, lib. 3, ubi Pridie 
Nonas Martias Augustum Pontificem Maximum 
decantat — 

u Csesaris innumeris quos maluit ille mereri 
Accessit titulis Pontificalis honor. 
Ignibus seternis, aeterni numina prsesunt 
Csearis : Imperii pignora juncta vides." 

There remain many other religious institutions 
which I might name, besides the festivities, the mar- 
riage and death ceremonies, the public games, spec- 
tacles, the Equiria, Eubigalia et Fornacalia, instituted 
by Numa, but, as all these matters might interfere 
with the object of the present work, and I consider 
it inopportune, I omit giving a proper descriptive 



79 



chapter of all of them ; as I omit also the mention of 
the Fig-tree, venerated in the Roman Forum as 
sacred to Romulus (see Pliny, lib. xv), as well as the 
naming of the 

"Porrum et Cepse nefas violare et frangere morsu," 
and the iEgyptio-Roman adoration of the Crocodile^ 

" iEgyptus portenta colat? Crocodilon adorat 
though I should like to write a good chapter on the 
old Religious Drunkards Picus et Faunus, cum J ovis 
poculum, ac Boni Dsemonis decantent, &c. 

There is plenty to relate, and to laugh at, concerning 
those extraordinary drunkards — Theophrastus, lib. 
De Temulentia scripsit Boni Dgemonis, poculum in fine 
Conviviorum exhibitum, illudque a Mensa dum sum- 
ant Deum adorant, tanquam supplices, &c. Though I 
pass over these Baccanalian and Lupercalian orgies, 
I cannot help saying that Timseus scribit Dionysium 
coronam auream prcemium prsebuisse ei qui prius 
Congium meri biberet. Theopompus said that the 
Macedonian Philippus, and the Great Alexander were 
good drinkers, &c. Atheneus refert Xenarchus 
Rhodius ob bibacitatem Congius appellatur : quia 
teste Phsenodemo Athenis festum Congiorum diem 
celebrabatur sub Demophonte cum Athenes Orestes 
petiit, illumque Dionysius Tyrannus inquit, Timoeus 
edidit, ac Corona exhibita bibacissimus omnium 
Xenocrates Philosophus cum congium hausisset meri, 
illani prge omnibus meruit, et postea cum Calanus in 
accensum rogum coram Alexandre, se projecisset ait, 
Chares Mithylenseus Alexandrum ad ejus tumulum 
gymnicos ludos instituisse, ac meri potationum cer- 
tamen, in quo cum bibaces Indi helluonesque cer- 
tassent, Promachus epotis vini congiisquatuor vicit 
ac talentum a Eege obtinuit ; at temulentia hsec 
mortales deturpat, et homines, unde graphice Juve- 
nalis bibaces sic carpit — 

"Prima peregrinos obscena pecuiria mores 
Intulit, et turpi fregerunt secula luxu 



80 

Divitiae molles, quid eniin Venus Ebria curat ? 
Inguinis et capitis quse siat discrimina nescit 
Grandia, quse mediis jam natibus ostrea mordet 
Cam perfusa mero, spument unguenta Falerno 
Cum bibitur concha, &c." 
And many other quotations of this kind would prove 
the extraordinary demoralisation attained by the 
encouraged Bacchanalian worshippers ; and I think 
that I have said enough, also, about this ; therefore, 
to avoid repetition, when I come to the middle ages 
we shall see that the so-called Roman Catholic Pon- 
tifices not only kept up the ancient worship of 
Bacchus and Venus, but also emulated and surpassed 
the ancient potationis jjotores avidi, alias drunk- 
ards, and like the ancients, who, instead of making 
their libations to the Gods, with honey dissolved in 
water, they, and the moderns also, drunk the best of 
wines they could get, and drunk whilst they could 
swallow, entirely forgetting the solution of honey 
and water, as was originally prescribed for the reli- 
gious libations by the really Greek and Eoman reli- 
gious Pontifices. — See Athenaeum Phylarchum, in 
lib. 12, Historiarum. 

I was pleased to read the beautiful expressions 
uttered by the learned American Minister, Mr 
Adams, in answer to a toast at the last Lord Mayor's 
Inauguration Dinner (9 th November, 1861) and 
most cordially agree with his noble and humane sen- 
timents, though I differ from him, with regard to 
his saying that diplomacy is a new art. I have 
before me many arguments to prove that it is one 
of the most remote, most noble, and ancient arts, 
and, properly speaking, a most ancient Eeligious 
Institution, practised for several thousand years 
before Christianity, and revived and elevated to the 
highest degree of venerable organization by JNuma 
Pompilius. Though it should have preceded the 
chapter of the Pontifices Maximi, I will insert it 
here to close the Eeligious Institutions of the Gentiles. 



81 



F-3ECIALES E PEJESTANTISSIMIS FaMILIIS ASSTJMUNTUR 
A NlTMA PEO PACIS E(EDEEE AC JTJSTO BELLO DECEE- 
KEKDO. 

Ea fait semper pacis Eeligio prestantissimos pene 
TJrbiiim Eee tores, ut usque a primo Sapientum sevo 
antequam arma consererent Numinum sciscitarentur 
oracula. Hinc JEgyptiorum consensus Persarum 
apnd Xenophontem, et Atheniensinm animadversio, 
ut ante bellum thure, et hostiis Tenipla vocarent, 
quo magis Sacerdotum preces ab aris flammas velut 
alas preeferrent, ac citissime festinarent ad Superos 
quae teste ]Sonia Marcello in Paaeialibus Pia Vota 
vocabant. Non enim absque Deo interprete inquit 
Solon, quern refert Grsecus author Mausonius justum 
quisque ex Mortalibus bellum valet decernere, iu 
bello enim vero Compages terrarum orbis, qua3 teste 
Socrate, apud Platonem, in 2 de Legibus hominum 
vicissitudo sunt, et commercia dissolvuntur, arma 
TJrbes devorant, depopulantur Eegiones, fortunes 
Vices prseferunt, et mors quam saspe Parcarum 
omnium ordines unico ferri ictu invertit ad exttium, 
ut lugeat tellus, collapsa coacerventur Eegum monu- 
menta, mcenia inculcentur ab exteris, et theatra 
Civium conspersa sanguine praa hominum turbis 
virgultis ornentur in saltu. Undse Camillus apud 
Plutarchum, cum faliscos obsidione premeret, inquit 
Ssevares bellum est, cumulumque secum trahit 
injuriarum, et violentiae. 

Hinc Numa Eex placidissimus, qui Urbem pacis 
munimento firmandam censuit, et teste Livio, lib. 
2, dec. 1. Omnium maximum ejus operum fuit 
tutela per omne Eegni ten) pus haud minor Pacis 
quam Eegni, Peciales instituit, eosque tali insignitos 
nomine voluit, quia ut ait Yarro, lib. 4, Ling. Lat. 
fidei publicaa inter populos praeerant, et per hos 
fiebat, ut Justum Conciperetur Bellum (et inde 
desitum) et ut fcedere fides Pacis constitueretur. 



82 



Dionys. Halicarnass., lib. 2, Antiq. Eoman. a Kuma 
institutum Eaecialium Collegium tradit, nomenque 
Graocum dicens. Septima Sacrarum legum pars dicata 
erat Collegio Eeeialiam — called in Greek Dijilomacij 
— quod ad fcedus sanciendum pertinet sicut Alex- 
ander, lib. 5, e. 3, declaravit ubi ait: Eeeciales, quos 
fcederibus sanciendis, et rebus repetendis, ac bellis 
indicendis Eomanos habuisse constat. Sicque afcedere 
pace ac bello finitimis in dicendo nomen sortiti sunt, 
ut Plutarchus in Camillo, Varro, lib. 2, De Vita 
Pop. Eom. Apud Non. Marcellin. Servius in iEneid. 1, 
Aulus Gellius cseterique en arrant. 

Et primo animadvertere ullo non absque opere est 
pretio Numam inter Eomanos Graecosque primum 
Fseciales instituisse, et si quamplures autument prae- 
stasse olim ante Numam iliorum Collegium, utpote 
Eeipublicae necessarium. Sic Livius ab Equiculis 
id accepisse testatur dicens, Jus ab antiqua gente 
sequicolis, quod nunc Eseciales habent descripsit, &c. 
Scribit Gellius ; hoc tan turn possum affirmare ante 
2^umam Eegem Eseeialium Collegium Bora a) non 
fuisse. Id ille instituit, cum Eidenates agrum 
Eomanum excursionibus, et latrociniis infestare 
ausos bello aggredi pararet, ne sine bello rem secum 
mallent componere, quod tandem eis facere necesse 
fuit : bactenus ille, qui, et causam vulgat traditque 
Grsecos carere Magistratu Esecialium. Ex quo 
Numam instituisse compertum fit, traditque in 
Camillo Plutarcbus, ubi Brennum Gallorum Eegem, 
qui clusios urgebat acie, Eomam insultasse tradit, 
propter necem quam unus ex Eabiis, Q. Ambustus 
cum esset de pace Legatus Gallo intulit, ubi etenim 
sic ait. Hos Eaeciales quietissimus, et justissimus 
Eex instituit JSTuma pacis Custodes, Cognitores, Arbi- 
trosque causarum belli indicendi legitimarum. 

Et quia de pacis coromodo agebatur justoque bello 
omnium fere maximum Collegium instituit, nam que, 
iii Elamines, Dialem, Martialem et Quirinalem 
legit, yi Vestaies Salios Martis Gradivi in, at 



83 



Fseciales xx sufieeit, ut vel sic in belli eventu justi- 
tiam prseferrent arma, traditque Varro, lib. 3, de 
Vita Pop. Bom. in fragmento, quod apud ionium 
extat. Si cujuslegativiolatiessent, qui id fecissent, 
quamvis nobiles essent, ut dederentur Civitati statue- 
runt Fsecialesque xx, qui de his rebus cognoscerent, 
judicarent, et statuerent, et eonstituerent. 

Sic etiam cur JSTuma Fseciales selegerit causam 
expendere in promptu est ex ISTonio Marcello, qui sic 
ait, Fseciales apud veteres Eomanos erant, qui Sancto 
Legatoruni Officio ab his, qui adversus populum 
Bomanuni, qui aut rapinis, aut injuriis hostili mente 
commoverant pignora facto fcedere jure repetebant, 
nee bella indicebantur, qui tamen pia vocabant 
priusquam fuisset, quid Fsecialibus denunciatum. 
Varro, lib. 2, De Yi. Pop. Bom. Itaque bella, et 
tarde, et nulla licentia suseipiebant, quod bellum 
nullum nisi pium putabant geri oportere, et prius- 
quam indicerent bellum iis a quibus injurias factas 
sciebant, Fseciales legatos res repetitum mittebant 
quatuor. quos Oratores mittebant : Sic etiam Cin- 
cius, lib. 3, de Be Militari apud Gellium, !Noet. 
Atticar. lib. 16, c. 4, et Plutarchus in Kuma Pacis 
Arbitros illos nuncupat, quia disceptatione compri- 
mebant certamina, neque priusquam abscissa omnis 
Juris obtinendi spe ad arma iri sinebant. Ideoque 
tradit Dionysius Halicarnass., lib. 2, Aut. Eom. 
semper eis faciles contigisse bellorum exitus, 
omnia enim ille religiosissime, ac justissimis de 
causis auspicati esse comperitur, ideoque Deos in 
periculis habuisse maxime propitios. Sicut e contra 
si nunquam contigisset Fsecialium Sacerdotum spre- 
cuisse oracula, tunc TJrbem a Superis fulminibus 
expetitam numina premebant ad necem sicut scribit 
Plutarchus in Camillo, et consumatim refert in 
Ifuma, ubi Fabium cum ex Gallis unum interfecissit 
sub pacis fcedere, petentibus Gallis, tradi jusserunt 
Feciales, negante yero Plebe, Urbs totse direptioni 
cessit, aitque Galli Eom am misso Ceduccatore voca- 



84 



runt Fabium in Crimen, quod non bello indicto con- 
tra jus gentium arm a in ipsos tulisset. Ibi agen- 
tibus in Senatu Psecialibus, ut Gallis dederetur 
confugit ad Populum Pabius, studioque Plebis per- 
rupit periculum. Mox Galli agmen Komam rapue- 
runt Urbemque dempto Capitolio delevere, idque 
in Crassum qui Parthorum fines pecuniarum affectu 
raptus, cum primum adoriri ausus est capite abscisso 
pacis, vel tandems ecutus specimen obiit. 

As I fancy that the danger of a general war is not 
yet passed, it may not be out of place to extend this 
chapter, and include in it some specimens of the 
moral laws, and the integrity of the ancient Eeligio- 
political Diplomates commissioned to maintain the 
peace of the Roman Empire, and declare war when 
there was a just cause. The morality, the justice, and 
wisdom of these ancient men might be of service to 
some modern ambassadors, while it is a source of 
pleasure to me to repeat some of the old glorious 
deeds. 

Leges vero Pecialium sive ipsorum in Urbe potestas 
qua prestabant ad arma apud Dionys. Halicarnass. 
sic legitur. Cavere ne Eomani ulM foederatse Civi- 
tati injustum bellum inferant, quod si qua prior 
contra foederis conditiones aliquid commiserit, 
Legatos agere et verbis primo jus suum repetere, 
quod si dedignetur facere postulata, tunc vero bellum 
rathum habere hoc totum Xenophon, in Cinopcedia 
docet, et Isocrates, in Plataico, cum de Platsea ageret, 
quae Beotise est Ci vitas Mardonii clade, atque interitu 
Persarum Atheniensium magis quam Thebanorum 
studiosior fuit, id tandem consecuta est petentibus 
Thebanis, ut a Laced semoniis vastaretur, sicut scribit 
Herodotus, lib, 9, qui Calliope inscribitur, et Thuci- 
dides, lib. 2 et 3, acriter foedus cum Plataeensibus 
factum adversus Athenas impugnat, damnatque 
velut fcedifragos : et Tullius, lib, 3, de Offic. Se- 
narios Jambicos, ex Pacuvii Armorum judicio refert, 
quibus Ajax Ulissem sic impetit, et damnat. 



85 



u Cuju ipse Princeps juris jurandi fait 
Quod omnes scitis, solus neglexit fidem : 
Eurere assimulavit, ne coiret, institit ; 
Quod ni Palamedis perspicax prudentia 
Isticio percepset malitiosam audaciam 
Eidei servatse jus perpetuo falleret." 
Et Antius, in Atreo penes eumdem. 

"Eregisti ne fidem? neque dedi, neque do infideli 
cuiquam?" DeindeTullus ad versus Epicureos, qui 
Deum irasci negabant, ut etiam Lactantius Eirmianus, 
lib. de Ira Dei, animadvertit Stoicos Academicos, ac 
Peripateticos, secutus in quit. In Jure jurando non 
qui metus, sed quae vis sit, debet intelligi, est enim 
jus jurandum affirmatio religiosa, quod autem 
amrmate, quasi Deo teste prorniseris id tenendum 
est. Jam enim non ad iram Deoruin, quae nulla est, 
sed ad Justitiam, et ad fidem pertinet nam prceelare 
Ennius. 

Eides alma apta pinnis, et Jus Jurandum Jovis. 
Qui igitur Jus jurandum violat, is fidem violat, quam 
in Capitolio vicinam Jovis Optimi Maximi, ut in 
Catonis Oration e est, majores nostri esse voluerunt, 
forsan prope Jovis Templum, ut in pejerantes fulmina 
citius immiteret, quos impetere et belli duces omnino 
debent, et homines manus conserere in ipsos, sicut 
refert Livius, lib. 2, Dec. 2. Tullum Hostilium 
adversus Metium SufTetium Albanorum Dictatorem 
vindicias exercuisse ; turn Tullus Meti SufTetii, 
inquit, si ipse discere posses fidem, ac fcedera, ser- 
vare, vivo tibi ea disciplina a me adhibita esset, non 
quoniam tuum insanabile ingenium est, aut tuo te 
supplicio doce humanum genus ea sancta credere, 
quae a te violata sunt, ut igitur paulo ante animum 
inter Eidenatem Eomanamque rem ancipitem ges- 
sisti, ita jam corpus passim distrahendum . dabis : 
Exinde duabus admotis quadrigis in currus earum 
distentum illigat Metium, deinde in diversum itur 
equi concitati lacerum in utroque curru corpus, quas 
inhgeserant vinculis membra portantes. Et tanta 

i 



86 



est barbarie usus, quia ut Tullius paulo ante Cives 
allocutus ait. Metius ille hujus Machinator est belli, 
Metius Foederis Bomard, Albanique ruptor, audiat 
deinde, &c. 

Nec mirum, quia teste Onosandro in Strategico, 
c. 37, ne dum Numine, a quo yiolata fides vindiciam 
rogat, sed ab hominibus quam severe puniri debent, 
traditque Duci hoc monitum. Qui acceptse cladis 
injuriam ab Diis vendieandam esse sibi fingunt, 
religiosa sane cogitant, at nequaquam tuta, nimiseque 
amentise est foedifragos a Numine solo ulciscendos 
sperare, nec ullam periculorum curam sustinere 
Telle, quasi si salvi ipsi futuri sint, simul et hostes 
perfidise pcenas luerint. Unde, Silius Italicus, lib. 2, 
Bell. Punic. 

" Audite Gentes ; neu rumpite foedera pacis 
^N"ec Eegnis postferte fidem : vagus exul in orbe 
Errabit toto Patriis projectus ab oris.' , 

Sequitur Dionysius : Itidem, si a Eomanis illatam 
sibi contra foedus queruntur injuriam, causam eorum 
cognoscere, et si jure queri comperiantur, Sontes 
comprehensos lg6 sis dedere, judicare item Delegatorum 
injuriis, et dare operam, ut religiose serventur 
conditiones foederum : Pacem etiam conficere, aut si 
juxta sacras leges non esse facta videatur, irritam 
reddere. Prseterea si quid Imperatores contra Juris 
Jurandi et foederum leges patraverint cognoscere, 
atque expiare ; hactenus ille, quia recte inquit Tul- 
lius, lib. 3, de Ofiic. Hosti fides jusjurandi servanda 
est, suadetque Isocrates ubi de pace quod Eomani 
Maxim opere coluerunt, pertimescentes Numinum 
jacula, imprecationesque, quas in foedere solenniter 
feriendo vulgabant, quos tandem Silius Italicus Bo- 
manorum ex penu protulit in praesgifagos, lib. 2, 
dicens, 

" Ergo armis foedus, fasque omne abrumpitur armis 
Oppida quassantur, longeque in maenia nostra 
iEneadum arrectse mentes, disectaque pax est 



87 



Exagitant manes Juvenem, furiseque paternse 
Ac funesta sacra, et conversi fcedere rupto 
In caput infidum Superi, Massillaque Yates 
Annuit." 

Itaque cum belli urgebat necessitas Eomani qui 
(sicut in Anasthasio Eege Imperatorem queniiibet 
Onosander monet) tranquille ac placide cum 
hastibus, velut in pace degebant, providse tarn en, et 
caute subitis casibus, velut in bello prospiciebant, 
antequam arenam, et scamna pararent ex Fascial ibus 
TJnum tamquam Legatum sive Oratorem missum 
faciebant, ut ab hostibus jura repeteret, et fcedus 
ritum firmarent hostiis, si vellent, secus vero belli 
vindicise specimen preferrent in urbe : Hune Patrem 
Patratum inquit Pomponius nuncupabant a patrando, 
idest faciendo foedere, et a Paecialibus creabatur 
tantum in foedere faciendo, cujus in delectu hominem 
pium ac religione, et virtute omnimode prseditum 
prae oculis habebant, asseritque Tullius in 7, in 
Verrem dicens : habemus hominem in Fecialium 
manibus educatum unum preter ceteros in publicis 
Eeligionibus foederum sanctum, ac diligentem, 
ejusque munus, habitum, et gesta recenset Dionysius, 
lib. 2, antiqui. Eom. Unus Poecialium electus a 
Collegio Vestae, ac gestaminibus sacris exornatus, ut 
prse ceteris sit insignis versus infestam civitatem 
profectus, cum primuni fines eorum attigit, Jovem 
ceterosque Deos invocans protestatur venire se, ut 
Romanse civitati jus suum repetat; Deinde juratus 
ire se ad injustam Civitatem, et si quid mentiatur 
gravissimas et sibi, et Civitati diras imprecatur, fines 
ingrediatur, et quern primum obvium nactus fuerit, 
cum testatur sive is Urbanus sit, sive Eusticus, et re- 
petitis eisdem execrationibus ad TJrbem pergit, quam 
prius adde quam ingrediatur, vel Portae custodem, vel 
primum quemque in Porta obvium similiter testatus 
in forum procedit ibique stans Magistratibus adventus 
sui causam indicat, juramento, et execrationibus 
usque quaque interpositis, turn si auctores injuriaa 



88 



damnatos, deditosque acceperit, abducens eos, amicus 
ipse ab amicis discedit. Quod si tempus ad deliber- 
andum petant, decern concessis diebus revertitur, et 
usque ad tertiam petitionem expectat, elapsis autem 
xxx diebus, si non impetret jus suuni obtestatus 
Superos, atque Inferos discedit hoc tantum profatus 
Populum Romanum super ea re perotium delibera- 
turum. Deinde assumptis cseteris PaBeialibus ad 
Senatum refert omnia, se rite ex Sacrorum Legum 
prsescripto exsecutum et si Velint Bellum Decernere 
Licere id I His Per Deos, hactenus ille cujus verba, 
quas indigent animadversione, antequam expendamus 
notandum hunc Faecialium Maximum dixisse, imo 
cum non omnes possunt illud munus exercere solum - 
modo Pater Patratus eligebatur, qui Patre adhuc 
superstite filios habebat, quod sic enucleat Plutarchus, 
in 99 Rom. dicens : Cur inter Fasciales Maximus est 
is, quern Patrem Patratum appellant. Is autem est 
qui liberos habet vivo adhuc Patre Suo, atque etiam- 
num Privilegium auctoritatemque aliquam retinet. 
Prsetoris enim corpora, quse ab formam, et florem 
aetatis custodia habebant opus pudica eorum fldei 
commendant, et cum nonnullas assignet causas, 
tandem ob jusjurandum, quod icto foedere ab ipso 
exigitur Patrem Patratum eligendum tradit : Jure 
Jurandi, et Pacis Prassidem oportet simul (ut ait 
Homerus) prorsus et retrorsum videre, id maximum 
prestare posset, qui et nlium habet de quo consultet, 
et Patrem qui cum deliberet. Livius, lib. 2, de 
foedere Tullus Eegis Hostilii cum Albanis. Pater 
Patratus ad jusjurandum patrandum, idest sanciendum 
fit. Ideo ex Servio Alexander, lib. 5, c. 3. Patrem 
Patratum Principeni Fascialium nuncupat, quia 
Coronatus bellum indicebat. Enim vero Coronam et 
Yerbena gestabat, a qua et Verbenarius dicebatur, 
simulque et caeteri Faeciales sic coronatos describit 
Virgilius, lib. 12, iEneid., ver. 115, ubi elapso quod 
Turnus tempore prasfinierat octo die castra praescribit 
et sacra : 



89 



" Campum ad certamen Magnse sub mcenibus Urbis 
Diraensi Eutulique viri Tenerique parabant 
In medioque focos et Diis communibus Aras 
Gramineas alii fontemque, ignemque ferebant 
Yelati lino, et Verbena ternpora cincti." 
In Primis Jovem Patrem Patratum Dionysius 
tradit, eumque testem advocare, ut plagiaries foederis 
sacramentum inculcantes ejaculet. Unde Livius, 
lib. 1, Dec. 2, in Anco Martio Fsecialem dicentem sic 
facit. Jovem testem facio, si ego injuste impieque 
illos homines illasque res dedierim nuntioPop. Pom. 
mihi exposco tarn Patriae compotem me nunquam 
sinas esse, et antea habitum Paeeialis eleganter sic 
exprimit. Legatus ad fines eorum venit, unde res 
repetuntur capite velato (filum lanae velamen est). 
Audi Jupiter inquit, audite fines (cujuscumque Gentis 
sunt, nominat) Audiat fas, Ego cum Publicus Nun- 
tius Populi Ptomani juste pieque Legatus venio, ver- 
bisque meis verba sint, peragit deinde postulata, Inde 
Jovem testem facit : Deinde Deos ceteros advocat, 
adhibetque ut testes, dicens: Audi Jupiter et tu 
Juno Quirine, Diique omnes Celestes, vosque Ter- 
restres omnes, Vosque Inferni audite, ego vos testor, 
&c. Idem refert Tulli Hostilii Verba ad Albanos 
primum feed us a majoribus ictum abrumpere tentavit : 
j^untiate inquit Eegi Vestro Eegem Eomanum Deos 
facere testes, uter prius Populus res repetentes Le- 
gates aspernatus dimiserit, ut in eum omnes 
expetant hujusce clades belli, et lib. 8, Manlium 
Torquatum si Jovem rogasse scribit, firmatque JElius. 
Gallus apud Pestum Pompeium, et Alexander, qui 
ea verba solemnia fuisse indicat, a Numa composita> 
ut clara voce vulgarentur, ej usque vociferatio Clari- 
tatio nuncupabatur ; quia repetebantur, verba ut 
patet ex Ennio et Plinio, lib. 22, et Servius in 
lib. 10. iEneid., ait, Claritatem exercere hoc est per 
Eaeciales bella indicere, et alibi ob claram vocem 
Claritatem dixisse. His fortiter ominosis enarratis 
vocibus, hastam in fines hostium emittebat belli 

i 2 



90 



inditum, Livius, lib. 1 : Id ubi dixisset, nastam in 
fines eorum emittebat, sed non absque Magistratus 
auctoritate : unde Alexander rem plenius enarrrat, 
lib. 5, c. 3 : Ibat Pater Patratus ad hostium fines, 
et verba solemnia praefatus bellum a Populo Eomano 
contra Prsescriptos hostes ob legitimas, quas cen- 
suerat causas, clara voce indicebat, postquam clari- 
tationem mos erat, ut de Senatus eonsilio, et populi 
jussu Faaciales Hastam Ferratam aut Sanguineam 
Prceustam ad fines eorum jacere, et non minus tribus 
puberibus prassentibus bellum indicere, et ita denun- 
eiari, et indici justum, piumque bellum putavere, 
hsec ille ex Livio, et Ammianus Marceliinus, lib. 19, 
sic inquit. Yixque ibi Grumbates Hastam infestam 
sanguine ritu patrio, nostroque more coniecerat 
Eaecialis armis, exercitus concrepans involat in muros 
quern morem Statius Thebaidos, lib. 12, ver. 834, 
sic facit: 

" Hos ubi velle acies, et dulci gliscere ferro 
Dux videt, atque piis raptim dent oscula natis 
Amplexusque breves, curru sic fatur ab alto 
Terrarum leges, et mundi fcedera mecum 
Defensura manus, dignas insumite mentes 
Ca3ptis,hacomnemDivumque hominumquefavorem 
IsTaturamque Ducem, Caetusque silentis Averni 
Stare palam est ; illic pcenarum exercita Thebis 
Agmina, et Anguicomse ducent Yexilla Sorores, 
Ite alacres, tantaeque precor confidite causae, 
Dixit, et Emissa Praeceps Iterinchoat ITasta, 
Qualis hiperboreos, ubi nubilus institit axes 
Jupiter et prima tremefecit sidera bruma, &c." 

Valerius Placcus, lib. 3, Argon. 

" Donee hasta volans immani turbine transtris 
Insonuit monuitque ratem rapere obvia caeca 
Arma manu." 

Apud Virgilium, lib. 9, v. 1 0, Turnus pugnae cu- 
piditate inflammatus suos precurrit, et ait: 



91 



« Ecquis erit mecum o Juvenes qui primus in hostem? 
En ait ? et Jaculum intorquens emittit in auras 
Principium Pugnse, et campo sese arduus infert." 
Claudianus, lib. 2, in Eutropium, v. 165. 
"Tunc adamante gravem, nodisque vigentibus Hastam 
Telum ingens, nullique jaculabile torsit 
Eit late ruptis via nubibus ilia per auras 
Tot freta, tot montes uno contenta volatu 
Transilit, et Phrygia rnediis affigitur oris." 
Et Statius, lib. 6, Thebaidos rnoris ejusdem meminit, 
etiarn apud Carthaginenses, Pestus Pompeius, lib. 8, 
in usu fuisse tradit, Carthaginenses cum bellum vellent 
Bomam hastam miserunt, Justinus, ex Trogo, lib. 11, 
Alexandrum hastam emisisse. Macedonum secutus 
morem, cum primum Persarum hostilem terram 
attigit, eamque e E~avi trajicientem primum Maee- 
donum in hastas ejaculasse scribit, Diodorus, lib. 17, 
Biblioth., c. 2. Sec aliter apud Grsecos, cum Liba- 
nius ubi Menelaum declamantem facit, id testatur, 
et Aulus Gellius, lib. 16, c. 4, ex Cineio rem mature 
expendit. Cincius, in lib. 3, de re inilitari, Fseci- 
alem Populi Eom. bellum indicentem hostibus, 
Telumque in agrum eorum inicentem hisce verbis 
uti scrip sit. 

a Quod Populus Hermundulus Hominesque Populi 
Hermunluli adyersus Populum Eomanum Bel- 
lum EECERE, DeLIQUERUNT, QUAE QUOD, Q,. PoPU- 
LUS EoMANUS, CUM POPULO HeRMUNDULO, BeLLUM, 

jussit, ob, eam rem, Ego Populusque, Eomanus, 
Populo Hermundulo Hominibusque Hermuj*- 
dulis. Bellum, dico, eacioque." 

Usee Eaacialium acta cum primum bellum jus turn 
decernerent, at pacto si unquam fcedere Eomani, 
simul coirent cum exteris, fcedus ipsi litantes ferie- 
bant. Enim vero lege id sancitam refer t Tullius, 
lib. 2, de Legibus, ubi inter quamplurimas hgec legi- 
tur, foederum pacis belli, induciarum oratores Faeci- 
ales J udices duo sunto bella disceptante : hac igitur 



92 



potestate prasditus foedera Pater Patratus componit, 
rationemque feriendi enarrat Livius, lib. 2, ubi agit, 
de foedere Tulli Hostilii, et Albanoruui procerum, ut 
cujus populi cives eo certamine vicissent, is alteri 
populo cum bona pace imperitaret, quod istum sic 
refert: Ita factum accepimus nec ullius vetustior 
foederis memoria est, Pasciales ita Eegem Tullum 
rogavit, jubes ne mi Eex cum Patre Patrato Populi 
Albani foedus ferire ? Jubente Eege sagmina inquit ; 
te Eex posco ; Eex ait ; Puram tollite Pascialis ex 
acie graminis herbam puram attulit, postea Eegem 
ita rogavit, Eex facis ne metu Eegium Nuntium 
Populi Eomani Quiritium ? Vasa Comitesque meos ? 
Eex respondit, quod sine fraude mea Populique 
Eomani Quiritium fiat, facio, Pascialis erat M. Vale- 
rius is Patrem Patratum S. P. Pusium fecit, Yerbena 
caput capillosque tangens, foedus, multisque verbis 
quae iongo effata Carmine, non operas est referre 
peragit ; Legibus deinde recitatis, Audi, inquit, Ju- 
piter, audi Pater Patrate Populi Albani, audi tu 
Populus Albanus, ut ilia palam prima postrema ex 
illis tabulis, cerave recitata sunt sine dolo malo, 
utique ea hie hodie rectissime intellecta sunt illis 
legibus Populus Eomanus prior non deficit. Si ille 
prior deflexit publico Consilio, dolo malo, tu illo die 
Jupiter Populum Eom. sic ferito, ut ego hune 
Porcum hodie feriam, tantoque magis ferito, quanto 
magis potes, pollesque, id ubi dixit Porcum saxo silice 
percussit : hactenus ille cujus verba expendere operas 
pretium est, ut ipsorum praelucente undique face an- 
tiquitatis tenebras peliamus. 

Interrogat Paterpatratus Eegem, ut denuo Eegis 
oraculo Eegis personam praeferat, hinc coronatus 
Verbena ab Alexandro describitur, et cum Sceptro ut 
diximus, inde jubente Eege, Sagmina, inquit, te 
posco, de quibus, sic Sextus Pompeius, Sagmina 
vocantur Verbenas, idest herbse pur as, quia ex loco 
sancto arcebantur a Consule Prastoreve Legatis profi- 
ciscentibus ad foedus faciendum, bellumque indicen- 



93 



dum, vel ad sanciendum bellumque indicenduni, 
haec ille, et Nsevius Jus sacra tum Jo vis juran- 
dum Sagrnine idem denuo apud eumdem Scopas, 
atque Verbenas sagmina sumpserunt, et Plinius, 
lib. 22, c. 2. Autbores Imperii Eomani Conditoresque 
immensum quiddam et bine sumpsere, quoniam non 
aliunde sagmina in remediis publicis luere, et in 
Sacris Legationibusque Verbena, certe utroque no- 
mine idem signifieatur, boc est gramen Arce cum 
sua terra evulsa, ac semper cum Legati ad hostes, 
clarigatumque mitterentur, idest res raptas, repetitum 
unus utique Verbenarius vocabatur, bsec ille qui 
gramen, verbenas et Sagmina, velut idem desumit, 
et Martianus, in L. Sanctum, de Eerum Divisione ; 
sunt Sagmina qusedam Herbae quas Legati Populi 
Eomani ferre solebant, ne quis eos violaret, sicut 
Legati Grsecorum ferunt, ea, quae vocantur Hiceteria, 
sive ut Budeus legit, Cerycia, quas Caduceum signi- 
ficat Livius, lib. 30. Sagmina herbse genus ex Arce 
sump tum dari Eascialibus solet, estque gramen purum, 
teste Phinio, et liquet ex Verbis Livii, ubi postquam 
Eex ait, puram tollite. Eseciales ex arce graminis 
herbam puram attulit, petiit Sagmina, obtentaque 
gramen obtulit in Sacris quam saspe adhibitum. 
Virgil, lib. 12, v. 18 : 

" . . . . et Liis communibus aras 
Gramineas . . . 
Horatius, lib. 2, Carm. od. 3, ad Q. Delium 
Gramen amarissimum decantat, in quo prasditi con- 
stanti animo procul ab Urbe beantur : 

" Seu moestus omni tempore vixeris 
Seu te in remote gramine per dies 
Pestos reclinatum bearis." 
Et Epod., od. 2, De Laudibus Vitae Eusticse : 
u Libet jacere modo sub antiqua Ilice 
Modo in tenaci gramine. " 
Menalia, Ecloga 5, apud Virgilium, ubi Mopsi car- 
mina laudat : 



94 



" Tale tuum carmen nobis Divine Poeta 
Quale sopor fessis in Gramine." 
Nee tamen caret arcano, quia Gramen Marti dica- 
runt Veteres, unde, et Gradivum dixere, sicuti 
proxime ante adnotabam, ex Fastis Ovidii, et festus 
ortum e Gramine Martem prodit ; Gradivus Mars 
appellatus est a gradiendo in beila ultro, vel lit alii 
dicunt, quia Gramine sic ortus, quia corona Grami- 
nea in re militari maxim e est bonorationis, base ille 
et Prinius, lib. 22, c. 3, Corona quidem nulla fuit 
Graminia nobiiior in Maj estate Populi terrarum 
Principis, prsemiisque glorias, Gemmatse, et aureas 
Vallares, Murales, Bostratas, Civieas, Triumpbales, 
post banc fuere, suntque cunctas magno intervallo, 
magnaque differentia. Casteras omnes singuli et 
Duces ipsi, Imperatoresque militibus, aut aliquando 
Colleges dedere additque, c. 4. Nisi nniverso exercitu 
servato, libertate adepti obsidionalem hanc Grami- 
neamque Senatum, ac Populum Imperatori non 
decernere, ex quo argumentum Encomii Coronas hujus 
assumit dicens, quod si Civiee bonos uno aliquo, ac 
bumillimo Civi servato prasclarus, sacerque babetur, 
quid tandem existimari debet unius virtute servatus 
universus exercitus, bine si triumpbantium bonos 
rutilat, Donatus est ca L. Siccius Dentatus semel, 
cum Civicas XIV meruisset, pugnassetque exx 
prasliis semper victor: Sic etiam P. Decius Mus. 
Tribunus militum unam ab exercitu atteram ab bis, 
qui in prassidio obsessi fuerunt obtinuit, Pabius, qui 
teste Ennio, apud Tullium, de Officiis, cunctando 
rem omnem Romanam ab Annibale vastatam resti- 
tuit, pulso Annibale communi omnium consensu 
Gramineam .Coronam meruit. Quae corona, inquit 
Plinius, adbuc sola ipsius Imperii manibus imposita 
est, et quod peculiare ei est sola a tota Italia data : 
Preter bos contigit ejus Coronas bonos M. Cal- 
pburnio Plammae Tribuno Militum in Sicilia, Cn. 
Perreio Atinati Centurioni Cimbrico bello. JEmyli- 
anum Scipionem, Varro Auctor est, donatum obsi- 



95 



dionali in Africa : Augustum cum M. Cicerone filio 
Consulem Idibus Septembris Senatus Graminea 
donavit ; scripsit in Sylla Dictator ab exercitu se 
quoque donatum apud jSTolam Legatum Eello Marsico, 
idque etiam in Villa sua Tusculana, quae fuit postea 
Ciceronis, pinxit. Quod si verum est, subjungit 
Plinius, c. 6, lib. 22, hoc execrabiliorem cum. 
dixerim, quandoquidem earn capiti suo proscriptione 
ipse detraxit, tanto paucioribus Civium servatis, 
quam postea occisis, haec ille, et Livius, lib. 30. 
Eaeciales cum in Aphricam ad foedus feriendum ire 
juberentur ipsis postulantibus, S. C. in hsec verba 
factum est ut Privos Lapides, Silices, Privasque 
Yerbenas secum ferrent, et in Parnaso florere Gramen 
vetus scripsit auctor, ejusque floribus Corollas 
intexere, Itaque Gramen petebat Paterpatratus 
gramenque purum ab Arce acceptum ad foedus 
feriendum ducebat, quia illud Marti dedit antiquitas, 
et TJrbis Servatoribus : unde et publicse salutis 
omen prefert, estque sensus. Gramen tacite corona 
dignum declarat in fcedere apprime, Sanctseque 
persistentem et Martem belli Numen ad foederis 
munimentum advocat. Inde Paterpatratus cum a 
Eege Eegius Nuntius Pop. Rom. declaratur, Verbena 
caput, capillosque tangens foedus peragit et Verbenis 
Faeciales conoratos Virgilius, lib. 12, iEneid., in- 
digetat. Ovidius, in Pastis, lib. 1. 

" Pavis ovis pratum Verbenas improba carpsit 
Quas pia Dis ruris ferre solebat anus." 
Proper tius, lib. 4, Eleg. 3, ubi de Galla, et Posthuma 
sub Arethusse, et Lycotse nomine. 

"Plore sacella tego, Verbenis Compita Velo 
Et crepat ad Veteres erba Sabina focos." 
Nunc puto de Eomanorum rebus Diplomaticis satis 
dixisse: and if these extracts are not sufficient to 
prove the antiquity of that politically-sacred institu- 
tion, I can easily add some others from the same 
authentic sources. 

I must close these sketches of the old Popes, and 



96 



their manners of acting. There were a great many 
things that were good and useful, and would be so 
even now, in spite of the spurious Jupiter who 
now usurps the Capitolium. As long as Virtue held 
the Roman sceptre, the Eepublic and the Empire 
ruled majestically, and so civilised the world 
with their religio-political power. Virtue abdi- 
cated in favour of corruption and usurpation, and so 
it has remained ever since Constantine made the 
blunder. My remarks may not satisfy everyone ; 
therefore in closing this sketch, — Solum dicam : Eo 
tempore simul cum paupertate Religio vigebat, et 
Numa ipse cum pauperes haberet Deos virtutum 
omnium thesaurum optimi civis servabat in pectore : 
Hinc Vannonius, et Diocles Pepareticus aurea saecula 
inculcant, silicet ea quae Imperatorum tempestate 
Diis munera offerebantur ; enim vero Nurna ubi est 
apud Scevolam, etPublium I^asonem Molam Salsam, 
frugesque Euminum ad aras prsestabat juxta pri- 
maavse oblationis adinventum a Caino exhibitum, et 
a Platone in 6 De Leg. expensum unde preter far 
fruges sanxit in sacris : Quod ex Plutarcho eligitur 
ubi Pythagoras JSTumasque dogmata prodit : N e libes 
Diis ex vite non putata : KSTe sacrifices sine farre : 
Mola Salsa ex farre, et Sale constabat : Mola vocatur 
Ear tostum, et Sale sparsum, quod eo molito hostiae 
aspergebantur. Incle Mola Salsa, idest hordeus tor- 
refactus frictusve molitus infusione commixtus Sale, 
Veteres legimus semper in suis Sacris Ceremoniis 
utebantur. 



97 



On the Hebeew and Koman Histoey — Op the Pibst 
Teanslation of the Bible — Oe Jesus, Son oe 

PoNTIF. SlEACH— Of THE ThEEE EXPUNGED 

Hebeew Kings — Cheist's Beothee the Eiest 
Obdained Bishop — Conceening the Oeigin of 
Cheistianitt and the Apostles ; and the Bio- 

GEAPHY OF C^SAE, FEOM THE MS. ChEON. De 

.JStatibus. 

I will now pass from profane history to the origin 
of Christianity. I cannot, holding in view the 
welfare of humanity, as well as the curiosity of the 
learned, resist the temptation of taking a few notes 
from the Chronica de Mtatibus, a rare MS. in my 
, possession, and which has never been published, 
compiled partly from the ancient unpublished MS. 
Chronica Zongobardica, and partly from the ancient 
MS. Code, both extant in the Bibliotheca Vaticana, 
copied by the Rev. Jacobus Grimaldus, Vati- 
canse Basil, Clericus Beneflciatus, while Cardinal 
Baronius was President of the said library. The 
following paragraphs are, I consider, of the 
highest importance to Religion and Literature; 
particularly as I am ignorant of anything earlier, 
or of the existence of a more ancient histo- 
rical notice of the Bible and its translations. 
The information contained in the following ex- 
tracts will, I think, tend to elucidate the opinions 
set forth in this little work, and also serve as a 
means of strengthening the new edifice that it is 
my desire to erect and dedicate to Immortal Truth 
and Justice, the emanation and supporters of the 
glorious shield of the Eternal God, and to the con- 
fusion and destruction of the present hypocritical 
state of delusion and falsehood. 

As I am unable in my collection of rare ancient 
Bibles to trace the existence of these three Hebrew 
Pontifices, Azarias, Joas, and Ozias, I take the liberty, 



98 

for the information of my readers, of introducing 
them with their genealogical characters, as portrayed 
in the MS. alluded to, leaving to the learned 
Divines a fuller investigation of these important 
facts. For my satisfaction, and in the hope of con- 
tributing in some manner to clear historical facts 
which are a little confused on account of the various 
opinions of the chronologists, I have introduced 
those three Pontiff Kings, who preceded only a few 
years Anius, the great uncle of Julius Proclus, who 
emigrated, and made a friendly acquaintance with 
Romulus, and afterwards became the founder of the 
Julian Population, anno mundi 3,140 years before 
the Christian Era. 

Those three Pontiftces were predecessors about 
sixty years of the Great Sesostris, Pythagoras, 
2sT uma, and of Ezechias, filius Acliaz. 

The Bibles that I have in my possession, and in 
which, as I have before stated, I can find no traces 
of these three kings, are the following : — 

The Geneva Bible, with the notes by Diodati. 

The Italian Bible by Diodati, printed by Chovet, 
1641. 

The Geneva Bible by Osterwald, illustrated by 
Picard. 

The Basnage Bible, illustrated by De Hoogue. 
The Nuremberg Bible, by Koburger, 1478. 
The first Bible printed at Yenice, 1475. 
The Bible by Bishop Bedell, in Celtic types I 
cannot read. 

The Bibliorum Sacer Authenticus 2Tovi et Vet. 
Test. Tigur. 1564. 

TheBiblia Germanica, Martin Luther's, Amsterd., 
1673. 

And several others of less rarity. 
M ^tat° n 23 ^ oram fi^ ns Josaphat annis vin cujus diebus 
a '' p ' " Edom ne esset sub Juda et constituit sibi Regem, 
ambulavit autem Joram in viis domus Achab, filia 
quippe Achab erat uxor ejus Clelias curru igneo 



99 



rapitur quasi usque ad coelum, et Eliseus haeres pro- 
phetiae derelictus p°- miraculo aquam Jericho sanat, 

Y. Abdias propheta de tribu Sichem in agro 
Bechacaran natus discipulus Helise fait tertius quin- 
quagenarius cum quinquaginta militibus ab occhozia 
ad Heliam missus, cui et petitus pepercit Helias, 
ne eum ignis sicut duos ante quinquagenarios con- 
sumeret. Hie ergo Occhoziaa relicto ministerio 
prophetavit. Micheas de tribu Epbrem in Morasti 
ortus : quoniam peccantem Achab saapius arguebat 
sub Joram filio ejus precipitio valde porrecto jactatus 
occubuit iiixLV. .... 

Azarias filius Joram anno primo. Hunc Azarium 
cum filio Joas et nepote Amasia ob enormitatem 
scelerum, et quia nec patrem filiumve quispiam 
eorum bonum habebant, inde eos Mattheus Evan- 
gelista a Domini Salvatoris genealogia secludit 
Joredam filius Eechab clarus sacerdos habet qui 
vixit annis cxxxhTlxxi .... This page 
precedes the expunged Hebrew Pontijices, who were 
left out from the genealogy of 0. L. Jesus Christ. 
The introduction of them in this place will cause 
many pages to be turned before they will be found 
named amongst the Kings or Pontijices — they will 
supply a link to the historical chain of the Palestine 
Eulers previous to the Eoman Empire and the 
Christian era. The MS. Chronica in my posses- 
sion is written in a favourable manner towards the 
Eoman Catholic Eeligion of the Popes, and certain 
historical facts, which are to be found in the various 
Ecclesiastical and secular histories, are occasionally 
omitted, frcm which I am at liberty to infer that 
while the R. R. Jacobus Grimalolus Clericus Benefit 
ciatus Vaticance Basilicce scribebat, Cardinal Baronius 
was President of that Bibliotheca, and was writing 
his Annates Ecclesiastici, and so he ordered him to 
omit those facts which disgraced the Popes and that 
Eeligion of which there remains only the name. 
JEthalia mater Azariaa annis vi quae videns inter- 



100 

feetum Abstien rege Israel filium suum Azariam 
interfecit ornneni stirpem regiam domus Joram 
praeter solum Joas filium Abcariae, quern Josabeth. 
soror Azarias uxor Joiadae Pontificis furata est de 
medio filiorum Regis cum interficerentur. In sep- 
tuaginta Interpetribus tii annis regnasse Achalia 
narratur Zaccharias prophetavit iiicn. 
MS.Chron., Joas Alius Azarise annis xl iste bono principio et 
fine usus pessimo. In principio sui regni templum 
innovat, In extremis inter caetera faeinora Zacehari 
cum quoque filium Joiadae tutoris quondam ac regni- 
ficatoris sui, inter templum, et attare prsecipit quern 
ob meritorum gratiam Doniinus in Evangelio filium 
Borachias idest Benedicti Domini eognominavit t 
Latinorum Aremus xn, Aremus filius Agrippae 
superioris regis filius regnavit annis xvni, qui 
presidium Albanorum inter montes ubi nunc Roma 
est posuit. Anius filius fuit proavus filii Proculi 
qui cum Romulo Romam commigrans fundavit Juliam 
gentem mcxL. 

Amasias filius Joas annis xxrx. Heliseus propbetas 
sepelitur in Samaria. Azabel Rex Sirise, &c. 

[I must continue this paragraph and the next, as I 
# consider them important as historical notes, to know 
and to explain other facts which I may, in course of 
time, hare to mention.] 

Azabel Rex Siriae afflixit Israel. Latinorum xin 
Aventinus Silvius superioris Regis filius major 
regnavit annis xxxyii, atque in eo monte, qui nunc 
pars est Urbis mortuus est ac sepultus : sternum 
loco vocabulum dedit ificxcn (3192.) 

Azarius qui et Ozias filius Amasiae annis lii. 
Isaias prophetare caspit in diebus Oziag Regis Judae 
ante duos annos terremotus quern volunt eo tempore 
occidisse. Quo ingressus Ozias templum Dei sibi 
Sacerdotium Yendicabat, et terra percussa est, et 
cineres altari effusi sunt, et ipse Rex percussus. 

I consider the above page of the highest historical 
value to Ecclesiastical scholars, Hebrews and Chris- 



101 



tians, and to historical students. I will state here 
that the Hebrew Pontifices Maximi were also Kings 
up to the last Herod, and after Caesar August, they 
were only Tetrarchs. I name this now, as I may 
not make reference to it when treating of the period. 
Although I cannot find the names of these Hebrew 
Pontifices Maximi in the Bible, I nevertheless insert 
them here in proof of the authenticity of the MS. 
Chronica, and in order that our literary and learned 
Divines, who are well versed in these studies, may 
make diligent research into these facts. 

Kegnavit judse Ezechias vir justus. Ezechias nam MS. Chron, 
percussit Philistim usque Gazam et depopulatus est p * 29 ' 
usque ad urbes munitas : quamvis Sennacherib. 
Assirius prius inter ceteras nationes eos devastavit 
Philistaeos. Sennacherib captivum duxit Israel et 
Nabuchadonozor subvertit Hyerusalem. Ezechias 
vero super dies suos xv annos ad vitam Deus adjecit. 
Mortuo Komulo qui xxxvni annos regnavit per 
quinos dies Senatores rerapublicam rexerunt. Atque 
ita unus expletus est annus. Post quos ISTuma 
Pompilius annis xli, regnavit qui Capitolium a fun- 
damentis sedificavit, et leges ac mores primus com- 
posuit mcccviii. Manasses filius Ezechias annis # 
lv. Hie ob seclera sua catenatus et compeditus in 
Babilonia ducit, &c. 

Ezechias was just, and was reigning in Judea. 
Ezechias defeated the Philistines near Gaza, and 
routed them, and sacked and followed them to the 
fortified towns ; although the Assyrian Sennacherib 
had beaten them before any other nation did. Sen- 
nacherib took Israel into captivity, and Nebuchad- 
nezzar conquered Jerusalem. But after that period 
Ezechias survived fifteen years. By the will of God, 
Romulus, who had reigned thirty-eight years, died, 
and the Senators for twenty-five days each in turn 
conducted the affairs of the Republic, and so they 
completed the first year of the interregnum. After 
this Numa Pompilius was elected ; he reigned forty- 
* e2 



102 

one years, and from the foundations he built the 
Capitol ; he was the first to institute the Laws and 
to reform the manners, as well as many other im- 
portant affairs, which I have here explained, taking 
the texts from the Classic Authors. Manasses, the 
son of Ezechias, reigned fifty-five years, and for his 
crimes he was chained, and sent up to Babylon, &c. 

There are many precious records in this MS. 
history of the Jews which serve as preliminaries to 
the introduction of the origin and history of Chris- 
tianity. For the present I will limit myself to the 
following brief extracts in proof of the contempo- 
rary epoch of JSTurna Pompilius, who, according to 
histor3 r , was the Father of Religion, Law, Order f 
and Civilization. 

MS.Chron., Anno ab urbe condita 477, cum clarum urbis 
Romse nomen esset census est Habitus tunc invents 
fuit civium capita ducenta nonaginta duo millia 334. 

T1 ve- fir coiiied ^ em P ore ^rgenteus Nummus primum in urbe 
in Rorae. figuratus est tunc etiam Attilius Regulus Consul 
missus in Affricam post victoriam Ducum Cartha- 
giniensium apud fluvium Bagradam Serpentem mirae 
magnitudinis oecidit, cujus corium centum viginti, 
pedum longitudinem habuit. Romaque delatum ali- 
quandium eunctis miraculo fuit. mbccvn. 

^firs?tr«m7 P to l° m aeus Philadelfus annis 38. Iste quident 
]ation. rdns " Primus Rex JEgypti Ptolomsei superioris filius 
Judseos, qui in iEgypto erant liberos esse permisit et 
vasa Clealaro Pontifici in Hierusalem votiva per- 
mittens Bwinas Scripturas ex Hebreo in Graeeam 
Linguam cum omni studio transferre curavit quas in 
Alexandrina Bibliotheca habuit quas sibi ex omni 
genere Litteraturse composuerunt : cujus Biblio- 
thecse prefuit Demetrius Phalereus, idem apud 
Grsecos Orator et Philosophus Ptolomasus, tantseque 
potentise fuisse narrat ut Ptolomeum pat rem vinceret. 
Warrant nam Historic habuisse cum Peditum centum 
millia, iEquitum viginti millia, Elephantos quoe 
primus adduxit de ^Ethiopia quadrincentos naves 



103 

longas quas nunc iiburnas vocant millequingentas, 
alias autem ad cibaria deportanda militum mille, auri 
quoque et argenti grande pondus ita ut de iEgypto 
per singulos annos quatuordecim millia ottingenta 
talenta auri, et frumenti Artabas quae mensura tres 
modios et tertiam partem modis habet, quinquies et 
decies eentena millia. Sostratus Gnidius fanum in 
Alexandriam construxit Aratus Philosophus agnosci- 
tur. ihdccxxxiti. 

PtolomsDus Philopater filius Evergentis annis xyiii. 
Antiochus Eex Syriae victo Philopatre Judeam sibi 
sociat. Judaeorum Pontifex Maximus Onias filius 
hominis insignis hebreus, atque Lacedemoniorum 
Bex Darius legatos mittit. Hujus tempore Pontificis 
Jesus filius Sirach Sapientice librim comjponens quam 
vocant Parameton etiam Simeonis in eo fuit mentio- 
nem anno uidccl. 

Jesus Christ, the real ."Redeemer, was born in the 
forty-second year of Csesar August., that is, in the 
year iTidcccclii (3952). According to this old MS., 
the Jesus, son of Sirach, who, under the Pontificate 
of Onias, wrote a book of wisdom or knowledge, 
which was called Parameton, in the year IIIdccl, must 
have been born at least 202 years before the Re- 
deemer. I see that the Parameton is the book called 
Ecclesiasticus, and is to be found in the Apocrypha, 
under the title of Book of Wisdom. My naming 
it in this volume w r ill assist theological students to 
ascertain if the chronological date is correct or not, 
and supply the corroborative information of the fact 
if doubtful. It will also prove that the MS Chronica 
in my possession is the copy of a valuable authentic 
MS. Ptolomaeus Philometor annis xxxv. Aristobolus 
natione Judasos Peripateticus philosophus agnoscit — > 
qui ad Philometorem Ptolomasum explanationem in 
Moysem Commentarios scripsit. Antiochus JEp~h- 
phanes (sic) qui post Seieucum cognomento Philopa- 
trem annis xi, regnavit in Syriam Judeorum legem 



104 



impugnans omniaque Sordibus Idolorum eompleng 
in templo Jovis Olirnpii Simulacrum point. Sed et 
in Samaria super verticem montis Gorizi Jovis Pere- 
grini delubrum aadificavit, ipsis Samaritanis ut id 
faceret precantibus. Yerum Mathathias Sacerdos 
leges Patrias vindicavit ad versus Antiochi Duces 
arma corripiens. Quo mortuo Ducatum Judaeorum 
suscepit Alius ejus Judas Machabeus anno cxlyi> 
regni graecorum Olympiade cly, qui mox Antiochi 
Duces de Judaea expellens et Templum ad Idolorum 
Imaginibus emundans patrias leges post triennium 
suis avibus rediit, &c. 

The Public Press has announced to the world that 
it is the intention of an Illustrious writer to pub- 
lish the life of Caesar, — I do not know which of 
them, and as I find in my Ancient Manuscript 
Chronica some memorable biographical notices of 
several of them connected with important facts rela- 
ting to history, and particularly to the origin of 
Christianity, I will endeavour to disinter them from 
the obscurity in which they have so long been buried, 
and thus throw a new light upon those venerable 
facts which connected them with Christianity. I 
will, therefore, begin with some references just pre- 
vious to the period of the Birth of Jesus Christ, and 
those references shall be strictly according to this * 
MS. As my intentions are purely and simply to 
assist as much as I can those whose inclination and 
professional study have directed their mind to Eccle- 
siastical History and Theological researches, I will 
not alter a single word nor make any comments* 
I am a poor Christian myself, in mind and pocket, 
but, nevertheless, pure-minded, with a strong desire 
to fill my goblet and drink at the Fountain of Truth. 
Por this reason I frankly and freely apologise for 
any blunders that I may commit according to the 
adopted rules of that religion, which I venerate* 
I beg to state that the following is a short transla- 
tion of a foregoing chapter. 



105 



In the year 861, the Roman civil war began, and An. Urb., 
was not settled when the Sicilian wars, and the war Ms.ciron, 
by Mithridates against the Eomans (which lasted p.6i. 
thirty years) broke out. This happened under the 
Consulate of Cicero and of Antonius. At this epoch, 
the Eoman Pompeus particularly distinguished him- 
self, and through his bravery and excessive modera- 
tion in every part of the world, became illustrious. 
— iiiDcccciiii. [This is the anno mundi, as it is 
written, 3904.] 

Ptolomeus Dyonisius reigned thirty years. Erom 
the fifth year of his reign, Alexandra, the widow of 
the Hebrew Pontiff Alexander, reigned as Papesse, 
at Jerusalem, for nine years. At this time the 
Hebrew affairs were thrown into great confusion ; 
many persons were slaughtered and others oppressed. 
After her death, Aristobolus and Hyrcanus, her sons, 
disputed and fought against each other for the Em- 
pire, and gaye a pretext to the Eomans to invade 
Judea. The great Pompeus arrived there, entered 
Jerusalem, conquered the city, and went straight 
to the Temple (sancta sanctorum), closed the Temple, 
took Aristobolus prisoner, gave the Pontificate to 
Hyrcanus, and then he made Governor of Palestine 
{Procuratorem Palestince) Antipatrus, the son of 
Herode Ascalonite. Hyrcanus remained in that Pon- 
tificate thirty- four years. Pompeus then made the 
Hebrews of Jerusalem tributaries to the Eomans; 
and at this time, while Pompeus and Crassus were 
Consules, Virgil was born at Mantua, and went to 
study at Cremona, as Orosius said, in the year ab 
Urle Condita 699. Cicero and Cajus Antonius were 
Consuls, and Mithridates the King of Pontics, after 
twenty years of constant war and defeats, oppressed 
and exhausted by the Eomans, led on by Pompeus, 
was at last compelled to poison his wives, his Ms. chron,, 
children, and himself near the Bosphorus, at the age p * 62, 
of seventy- two, having reigned fifty years. After 
this Pompeus went to Syria, attacked the Arabs, 



106 

assaulted the famous City of Tyre, and conquered it 
at once. He then returned to the Hebrews, who, 
led by Aristobolus, had dethroned and expelled Hyr- 
canus, who had been constituted there as Pontiff. 
He then entered Jerusalem, and was well received 
by the authorities, or by the Senate (p Palrilus), 
but the people expelled him {Pompeus) ; and it was 
easily done on account of the exceedingly large fosse 
that surrounded the place, and its natural defences. 
Pompeus, to revenge the offence, determined to take 
it by assault and siege, and succeeded, after three 
months of constant attacks. The 13,000 Hebrew 
soldiers whom he found in it were put to death by 
the sword. The remainder of the population, which, 
was great, took an oath of fidelity. He seized several 
Hebrew Princes — I suppose as hostages — and re- 
stored Hyrcanus to the Pontificate. Aristobolus was 
taken in captivity to Eome. Here ended the Oriental 
war, with the conquest of twenty-two Kings by the 
great Pompeus. The conspiracy of Catilina against 
the Empire was then displayed in the Senate, as 
plotted in Tuscany, where Catalina retired and was 
slain. The known conspirators in Eome were also 
put to death, and Metellus decreed a triumph of 
such pomp and magnitude as was never equalled. 
MS.Chron., The great Pompeus having conquered the Pirates 
p - 63, and Mithridates, whose sons were chained with Aris- 
tobulus to his triumphal chariot, a great profusion of 
money in silver and gold was distributed to the 
people in the year ZTrbe Condita 693. 

There is here an incongruity, as in the preceding 
page I have translated that Mirhridates was com- 
pelled to poison his wives, children, and himself. 
Atque ad hoc coactus est ut apud Bosforum uxores ac 
Jilios et seipum veneno necaret. 

I must pass over this and continue. I will now 
speak of that greatest of great mortals, Cajus Julius 
Csesar, who afterwards reigned alone as Emperor, had 
four provinces to govern, with his Seven Legions 



107 



given to his Consulate from five to five years. The 
Gallia Transalpina, ac Cisalpina, et Hilliricum, nee 
non Gallia Comata, whose history Suetonius Tran- 
quillus has most fully detailed, and Orosius also has 
very graphically described in his erudite history ; 
how many most serious and difficult battles Caesar 
encountered against the Germ§ns, the French, 
and the British, who hefore him knew not even 
the name of the Romans, and from all of whom he 
took hostages, and made them tributary to the 
Eomans. He wrote also how Caesar fought near 
Durazzo against Pompeus, who conquered him, and 
afterwards how fiercely they fought again in Thes- 
saly, and how in that most sanguinary battle Caesar 
conquered Pompeus, who withdrew to Alexandria, 
and thereby saved himself, in the year ah Urbe Con- 
dita 697. Crassus, the Consul, was a man affected 
with such an extraordinary cupidity for money, that 
for mere avarice, under any circumstances, he would 
extort it even from his own relatives and friends. 
When near Charroes in Parthia, he was surrounded 
by insidiators and killed. Crassus, having heard of 
the enormous riches of the Temple of Jerusalem, 
which Pompeus had formerly left intact, went there, 
entered the Temple, and despoiled it of its riches, 
that Temple which was erected by Jorobabel, son of 
Salathiel, of the tribe of Juda, after the Captivity of 
Babylon. 

I will now cease translating this chapter, and con- 
tinue in the original Latin itself, printing in full 
those words which are abbreviated : Porro Zorobabel 
genuit Abiud. Abiud autem genuit Eliachim. Elia- 
chim genuit Azar, et sic deorsum Mattheus produxit 
flexibiles easdem generationes usque quo veniat ad 
Jacob, et Joseph Sanctae ac Beatae Virginis Marias 
virum quern de Spiritu Sancto concepit ac genuit 
Dominum in corpore venientem. In quarum gene- 
rationum ordine post Zorobabel usque ad Dominicae 
Incarnationis adventum nullum tarn praeclarum 



\ 

108 

tamque eminentem legimus sicut Mathatiam et filios 
ejus : Sed populus sub cura, et ordine Sacerdotum 
fuit. Ipse autem Mathatias ex Eegali ac Sacerdotali 
genere veniebat qui multas tribulationes et contu- 
melias pro lege Dei sustinuit, et multas pugnas et 
certamina babuit ipse ac filii ejus pro legitimis vel 
Sanctis Domini mandatis et institutionibus Divinis, 
et iterum filii ex^psis sacerdotis post Parentes suos 
pro timore Dei et legitimis ejus principes populi 
effecti et summi Sacerdotis bonore perfuncti sunt. 
ISTuilus tamen eorum Eegiam obtinuit dignitatem 
utque ad A dyer, turn Yeri Regis, et Salvatoris Nostri 
Jesu Christy de quo Prophetae omnes dudum jam 
propbetaverunt. Herodes autem Eex impius ex 
alienigenis origine ducens indigne, et dolore sibi 
Eegnum usurpavit. Haec itaque ideo diximus quae 
omni rei tempus, et tempora sub ccelo. Tempus 
circuncisionis patrum sub Abraham, . tempus legis 
ordinationia sub Moysem. Tempus pugnae sub 
Jesu nance [I cannot make out this word, which 
seems a puzzle to me. Is it a contraction of Naza- 
reth ?~] tempus Judicum usque ad Samuelem liomini 
Dei. Tempus Eegum a David usque ad Captivitateni 
Babyloni. Complete tempore regali Eegem certis- 
simum amplius Judaei non habuerunt : sed sub Sacer- 
dotum cura ut dictum est, consilio et ordinatione. Vix 
erunt usque dum Ccelestis Eex Unigenitus Dei Deus 
advenit. Qui novam generationem et potentiam verbo 
et exemplo docuit et ostendit qui est JSTativitas vitae, 
tempus et Patientiae ; Cleopatra soror Phtolomaeiannis 
ii : Postquam novem annis Caesar omnem Galliam 
domuit atque Brittanniam orto siquidem bello civili 
inter Caesarem et Pompeium, Pompeius a Caesare 
in Thessalia victus Alexandriam petiit, ibique ab ipso 
sperabat auxilia Phtolomeo percursus interiit. Mox 
MS. chron., Caesar Alexandriam yenit. Ipse quoque Phtolomeus 
p. 65. insidias ei parare yoluit : unde bello ei illato victus 
in illo periit sed ne Caesar de his triumpharet Cato 
sese apud Uticam occidit. Juba Eex pretio dato per- 



109 

cussori Jugulum praebuit, Petreius eodem se gladio 
perfodit. Scipio ipse semet jugulavit similiter et 
Tatius Torquatus Magni Pompei jSepos nliamque 
Pompeiam, et cum his Paustuni, et Sillam, et Afra- 
nium, et Petreium Caesar jussit occidi. Caesar Alex- 
andriam petitus Begnum Cleopatrae dedit. Cum 
qua stupri consuetudinem habuerat. Hujus 3°- anno 
Begni ipse primus Bomanorum singulare obtinuit 
Imperium a quo Caesares Bomanorum Principes sunt 
appellati. Inde quatuor Triumpbis TJrbem ingressus 
cum quo et Cleopatra Begio Comitatu est Urbe in- 
gressa; ibique Caesar disposito Beipublicae Statu 
continuo in Hispanias contra Pompeios Alios Pom- 
peii profectus xvii, die qua egressus ab urbe fuerat 
Saguntum pervenit : statimque adversus Pompeios 
duos et Labienum, atque Attilium Varum multa 
bella et varia sorte gessit ultimum bellum apud 
mundam numen gestum est. Ubi tantis viribus 
dimicatum tantaque caedes acta, ut Caesar quoque 
veteranis et suis caedere non erubescentibus praevenire 
mortem cogitaret, cum subito in fugam Pompejorum 
ca3pit exercitus. Titus Labienus et Attius Varus in 
hoc caesi sunt Gneus Pompeius yictus fugiensque est 
interfectus. Munda Civitas cum immensa hominum 
caede, Caesare oppugnante, vix capta est. Quatuor 
annis ex quo ab Urbe praelium aufugerat gesturus ; 
hoc bellum civile indesinenter toto orbe intonuit ; 
Caesar igitur bellis civilibus per quatuor annis toto 
orbe compositis Bomam rediit et insolentius agere 
caepit. Honores, nam qui ante a Populo dabantur ipse 
ex sua voluntate praestabat, et nec ad se venienti 
assurgebat : aliaque non Begia sed prope Tyrannica 
favebat : hinc itaque in eum conjuratum est a ms. Chron., 
Sexaginta vel amplius Senatoribus iEquitibusque P- 66 - 
Bomanis : et eum die quadam inter ceteros Senatus 
ad Curiam venisset viginti tribus plagis occisus est. 
Vir quoque nullus unquam in bello magis enituit 
ejus siquidem ducatu undecies centum nonaginta duo 
millia nostium caesa sunt, non quantum bellis civili- 

L 



110 



bus fuderit (I do not know the meaning of this 
verb, I think it is a blunder of the amanuensis) 
noluit annotare, collatis signis quinquagies dimicavit 
Nullus eo quippe celerius scripsit. Nemo velocius 
legit, quaternas epistolas simul dictabat, tantse fuit 
bonitatis, ut quos armis vincerat dementia Eegis 
viceret. V. Orosius, Caesar post Eomam ingentem 
victoriam rediit, *ubi Eeipublicse Statum contra 
exempla majorum istaurat, autoribus Bruto, et Cassio, 
abscio (this is another unintelligible word which I inter- 
pret for the word conscio) et plurimo Senatu, in Curia 
viginti tribus vulneribus confossus interiit. In qua 
corrjuratione fuisse amplius quam lx, conscios (or 
consocios) ferunt. Duo Brucii et Gajus et Cassius 
aliique socii strictis pugionibus in Capitolium seces- 
serunt dum quippe deliberatum est utrum Capitolium 
cum autoribus coedis oporteret incendi. Corpus 
igitur ejus raptum, et populus dolore stimulatus in 
foro fragmentis tribunalium ac subselliorum cremavit. 
Yictor eivilis belli a Civilibus Csesar propter ctemen- 
tiam occiditur, ac propter hoc certum erat, quia 
Caesar indigne peremptus plures postea habuit ultores. 
V. Orosius, anno ab Urbe Condita 710. Interfecto 
Julio Cassare Ottavianus adolescens natus annos 
I have looked XYII > patre Ottavio Senatore genitus, maternum 
in vain for genus ab iEnea per Juliam Familiam sortitus, 
melt. te8ta ~ Csesaris Nepos quern ille testamenti Heredem reli- 
ms. chron. s querat, idemque qui postea Augustus est dictus, et 
p. 67. rerum positus (perhaps potitus) Eomam venit, et 
Consul indolem suam bellis civilibus yovit et occisi 
sanguinem Avunculi vindicaret : Nam bella quinque 
civilia gessit. Mutinense adversus Marcum Anto- 
nium, Philippense adversus Erutum et Cassium, Peru- 
sinum adversus Lucium Antonium, Siculum adversus 
Sextum Pompeium Gnei Pompei filium, ac Aetium 
adversus Marcum Antonium. Antonius namque qui 
Asiam et Orientem tenebat, repudiata sorore Caesaris 
Ottaviani, Cleopatram duxit uxorem, per quam 
cupiebat in Urbe regnare : Hie itaque Cleopatra 



Ill 



cogente ingens bellum iteruni commovit : Qui victus 
a Ceesare navali pugna famosissima apud Actium, 
qui locus in Cypro est, fugit in JEgyptum, et des- 
peratis omnibus cum omnes ad Caesarem Ottavianum 
transirent Ipse se interemit. Cleopatra ex ornatu 
diversis ornamentis ad Csesarem venit, sperans ilium 
quemadmodum caeteros sua spe illicere : Sed ille 
interea pudicitiam coartans ad ejus concupiscentiam 
minime innexit earn mox custodiri mandavit. Qua 
custodia elapsa in Precioso sepulchro justa Antonium 
se collocans sibi Aspidem ademisit (quere about this 
verb) et veneno extincta est. iEgyptus per Otta- 
vianum Imperio Eomano adjuncta est, Ottavianus 
itaque civilibus bellis toto Orbe confectis Eomam 
rediit duodecimo anno quo Consul fuerat, atque ex 
eo Kempublicam per quadraginta et quatuor annos 
solus obtinuit ; a quo tempore quidam primum annum 
Monarchia3 Augusti supputant denique cum de 
Oriente cum maximis opibus et pecuniarum abun- 
dantia victor reversus est : Urbemque triplici 
triumpho ingressus tunc primum Augustus, eoque 
Kempublicam auxerit consalutatus est, atque ex 
tunc summam potestatem (quam Grseci Monarchiam 
vocant) adeptus est nullo quippe unquam tempore 
ante Caesarem Eomana res tarn effloruit : nam 
exceptis civilibus bellis in quibus invictus fuit 
Eomano adjecit Imperio iEgyptum, Syriam, atque 
Lybiam, Musulanos quoque et Getulos, Hispaniam 
Aquitaniam, Eehetiam, Dalmatiam ssepe ante victam, 
sed nunc penitus subactam Cuannalicos et Talastos, A 
omnes Ponti Marittimas Civitates, Bosforum quoque 
et Ponti Cappadociam, Ehodum, Siciliamque Arme- 
niam et Parthiam atque Galatiam. Sythi et Indi 
quibus ante Eomanorum nomen incognitum fuerat 
munera et Legatos ad eum miserunt refuderuntque 
in Caesarem Alexandri Magni gloriam. Norici llli- M |* < ^ Ton ' 1 
rici, Pandonii, Moesii, Thracos, Daci Sarmataa pluri- 
mique et maximi Germania3 populi ultra Ehenum 
Danubiumque superati ab eo, vel pressi sunt. Susi- 



112 



pates, Thecteros, Chaptos, Manomannos, Cheruscos, 
Suevos et Syrambros aspero beilo perdomuit. Toto 
igitur orbe Urbi subacto Caesar Augustus Ovans 
Urbem ingressus omnia superiora populi Eomani de- 
bita donanda, literarum etiam monimentis abolitis 
censuit. Domini appellationem ut homo declinavit. 
In ipsis diebu3 fons Olei largissimus de Taberna meri- 
toria per totum diem fluxit. Hora quoque circiter 
S a : repente liquido ac puro serenoque die circulus 
ad speciem celestis arcus orbem solis adiit. V. Eeda. 
Ottavianus Caesar Augustus regnavit annis 44, et 
mensibus sex, atque Augusti appellati Eeges Eoma- 
norum quorum XV, vivente Cleopatra XLI, postea 
vixit annos TJndecimo Augusti anno deficiente in 
Judaea Pontincum Principatum Herodes nihil ad eum 
pertinens uppote Antipatri Ascalonitae et matris Cy- 
pridis Arabicae filius a Eomanis Judeorum suscepit 
Principatum quern tenuit annos xxvi. Quid ne 
ignobilis forte et a Judaaorum semine argueretur ex- 
traneus combussit libros omnes quibus Nobilitas 
Gentis Judaea in templo servabatur ascripta, ut 
deficientibus probamentis, et ipse ad hunc pertinere 
putaretur. Insuper, et ut suam Sobolem Eegio illo- 
rum generi commisceret projecta Doside fcemina 
Hierosolimitana, quam privatus acceperat uxorem, 
et nato ex eo filio Antipatro, sociat sibi Mariamen 
filiam Alexandri Nepotem Aristoboli fratris Hyrcani, 
qui ante eum Eex et Summus Sacerdos erat Judaeo- 
rum. Haec quinque ei filios genuit, quorum duos 
Alexandrum et Aristobolum ipse vocavit in Sama- 
riam. Nee mora post etiam matrem illorum qua nil 
carius noverat similis scelere peremit. Est quibus 
MS. chron., Aristobolus Herodem ex Veronicae susceperat nlium 
p- 69 - quern in Actibus Apostolorum ab Angelo percussum 
legimus. Hactenus qui vocabant Lagidemin ^3Egypto 
regnaverunt annos cc, nonaginta quinque. 

These few pages seem to me yery interesting to 
ecclesiastical historians, and I do not know whether 
it is necessary to translate them. For amor brevitatis 



113 



I prefer to leave them as they are, and instead of 
losing time, which is shortening so rapidly for Messrs 
Antonelli and Co., I will pass on to the first part of 
the next chapter, on account of a remarkable notion 
about the original Herod, and the reader will take 
care not to make any confusion with the spurious 
one, also a mitred gentleman, who delights to deal 
in insurrectionary pastorals. We shall find that the 
original Herod died miserably affected all over with 
lepra. The birth of our adorable Eedeemer, Jesus 
Christ, occurred, it will be found, at the very time 
that Eome was in peace, and under the rule of the 
Great Ottavianus Caesar Augustus, who conquered 
and received tribute from all the sovereigns of the 
then known world. 

Sexta JEtas ab adventu Domini inchoatur cum Dei MS - ^ ron -> 
Yerbum caro factum est. Transacts s ab exordio p * 
mundi Juxta Hasbreos annis niDCcccLir. Prim urn 
Septuaginta vero Interpretes annis vdviil Juxta tms first is 
Eusebium annis vcxcix Anno Caesaris Augusti ^w^JTi 1 

... p cypher to me. 

xlii, a morte vero Cleopatree et Antonn quando et The first bar 
iEgyptus in provinciam mersa est anno xxvu. crossed with 
Olympiadis quidem cxcni ab Urbe autem condita an oblique 
anno dcclii. Idest anno eo quo compressis per me * 
orbem terrae gentium moribus flrmissimis veris- 
simumque pacem ordinatione Dei Caesar composuit. 
Nasci dignatus est in terris Jcesus Christus filius Dei 
suoque sextam mundi astatem consecravit adventu. 
In cujus Ortu audientibus hominibus exultantes 
Angeli cecinerunt : Gloria in Excelsis Deo, et in 
terra pax hominibus bonae voluntatis. Eodem 
quoque anno tunc primum idem Caesar Census 
singularum ubique provinciarum et censeri omnes 
homines jussit. Tunc igitur Natus est Christus Jesus Christ 
Eomano censui statim ascriptus ut natus est Anno Herod™' dies 
Imperii Augusti xlvh. Herodes intercutaneis aeque miserably af- 
et scatentibus toto corpore vulneribus, miserabiliter fllcted * 
et digne moritur. Pro quo sustitutus ab Augusto 
filius ejus Archelaus regnavit annis novem, idest 

l 2 



114 

usque ad ipsius August! finem. Tunc enim non 
ferentibus ultra sed accusantibus apud Augustum 
MS. chron., i ferocitatem ejus Judeis in Yiennam Galliaa Urbem 
p. 70. relegatur, et ad eomminendum Judaici Eegni 
potentiam insolentiamque demandam ; quatuor fratres 
ejus pre eo sunt Tetrarchse creati. Herodes, Anti- 
pater, Lysias et Philippus, et Herodes qui Antipas 
prius nuncupabatur etiam vivente Archelao, Te- 
trarchae fuerunt ordinati. 

Caesar autem tanto amore etiam apud Babaros fuit 
ut Eeges nonnulli in honorem ejus conderunt 
Civitates quas Caesareas vocarunt : Sicuti in Mauri- 
tania a Eege Juva et in Palestina, quae nunc TJrbes 
Clarissimae sunt et multi Eeges ex Eegnis suis 
venerunt ut ei obsequerentur. Hie denique turbans 
bella simulationes execratus estj et nisi Justis de 
eausis nunquam genti cuiquam bellum induxit. 
Dicebat enim Imperatori bono quidquam minus 
quam temeritatem congruere ; satisque celeriter fieri 
quidquid commode geritur. Diligebat preterea Yir- 
gilium Elaccumque Poetas, erga Gives clementissimus 
versabatur. In amicis liberalissimus extitit, quorum 
precipui ob taciturnitatem et modestiam erant 
Agrippa. (I understand tbe meaning, and will not cor- 
rect this last line.) Earus quidem ad pereipiendum 
inimicitias, ad retinendas amicitias constantissimus, 
liberalibus studiis presertim eloquentiaa in tantum 
incumbens, ut nullus pene laboretur dies quo non 
legeret scriberet, vel declamaret, ausit ornavitque 
Eomam JEdificiis multis isto glorians dicto : Urbem 
lateritiam reperivi marmoream relinquo: fuit 
mitis, gratus, civilis animi, sed lepidi, toto 
corpore pulcher, sed oculis magis quam acies 
clarissimorum siderum modo, et tamquam solis 
radiorum vibrabant, nec tamen tantus vir vitiis 
caruit : fuit nam paululum impatiens, leviter 
iracundus, occulte invidens, parum facinorosus. 
Porro dominandi supra quam extimari potest cupidis- 
simus ? studiosus alea3 lusor, cumque esset cibi ac yini 



115 

multurn aliquoties alacer, somni abstinens, serviebat MS.chron., 
tamen libidini usque ad probrum vulgaris famae : p '" 
cumque esset luxuries serviens, erat tamen ejusdem 
vitii severissimus cultor. Anno lxxxyii, vitae suee 
ingressus Nolam morbo interiit, cunctis vulgo cla- 
mantibus : Utinam aut non nasceretur, aut non 
moreretur. ISTeque nam facile ullus eo aut in bellis 
felicior fuit, aut in pace moderation Quadragmta 
quatuor annis quibus solus gessit Imperium civilissi- 
mus vixit in cunctis liberalissimus, in amicos per- 
fidelissimus quos tantis emixit bonoribus ut suo 
pene sequaret fastigio : sub hoc pollebant Sapientes 
insignes, Yirgilius, Sallustius, Livius, Horten- 
sius, Horatius, Anthenodorus Tharseus, et Silius 
Alexandrinus : Imperavit autem Cassar Augustus 
annis 61. Duodecim cum Antonio, Quadraginta 
quatuor solus, qui certe nunquam Reipublicae ad se 
potentiam auxisset, aut jamdiu earn potiretur, nisi 
magnis naturae et studiorum bonis abundasset. 
Eempublicam beatissimam Tiberio Successori reliquit, 
qui Privignus ei mox gener, postremo adoptione 
filius fuerat : Satisque prudens in armis satisque for- 
tunatus ante sumptum Imperium sub Augusto fuit, 
ut non immerito Eeipublicce dominatus ei committe- 
retur iliDCcccLxvir. 

I pass over the first fourteen years of Tiberius 
Caesar's reign. I may state, however, that in the 
twelfth year of his reign he appointed Pilaius Pro- 
curator of Judcea, while Herod was the Tetrarcha, 
and also transacted other affairs. As I am anxious 
to give publicity to the very important epoch of the 
blessed Saviour Jesus Christ, I shall begin at the 
fifteenth year of the reign of Tiberius Caesar, &c 

Anno Imperii Tiberii Cassaris xv, Dominus jNTos- idem, p. 73. 
ter Jesus Christus post Baptismum, quod predicavit St John is 
Joannes ; Mundo Eegnum Coelorum Predicando caepit christian^* 
annuntiare. 

Anno octavo decimo Imperii Tiberii Caesaris Domi- 
nus Noster Jesus Christus cruci affixus, mundum sua 



116 



passione redemit, et predicaturi per Judaea Eegiones 
MS. chron., Apostoli Jacolum fratrem Domini JEfierosolymis or&i- 
Jacobus is nant JEpiscopum, ordinant et septem Diaconos, et 
ttoTfJe^us l^pidato Stephano Ecclesia per regiones Judaeae et 
Christ, and Samariae dispergitur. Agrippa cognomento Herodis 
of 8 Jen^aiem. fili^s Aristoboli filii Herodis, aceusator Herodis 
Tetrarchae Eomam profectus a Tiberio in vincula 
conjieitur, ubi plurimos sibi ascivit (quere) ad amici- 
tiam et maxime Germanici filium Gajum, &c. The 
death of Jesus Christ is then related, and the reign 
of Gajus Callicula, or Calligula, an extraordinary 
libidinous and monstrous stuprator, who was killed 
in the Palace in the thirty-ninth year of his age, and 
after reigning only three years. He had liberated 
from prison his friend, Herod Agrippa, and made 
him King of Judaea, where he reigned seven 
years, that is to the fourth year of Claud's reign. 
Idest usque ad annum quartum Eegni Claudii ; Quo 
ab Angelo percusso successit in Eegnum filius ejus 
Agrippa : et usque ad exterminium Judaeorum, annis 
xxvi, perseverat. Herodes Tetrarcha, et ipse Gai 
amiciam petens cogente Herodiade Eomam venit ; 
sed accusatus ab Agrippa etiam Tetrarchiam perdidit, 
fugiensque in Hispaniam cum Herodiade mcerore 
periit. Pilatus autem qui sententiam damnationis in 
Christum dixerat, tantis irrogante Gajo angoribus 
coartatus est, ut sua se manu perimeret. Mattheus 
in Judaea praedicans eo tempore Evangelium scripsit. 
I pass on to the chapter that reports St Peter in 
Eome; it says : Claudius Patruus Callicolae impera- 
idem,p.76. vit annis xin, mensibus xi, diebus 28, Petrus Apos- 
tolus cum primum Antiochenam fundasset Ecclesiam, 
Eomam pergit in Exordio regni Claudii ibique xxv, 
annis cathedram tenens Episcopalem idest usque ad 
ultimum Neronis annum : exinde Christiani Eomse 
etiam caeperunt Marcus Evangelista quod Eomae 
scripserat Evangelium JEgypto, Petro mittente Prae- 
The ' ipse* dicat. Quarto Claudii anno fames gravissima, cujus 
ciaudius f f rt ° Lucas meminit, facta est, eodem anno ipse Brittaniam 



117 



adiens quam neque ante Julium Csesarem neque post 
eum quisquam attingere ausus fuerat, sine ullo prselio 
ac sanguine, intra paucissimos dies plurimam insulse 
partem in deditionem recepit, Orcadas etiam Insulas 
Eomano adjeeit Imperio, ac sexto quam prefectus 
erat mense Eomam rediit, &c. 

I pass on to the page 78, to take two or three ms. Chron., 
lines from Nero Callicola ; this infamous Emperor, p * ' ' 
nephew of Gajus, was painted with an extra 
bad character. Parricida multa commisit : Pratre, Tacitus said 
Uxore, Matre, et Seneca Magistro interfectis TJrbem ^ acc ^ 
Eomam incendit. In re militari nihil omnino usus. of that con- 
Brittaniam pene amisit et duo nobilissima opprida f ag exonerate 
illic sub eo atque eversa sunt : Armeniam Parthi ^^ etf j rde ^ 
substuterunt, &c. I leave Nero to kill himself, 

to punish, 

after he had been tried by the Senate, and con- teTmiiSethe 
demned to be beaten to death. It is most astonish- christians, 
ing that neither Lucan, Livy, or any contemporary $£ist) °wfs 
writer, makes any reference whatever to Christianity, put to death 
Seneca, the Tragic writer, Mufonius, the philosopher, -Jer Tibemus's 
and PJutarch were also living at that time, and were jeign. de T ^j- 
much esteemed by their contemporaries, and had the Christianity 
misfortune to witness the infamous monstrosities of ^tory de e ^l 
Nero, anno ah JJrb. Cond. 808. taph ; and 

At page 78 of the MS. Chronica de JEtatibus, 
another little passage occurs which states that, after Christianity 
Nero's death, Festus was sent as Procurator to J^hai/ and 
Judea, in succession to Pelix, who chained St Paul, entirely false, 
and sent him to Eome. It was in the 7th year of 
Nero's reign that Jacobus, the brother of Christ, who 
had directed the Episcopal Chair of Jerusalem for 
thirty years, was stoned to death in revenge by the 
Jews, because they did not succeed in slaying the 
Apostle Paul. This extract is very similar to 
another quotation which I have given, but as it is 
of the highest importance, I hope it will not be 
deemed superfluous to repeat the facts here. Jacobus 
Prater Domini cum xxx annis Hierosolimitanam 
Ecclsesiam Septimo Neronis anno lapidatur a Judasis : 



118 



vindicantibus in illo quod Paulum interficere nequi- 
verunt. 

At that time the Hebrews had rebelled in Judea, 
as they disliked the Government of Albinus, who 
succeeded Eestus in the Magistracy of that Eoman 
province. Therefore, the Eom. Senate sent there 
Vespasianus, who was then the Magister Militice, 
and he soon mastered the whole of the principal 
towns and restored order and tranquillity in Judea. 

Peima Peesecutio m Ecclesia. 

Iste primus Eomas Christianos supliciis et mort- 
ibus affecit. Ac per omnes Orbi Provincias pari 
persequutione excruciari edicto Imperavit : Ipsosque 
extirpare conatus, Beatissimos Christi Apostolos 
Petrum Cruce, Paulum gladio occidit. Hieronimus, 
Paulus siquidem eodem anno, quo Dominus passus 
est : Interfecto Stefano Diaconorum maximo ; ad 
Deum conversus Christum prsedicare csepit Et post 
annos tres a Conversione sua venit Hierosotymam 
videre Petrum ; mansitque cum eo diebus quindecim, 
et ejus authoritate cultus libere posset verbum Dei 
Ecclesiis predicare. Deinde post annos 14. As- 
sumpto Barnaba, et Tito iterum venit Hierosolymam 
deferens secum Evangelium suum quod Intitulatur 
secundum Lucam, ut cum Apostolis maximeque 
cum Petro Apostolorum Principe suam conferret 
authoritatem. Sicque illorum authoritate roboratius 
Evangelium suum Ecclesiis Dei per totum Illiri- 
cum, Italiamque, Gallias quoque et usque Hispanias 
disseminavit ; sed priusquam in Hispanias iret 
Eom am a Eesto Praeside ductus est secundo Imperii 
Neronis anno, duodecimo autem ejusdem Keronis 
anno Secundo Eomam venit. Petrus Apostolorum 
princeps filius Joannis. Postquam Apostoli singulas 
ad Predicandum sortiti sunt Eegiones, hie An- 
thiochenam fundavit Ecclesiam, ibique Episcopos 
ordinatus sedit annos septem, deinde successore 



119 



sibi in Antiochia ordinato Romanam Ecclesiam 
suo decoravit Episcopatu, in qua per xxv, annos et 
menses tres, a quarto videlicet Claudii anno usque 
ad ultimum Neronis annum residens scripsit duas 
Epistolas quae Canonice nominantur, et Evangelicum 
Marci : Quia Marcus Discipulus ejus fuit et discipu- fjg- Ev * n s-» 

_ _ . Luis proves 

lus de Baptista Evangeliorum quoque libri quorum that st John 
alius Hebraicis, alias Grascis alius literis latinis com- notations!" 
positi fuerant ejus .... comprobati. (In the 
space which. I have left occurs a word almost illegible, 
and I preferred to leave the space rather than insert 
an error. I resume.) Constituitque duos Apostolos 
sibi adjutores, Linum colletum cum quibus casteros ^ ther s W gf^ 
Episcopos ordinabat. Hie Marcum Episcopum ordi- perhaps dec- 
nans in Alexandriam misit, Apollinarem vero Ea- tum * 
vennam ; at vero Clementem successiorem sibi con- 
stituit. Quern cum in Cathedram collocaret hoc ei 
decretum imposuit dicens. It is on account of this 
decree that I have taken the trouble of copying the 
above extract, which is rather puzzling, and some- 
what contradictory ; however, I have copied it as 
well as I could, and must leave the responsibility of 
the truth of it to the original author. I declare that 
I understand the decree, but do not properly com- 
prehend the above paragraph. 

Trado tibi potestatem a Domino mihi traditam p|^ tum ™ t 
ligandi atque solvendi : ligabis quod opportet, solves chron., pp! 
quod expedit, tamquam qui ad liquidum Ecclesise 81_82 - 
regulas noveris, et tu in curis seculi deditus minime 
reperiaris ; tibi autem empietatis est studia et sollici- 
tudines suscipere seculares. Ad hoc non solum 
vocatus es ut opportune, et sine intermissione doceas 
Verbum Dei, et hie ante Pasca Domini Qudra- 
gesimale Jejunium tradidit, et ante Natalem tres 
Hebdomadas et quartam imperfectam ab omni 
Christiano Populo instituit venerari, in commemo- 
ratione primi et secundi adventus Domini Nostri 
Jesu Christi, et ordinationes celebravit per mensem 
Decembrium. Quique uno die eum Beato Paulo 



120 

Magistro Gentiam martirio coronatur. Post Pas- 
sionem Domini anno 38, Marcus autem obiit Alex- 
andrie octavo Neronis anno. — This decree of St Peter 
is a most valuable document, in itself sufficiently 
powerful to destroy all the Papal temporal pretences 
— and apt to prove, and re-establish the spiritual mis- 
sion of the Christian Episcopate according to St Peter's 
intentions and orders received by him from our Lord 
Jesus Christ. Therefore the Christian churches 
ought to be reformed according to this decree, and 
the pompous Episcopal farces now performed should 
be entirely abolished. Now, Messrs Bupanloup, 
Cullen, Antonelli, De Merode, and all the remainder 
of the mitred rebels, what have you to say to this 
decree ? Can you deny it ? Can you efface it ? No, 
never ! This is the real basis of Christianity, any- 
thing contrary to which is, and will ever be, a 
monstrously diabolical Antichristian farce ! 
st Peter's "I give you the power that I have received from 
Decree, Q fi f bindi^ an( j f unbinding : you shall bind 
what you think necessary, you shall unbind what is 
convenient to be free, like an Ecclesiastic who ex- 
actly knows the Church laws — and you must avoid 
secular affairs. Therefore, to you it shall be a crime 
the taking secular cares and Temporal Power. Your 
office and duty call you, only, with opportunity and 
without intermission, to teach the Word of God,— 
and these duties begin before Easter, and during absti- 
nence in Lent, and during the three, or nearly four 
weeks before Christmas, which epochs Christianity 
has ordered to be venerated." 

Secunda. Peesecutio m Ecclesia (stjb Domitiako). 

ms. chron., Hie secundus post Neronem Christianos persequitur 
p. 89. su b q U0 j oannes Apostolus in Pathmos Insulam 
exitio relegatus est et Plavia Domitilla in Insula 
Pontiana ob fidei testimonium exiliatur, qui et ipsum 
Joannem Apostolum in ferventis olei Dolium jussit 
mergi, a quo omnino illesus exivit, &c. 



121 



Et anno ab urbe Condita dcccxlyi. Quamvis 
Eutropius quincentesimum hunc annum scripserit, 
]STerva in privata vita moderatus, et strenuus, nobili- 
tatis Mediae senex admodum, Imperator Decirnus ab 
Augusto creatus est asquissimum se, et utilissimum 
Reipublicae prebuit. Qui Divina provisione consulens 
Trajanum sibi adoptavit in Regnum Nerva siquidem 
prinio aedieto suo eunctos exules revocavit; Unde 
et Joannes Apostolus hac indulgentia liberatus ad 
Gohetuni rediit, et quia concussam se absente per 
Hasreticos vidit Ecclesiee fidem eonfestim hanc de- 
scriptam in Evangelio suo Yerbi Dei seteraitatem 
stabilivit. JNerva defectus niorbo diem obiit, post 
annum, et quatuor menses Imperii sui .ZEtatis vero 
suae anno lxxxi, Anno Domini lxxxxyiii. 

Tertia Persecutio m Ecclesia. 

In persequendis sane Christionis errore deeeptus, ms. Chion., 
Tertius a Eerone cum passim reperto cogi ad sacri- p ' 91 - 
ficandum Idolis ac interfeci praecipisset : Plinii 
Secundi qui inter Judiees persequutor datus erat 
relatu admonitus, eos homines nihil contrarium 
Romanis legibus facere, rescriptis illico temperavit 
sedictis : hie ipse Plinius tune Orator, et Historicus 
insignis habebatur cujus plurima ingenii opera ex- 
tant. Pantheon Romae, quod Domitianus feeerat 
fulmine crematus cui nomen ob id indictum est. 
Quod omnium Deorum sit ipsa Domus. 

Judaei per universas partes seditionem moventes 
digna caede prosternuntur ; quo tempore Joannes 
Apostolus, Anno lxviii, post Passionem Domini 
setatis autem suae nonagesimo octavo iEphesi placida 
morte quievit. — I have not named many historical 
facts related in the Chronica before the death of the 
Apostle St John. If John the Evangelist died 
calmly and tranquilly at Ephesus, in the ninety- 
eighth year of his age, how can this fact — for such 
I take it to be — be reconciled with the statement 

if 



122 



that he was decapitated by order of Herod and 
Herodiades? It has been shown that Herod and 
his wife were recalled to Kome, dismissed from the 
government of Palestine, and then sent in exile to 
Spain, where they died at least about forty years 
before the decease of the Evangelist. 

I have made this statement under the conviction 
that St John the Baptist and St John the Evangelist 
was one and the same, and that he was termed the 
Baptist only up till the period that he wrote the 
Evangiles, which he produced after returning from 
exile. 

It has also been shown that two other Herods died 
after the first Herod, and before the death of St John. 
I cannot explain this otherwise than by supposing that 
it must have been an error on the part of the writer 
of the Chronica ; therefore, I will not support the 
statements or the blunders of the old Chronica, nor 
any other errors that I may have committed relative 
to the accepted system of the Apostolic Christianity, 
and if, in my ignorance, or by any inadvertence, I 
have sinned against it, I apologise, and shall be 
willing to retract anything that I may have said 
objectionable, because my desire is to establish the 
truth, for the sake of the benefits that would result 
to humanity. I also wish to avoid collision with 
the laws or the Christian religion. 

Memoeanda. 

One thousand and three hundred years before the 
building of Kome by Komulus, Ninus began to 
reign over the Assyrians. He made many wars in 
every part of Asia, and after reigning fifty-two 
years he was killed. His wife, Semiramis, survived 
him and reigned thirteen years. She was no less cruel 
than her husband. She embellished and enlarged 
the city of Babylon as the metropolis of Asia, her 
splendid Assyrian Empire, an. nxxxn (2032). Abra- 



123 



ham, anno lxxxvi, genuit Ishmael a quo Ishmaelitaa 
genuit autem Ishmael duodecim duces et vixit annos 
cxxxvii. iixl viii. (2048). Idem Abraham cum esset 
annorum centum genuit Isach, qui primus, et solus 
in tota testamenti veteris serie legitur octava die 
cireumcisus, qui non sine magno mysterio privilegium 
est filio promissionis donatum et postquam genuit 
Itach vixit Abraham lxxv annos usque ad decimum 
quintum annum nativitatis Esau et Jacob ncvin. 

I have extracted the above from the MS. Chronic, 
(page 7), for the purpose of ascertaining whether 
these chronological epochs can be reconciled with 
the Bible, as well as to show what merit, or what 
historical importance, this old MS. volume may- 
possess. 

A Moyse vero Hebrei litteras habere ceperunt. MS. Chron>, 
The Hebrews began to receive instruction and learn p * 16, 
letters from Moses, a little before iiDxviii (2518). 
Then follows Josue, who stopped the sun for a full 
day in order that his army might avoid an encounter 
with the combined armies of five kings who were 
hostile to him. It is said also that God poured 
over Josue's enemies a shower of stones, by which 
most of them perished. Josue died, aged 110 years, 
at the time that Trous, the first King of Troy, was 
reigning, in the year iidlviii (2558). 

The Olympic Games were instituted by Hercules. Idem ' P- la 
Carmentes was the inventor of the Latin Letters, an. 
fiDccLxxx (2780). At this period lived Jair, of the 
tribe of Manasses, who reigned twenty-two years. 

Achilon Zabulonides annis x, hie cum annis x 
suis in Septuaginta interpretibus non habetur. 
This King, Achilon Zabulonides, who reigned ten 
years, is not mentioned by the seventy interpreters These three 
nor by Eusebius, &c. Neither is reference to this no?nam*a in 
King to be found in the Bible. tlie BibIe - 

From the MS. Chron. de .Mat., p. 57, Anno ab 
Urbe Condita dxliii. In Campanea Capua Capta 
est a Quinto Fulvio Proconsule : principes capua- 



124 



norum veneno sibi antequam subderetur mortem 
Gonsciverunt : Senatum omnem Capuse, setiam pro- 
hibente Senatu Eomano, Eulvius Snpplitius necavit. 

According to the MS. Chronica, it appears that 
Hannibal, two years after the battle of Canne, sent 
his troops to reinforce the strength of the garrison 
of Capua, " apud Candas Apulice vicum" which 
was strongly fortified. The city was at last 
besieged and taken by the Roman Proconsul Quin- 
tus Eulvius Supplitius, who found that the Princes 
of Capua had poisoned themselves to avoid an igno- 
minious death at the hands of their enemies. The 
Proconsul Eulvius, in spite of the contrary orders of 
the Roman Senate, put to death the whole of the 
Capuan Senators. This happened about 200 years 
before the Christian Era. 

The abduction of Helena, and the conspiracy of 
the Greeks against the Trojans, took place 430 years 
before the Roman Era ; then followed the re -union 
of a fleet of 1,000 ships, and the siege of Troy, the 
taking of which had been predicted by the Poet 
Homerus. 

The Fikst Translation of the Bible. 

By an act of liberality, Ptolomeus Philadelfus, 
first King of iEgypt, who reigned thirty-eight years, 
and who permitted the Hebrews to be free in 
IEgypt, having sent Votive Vases to Cleolanus, the 
Pontiff of Jerusalem, permitted Ptolomy to have 
the Divine Scripttjees translated from the Hebrew 
into the Greek language, which was done with the 
utmost diligence, and placed in the Alexandrine 
Bibliotheca, which then contained a great number of 
MS. works, and whose Bibliothecarv was the cele- 
brated Demetrius Phalereus, the most eminent orator 
and philosopher of Greece of the period. 



125 



The Birth op Jesus Christ — The Apostles — The 
Perversion" of the Primitiye Ploman Catholic 
Clergy after the Death of the Apostles. 

According to the MS. Chronica de JEtatibus, MS. Chron., 
the Lord Jesus Christ, our Saviour, was born in the p ' 52# 
reign of Augustus Coesar, in the year ab JJrle Con- 
dita 752. Virgil, Sallust, Livius, Hortensius, Horace, 
Anthenodorus Thorseus, and Silius Alexandrinuswere 
the most eminent writers who flourished at that 
time. In the eighteenth year of the reign of the 
Emperor Tiberius, the Lord Jesus Christ suffered 
death. According also to the MS. Chronica, St 
Peter abandoned the Church of Antiochia, and went 
to Eome at the beginning of the reign of Claudius 
Patruus Callicola, who reigned thirteen years, seven 
months, and twenty-eight days. St Peter occupied 
the Episcopal Roman Chair for twenty-five years. 
During this time, Jacobus, the brother of Our Lord 
Jesus, was lapidated by the Jews in Jerusalem, in the 
seventh year of the Emperor Nero's reign, and about 
this epoch St Peter suffered death on the Cross, 
and St Paul perished by the sword by order of Nero. 
The following eminent men were then living in 
Home : Lucanus, Ovidius, the Satiric Juvenal and 
Persius, the tragic writer Seneca, and the philoso 
pher Plutarch, anno ab urbe condita, 803, — that is 
fifty- six years after Jesus Christ's birth. 

St John the Evangelist died sixty-nine years after 
the Passion of Christ, at the age of ninety-eight years 
— placida morte quievit JZphesi — and whilst the 
Emperor Trajanus was persecuting the Christians. 

"What puzzles me is that the more I have tossed 
and turned over the pages of the works of these 
illustrious contemporary writers, the less I have 
profited, for I have not been able to find any men- 
tion whatever of either Christ or the Apostles. 
"Whether this is through my own ignorance or 

m 2 



126 



inability I cannot say. Neither have I been able 
to glean any information from the perusal of the 
works of the inferior contemporary writers. The 
earliest reference that I can easily find about 
Christianity, was written at the end of the second 
century. In the third, fourth, and fifth centuries 
of the Christian era, a number of ecclesiastical writers 
appeared, who had attended at the different councils. 

The Ecclesiastical zealots, and after them the 
Jesuits, have been industrious to inlay some trifling 
notices in some of the editions of the classics at the 
close of the fifteenth century, but that has been 
found out by comparing the various MS. copies with 
the printed editions. Had Tacitus written that little 
note which mentions Christ with his talent and his 
deep knowledge, he would have said something else. 
The MS. Chron. named Pliny, as will be seen by 
the extract. Therefore there remain no other true 
historiographers but the conscientious Eusebius, 
Cyprianus, Hieronymus, Ambrosius, Marcellinus, 
Augustinus, Origenes, Tertullianus, Orosius, and 
many others, but, unfortunately, none of them were 
contemporary with the Apostles, and all of them 
wrote more or less in accordance with their predeces- 
sors, and with the writings and the traditions of the 
holy Apostles. As I have no doubt about the sincerity 
of their excellent Christian intentions, and as there 
were no better exponents of the Christian Evangeli- 
cal truth, their labours stand like an unspotted 
monument to perpetuate Christianity, and its doc- 
trines. I think I cannot do anything better than 
lean upon that monument to contemplate the glory 
of the Immortal God, and extirpate the briars and 
thorns that have grown in proximity with it, and 
with them chase and chastise the wolf that attempts 
to approach it in future with the intention of exca- 
vating his Grotto thereabout, as usual polluting and 
contaminating the said glorious work. 

Before I proceed any further I have a word to say 



127 



about Bishop Jacobus, the brother of our Lord, whom 
I have named in this chapter. This statement I 
have extracted from the MS. Chronica de iEtatibus ; 
it is a new fact to me, as I have never heard of it 
before. I must say that if the other extracts that 
I have taken from the Chronica be true, I do not see 
why this brother Jacobus might not also have existed, 
and been a true brother and follower of Our Lord 
Jesus Christ. At all events it is stated that he 
officiated for thirty consecutive years in the Christian 
Church of Jerusalem, and I proclaim him to have been 
the first Christian Bishop de jure, etde facto. For the 
utterance of this truism I hope that I shall not be 
stoned to death. 

I have not seen Father Passaglia's book upon the 
Immaculate Conception, nor his last production upon 
the Papal Temporal power. If theologians can find 
proofs to corroborate the statement that Jacobus was 
a real brother of Jesus Christ, the new dogma of the 
Immaculate Conception, with regard to the material 
fact, will stand in the same dangerous predicament 
that many other Papal Inventions do. With regard 
to the spiritual part of the dogma, I have given it a 
little chapter close to that of the Invention of Pur- 
gatory. I will not say anything more about it, but 
leave the subject to the investigations of learned 
divines. 

I have shown that the Pontifices of the Gentiles 
were modest, honest, prudent, wise, learned, and 
most estimable, that they avoided all sorts of dis- 
honourable actions, and were constantly vigilant in 
the welfare of the Resjmblica. I have pointed out 
also that, at one time, great jealousy and contention 
arose amongst them with regard to supremacy, and 
who should be the Primate. This was decided, according 
to the first organization, by Numa. That the same 
jealous disposition and invidiousness reigned also 
amongst the first Christian clergy soon after the 
death of the Apostles, is proved by the ecclesiastical 



128 

historians ; and, though Christianity was not origin- 
ated in Eome, nor Rome the first to embrace it, jet 
the Roman clergy," through impertinent assumptions 
and presumption, aimed by indelicate, direct, and 
indirect means to aspire to the Primacy — which, up 
to the time of Constantine, and subsequently, had 
always been considered an uncalled-for innovation, 
to which, if any one had a right, according to my 
notions, it should have devolved upon the Christian 

MS/Chron., church of Antiochia, built by St Peter ; or upon that 
p,78# of Jerusalem, where Jacobus, the brother of our 
Lord Jesus Christ, had officiated for thirty conse- 
cutive years, when he was stoned to death by the 
Jews in the seventh year of the Emperor Nero's 
reign. After that the Emperor Hadriantis de- 
stroyed Jerusalem, dispersed and killed the 
Hebrews, rebuilt Jerusalem, and gave it to the 
Christians, and called the new city Helta after his 

Hem, p. 94. own name, " Helta de nomine suo vocari precepit." St 
Marck, or Marcus, was installed there as bishop 107 
years after the passion and death of our Lord Jesus 
Christ. These two churches stood pre-eminent, 
maintained their prerogatives in every respect, and 
did not become corrupted until after the others, for 
a long time resisting the temptations, corruptions, 
and innovations of Rome, France, and Spain. The 
Carthaginian church was also one of the very first 
Apostolically instituted, and Bishop Cyprianus with 
his clergy resisted and maintained its independence 
apart from the Bishop of Rome or any other. 

The fact cannot surprise any person that the 
Apostles were all equal and brotherlike, that they 
preached the Christian doctrines of humiliation, and 
the precepts that they received from the infinite 
wisdom of God. Amongst these Divine dispositions 
there was not a single chapter or sentence which 
ordered the Apostles, or directed them to order their 
disciples, imposing on them and the representatives 
of the various churches or congregations to elect one 



129 



of themselves, or to deck him up in that preciously 
conspicuous style, and endow him with the attributes 
of a semi-divinity capriciously infallible, haughty, 
and ferocious. I most solemnly repeat there is 
nothing of the kind to be found, because the Divine 
Redeemer and the whole of the Apostles positively 
and most intentionally wanted to avoid the mundane 
pomp, the absurd irreligious luxury, and spectacular 
representations of the Gentiles Pontifices which were 
practised at that time, and which were at variance 
with God the Eternal, and his DivineWisdom human- 
ised for the redemption of all creatures. For this 
very reason Peter was equal to John, and John to 
Paul, &c. 

"When St Peter built his church in Antiochia, 
held the chair, preached to his congregation, and 
corresponded with his disciples and the Apostles, he 
did not tell them nor write to them that they were 
bound to submit to him, or pay tribute of supremacy 
to him, or any other pretences of the class of the 
modern Pontifices. All the Apostles were equal, 
and their disciples were treated with the same 
courteous Christian feeling as free and independent 
creatures, animated by the breath of the Omnipotent 
lather. That same spirit was universally diffused 
by the Apostles in their preaching and in their 
writings, and it remained so for the whole of the 
first century of the Christian era, when Christianity 
was brought to Greece, Italy, Prance, and Africa, 
and wherever the Eoman eagle carried its sceptrum. 
Yanity, jealousy, and invidious supremacy never 
entered the door of their temples ; faith, hope, and 
charity presided at their gates, and the humble 
Apostle stood by the side of the altar, inspired and 
radiated with glory, and fluently poured out from 
his soul the Divine effusions that enchanted with 
happiness the whole of his congregation. 

On Calvary the Man-God identified himself 
with His Church. The component parts of His 



130 

Church were the Apostles, and the equally living 
Divine Truths founded by Him and them to the 
glory of the Eternal Father with the mysterious 
Baptismal Eedemption of humanity. The Disciples 
were the Apostolic offspring, the divinely humanised 
revealed doctrines which lived only as long as a rose, 
a lily, a hyacinth, &c, spreading around them the 
celestially-received Divine fragrance, which infused 
peace to the immortal Christian soul, and happiness 
to the transitorily living body. 

These Disciples, or these flowers, should have 
grown, flourished, and perpetuated themselves ad 
infinitum, beneficently filling the earth with mortal 
and eternal bliss, and, by the propitious will of the 
Glorious God, have constituted the terrestrial Para- 
dise. Such was the state of the first century of 
Christianity, and so it would have remained had not 
the purple-dressed blaspheming prostitute, the seven- 
headed monster named in Eevelations, appeared, to 
pervert, corrupt, dishumanise, and destroy the 
Church, the doctrine, and the people. 

To begin with the history of the Papal caprices, 
vices, abominations, and usurpations, I must go to 
the fountain-head, and borrow the opinion of the 
honest Christian Bishop Eusebius, about the Roman 
Catholic Clergy of his time. He wrote that, u as long 
as the Apostles lived, the true Christian doctrines 
were preached and disseminated with profit to 
humanity by the holy Apostles and Disciples in Asia, 
Africa, and Europe, and that the Christian Church 
remained pure and incorrupted up to the time of the 
Emperor Trajanus. After the death of the Apostles 
then, most certainly, a false and craftily impious con- 
spiracy began to invade the Church of Christ. Its 
Priests, with their subtle frauds and knavish tricks, 
laboured to disseminate a perverted doctrine entirely 
in opposition to the Christian Church." 
EU 3 Se c iU 26 li et ^ Tempora usque Trajani, Ecclesia integra et 
lib. i, c.ii. incorrupta permanserat : At postquam sacer Apos- 



131 



tolorum chorus, varitim vitas exitum, et diversa mor- 
tis genera pertulerat, tunc certe falsa, et veteratoria 
irnpii erroris conspiratio exordium csepit, idque illo- 
rum fraude, et astulia, qui doctrinam a veritate 
nenitus aiienam disseminare laborarent : Quique cum 
nemini Apostolorum vita suppeteret, jamnudo capite 
sincero veritatis sermoni, falsam et commentitiam 
doctrinam, ex adverso opponere pro viribus nite- 
rentur. 

And this was the state to which the Christian 
Church had been perverted after the very first hundred 
years from its Divine institution. Hieronimus, one 
of the earliest Eoman Priests, eminent in the Christian 
doctrine, and a pious follower of the Apostles, who 
had seen the immoral tendencies of his brother 
Priests, and the corruptions and pervertions that 
were creeping into the Church of Christ, with deter- 
mined zeal, bold, plain speaking, preaching, and 
writing to Marcella, said : " Bead the Apocalypse of 
John, and behold the end of the confusion of praise Hiewmymus 
bestowed on the purple-dressed woman who has ?a m Marcel 
blasphemy written on her forehead, seated on the 
seven hills, and surrounded by many rivers. Come 
away from her, said God to his people ; do not par- 
ticipate of her crimes; escape from her insidious 
nets ; run away from that Babylon, and each of you 
save your souls. Indeed it fell ; this great confusion 
at last it fell ! and became the Demon's see, and the 
keeper of the filthy Satanic spirits," &c. 

Lege Apocalypsim Johannis, et quid de muliere Hieronymus. 
purpurata et scripta in ejus fronte blasphemia, sep- 
tem montibus, aquis multis et Babylonis canteretur 
exitu contuere : exite, inquit Dominus, de ilia 
populus meus, et ne participes sitis delictorium ejus, 
et de plagis ejus non accipiatis, fugite de medio 
Babylonis et salvate unusquisque animam suam, 
cecidit enim, cecidit Babylon magna, et facta est 
habitatio Daemonum, et custodia spiritus immundi, 
&c. Eusebius, in the Eccles. Histor., lib. 5, c. 21, 



132 



22, and Tertullianus, inlibro de Pudicitia, c. 1, tells 
us that Bishop Victor, in a letter, styled himself 
" Ecclesiae Apostolicae universalis Episcopus," in 
imitation of the Pontifices Maximi of the Gentiles, 
and in an edict he subscribed himself " Episcopus 
Eomanus universalis Ecclesise Episcopus ;" and Ter- 
tullian seemed to laugh at that title, as it was con- 
sidered a novelty, and wrote to Victor directing his 
letter to the " Episcopus Episcoporum." This first 
attempt at supremacy happened in the second century 
of the Christian era. In the third century the Eoman 
Catholic clergy attained the highest degree of 
demoralisation, and the whole of the second century 
had passed in discussions and dissensions between 
the Eoman Clergy and the Africans and Asians on 
account of the impudent assumptions of the Roman 
Clergy. — See Cyprianus, Eusebius, Tertullianus, 
Athanasius, and others. 
Cyprian de C} T prianus writes of the clergy of his time {De 
l 25^im.P as ^ or ^ us Ecclesm) thus: — JSTon in Sacerdotibus 
religio devota est, non in ministris fides integra, non 
in operibus misericordia, non in moribus disciplina : 
Quin, Episcopi plurimi, quos et ornamento esse 
opportet ceteris et exempio, divina procuratione 
contempta, procuratores rerum secularium fieri, de- 
relicta cathedra, plebe deserta, per alienas provincial 
oberrantes negotiationis quasstuosaB mundinas aucu- 
pari. Esurientibus in Ecclesia fratribus, habere 
argentum largiter, velle fundos insidiosis fraudibus 
rapere, usuris multiplicantibus fcenus augere. Quid 
non perpeti tales pro peccatis hujusmodi mereremur ? 
— The above is a first-rate specimen, a photographic 
portraiture of the morality of the Eoman clergy 
before Con stan tine, and at his time. 
Eusebius, Inter nos, petulantibus Unguis tanquam mutuis 
cies!'iib E 8 arm i s oppugnare, et casu aliquando verborum con- 
c.iet2,an. tumelias velut hastas unus in alium intorquere, et 
302 ad310, presides Eeclesiarum alter alterius vires infringere, 
et populus in populum seditionem concitare, et 



133 

Pastores nostri depulsa repudiataque pietatis regula, 
dissidio et contentione inter se exardescere, quin 
etiam nullas alias res prasterquam discordias, minas 
semulationem, et inimicitias, et odium inter ipsos 
mutuo adaugere et tyrannorum more principatum 
obtinere. 

Hieronymus plainly declared that the Roman 
bishops at their caprices altered and counterfeited 
the Divine precepts, and the Sacraments instituted 
by God, and that the sermons or speeches against 
the High Omnipotent, that is, like those expounded 
by Symmachus, were assumed sermons, as if God 
had spoken them, arrogating the power of God, in 
words claiming, as if for themselves, or challenging, the 
Divine Majesty. The laws of God and the cere- 
monies were shifted, and they endeavoured to submit 
the whole of God's religion to their power. 

Sermones contra excelsum loquetur : sive, ut inter- Hieronymus 
pretatur Symmachus, Sermones quasi Deus loquetur, 1 c n ^ an "' 
ut qui Dei assumit potentiam, verba quoque Divinse 
sibi vindicet Majestatis. Leges Dei et ceremonias j dem iu 2 c . 
mutare, et Keligionem omnem suae subjicere potes- Ttass. 2. 
tati, conobatur. 

Cyrianus, speaking of the primitive Roman Catholic 
clergymen, said that the clergy had no devoted reli- 
gion, there was not any integrity of faith in them ; in 
their deeds they had no compassion, they had no modest 
discipline in their manners; moreover, the greatest 
part of the bishops, who, by a course of exemplary 
conduct, should have stood out as high and accom- 
plished models to the others, in contempt of their 
divine office, became the solicitors for legal and other 
secular affairs, abandoned the pulpits, the Ecclesias- 
tical chairs, and the people entrusted to their cares, 
and wandered into other provinces in search of 
lucrative affairs. They aimed to accumulate plenty 
of money, and to strip of their estates by insidious 
frauds their poor Christian brothers, and to augment 

ft 



134 

and multiply the interest of their money by usury, 
&c. Eusebius wrote : Among us, the clergymen fight 
with mutually sacrilegious tongues, like as if they 
used arms, and from contumelious words sometimes 
they come to blows with arms ; they excite the 
people to sedition, &c. 

The authority of Eusebius, Cyprianus, and of 
Hieronymus is the highest, and will ever stand vene- 
rated and uncontroverted by the whole of the modern 
clergymen, as it stood by the ancient ecclesiastics 
and secular men. They lived and attempted to cor- 
rect and expunge the abuses introduced into the 
church by their contemporaiy ecclesiastical brothers, 
soon after the death of the Holy Apostles; they 
laboured in vain, I am sorry to say, and the evils of 
their time have multiplied and swelled to the mag- 
nitude of a monstrous and gigantic perversion of the 
divine dogmas of the Christian faith, from which 
only a superhuman effort, a new Divine Redemption, 
can restore its pure, unaffected, celes trial stream of 
love and charity to oppressed and deluded humanity. 
The Eternal Eather promised it in the Eevelations, 
and His will shall be done. 
MS. Chron., Cyprianus Episcopus Carthaginensis Martyrio coro- 
p. lis. natur circa an. Dom. 268 — cujus vitse et passionis 
volumen egregium reliquit Pontius Diaconus ejus. 
Cypriani extant doctissima opuscula. 

When Bishop Silvester held the Episcopal Roman 
Council, it took place in the Thermas Domitianas, 
where he resided, and not in the Lateran Palace, as 
some writers have pretended. Baronius stated that 
Constantine gave the Lateran Palace to Bishop Mel- 
tiades and to his successors. It must be an error, as 
Constantine's family and his successors resided in it. 

Bishop Cyprian held the Carthaginian Council, and 
it was enacted in its article the 6th, that no Bishop 
of his own authority should judge another, and that 
all the Bishops shall await the judgment of Our Lord 



135 



Jesus Christ, who alone has the authority of instal- 
ling them in the Church's Government, and of judging 
of their actions. 

Zozimus, who was one of the early Ecclesiastical Zozjmusffist. 
Historians, wrote that Constantine not only arrogated 
to himself the title of Pontifex Maximus, but he wore 
the Pontifical apparel, and received the Pontifical 
decorations and the Empire from the Popes, and the 
other Emperors did the same up to Gratianus. 

Baronius said that the Great Pontificate was an Baronius, to. 
adjunct to the Imperial dignity, to prevent the 3 > an - 334 - 
Senate, the people, or any of the Koman nobles from 
conspiring against the Emperor. Of course, that 
same deification of the Emperor was originated to 
keep the people in subjection. 

Imperatores Pontificis Maximi titulum sibi arro- Zozimus, 
gassent, Constantinum ipsum et cseteros Imperatores 
deinceps, ad Gratianum usque, dictos esse Pontifices 
Maximos, amictum Sacerdotalem induisse, Pontifi- 
calia insignia a Pontificibus simul ac imperium ac- 
cepisse, &c. 

Imperatorise dignitati summum Pontificatum ad- Baronius, 
junctum, ne in Imperatorem Senatus Populusque 
Eomanus Gentilitise factionis, facile conspirassent, &c. 

The first general synod of Nicece was convoked 
and presided over by Constantine in the year 325. 
The principal learned bishops who attended it were 
Eusebius, Socrates, Theodoretus, Sozomenus, Cyzi- 
cenus, and others. 

About that time a quarrel arose between some 
bishops and others who were at the head of a sect 
called Donattstes. All those bishops appealed to 
the Emperor Constantine to decide their quarrel, 
and Constantine, annoyed at those clerical conten- 
tions, discords, and heinous intrigues answered them 
abruptly, " You come to ask my judgment in an 
ecclesiastical contention, while I, myself, await 
the judgment of God in my affairs ! Why do you 
not have more brotherly charitable feelings ? " 



136 

Bishop Eusebius, lib. 10, c. 5, reports the Cir- 
cular Letter of the Emperor Cons tan tine to the 
Eoman Bishops, and to the others, inviting and 
ordering them to attend the Eoman Council. It 
seems that there were then two Eoman bishops, 
and the address was as follows : " Miltiade Eomano- 
rum Episcopo, et Marco.' ' 
E vita iu Con 6 Constantine convoked the Universal Synod at 
stantini. 11 " Nicea, and issued his mandate for all bishops to 
attend it, &c. " Synodum (Ecumenicam Mceae 
Congregat Constantinus : undecumque Episcopos 
advocans," &c. Although Baronius thought dif- 
ferently, Theodoretus, Sozomenus, Socrates, Gelasius, 
and Cyzicenus agreed with Eusebius. It was to 
this Synod that the two Eoman priests, Victor and 
Vincentius, were sent as the Legates of Bishop Sil- 
vester. These two priests were the persons whose 
names were badly spelt in the MS. of Cardinal Nava- 
gero, and whom he said were the first to be named 
cardinals, before or after the said Council. The acts 
that they signed there on behalf of Silvester do not 
contain any other title than this : " Yictor et Vin- 
centius Presby teri urbis Eomse ordinati, ex directione 
tua," that is, of the Pope. And I have not found 
that either they or any other ecclesiastic used the 
title of Cardinal in the 4th, 5th, 6th, 7th, and 8th 
centuries. That title had a criminal origin, as we 
shall see. 

Lay, Ecclesiastic, and Diplomatic Histokical Evi- 
dences that Constantine did not give to 
Silvester St Petes/ s Patrimony, or the 
Temporal Power. 

This day, the 18th of September, 1861, I am 
happy to see that the Government of his Italian 
Majesty is progressively marching on the straight 
road to Eome, unmindful of the entraves and danger- 
ous traps set up by the cowardly black poachers. I 
never feared for a moment that the wisdom of that 



137 



Government would be intimidated and barred from 
farther progress by the miserable dirty lot of black 
foxes who have infested the country for so many 
centuries. The time for a regular battue had come 
long ago, and should have been taken advantage of 
without any further consideration ; but the present 
Italian Government is so forbearing and generous 
towards an unmerciful, malignant enemy, for the 
Italian popular patience can be stretched ad infinitum. 
In attempting to reason with those who will not by 
any means understand reason, modern statesmen 
have exhausted their arguments to no purpose ; 
perhaps it will be better now to force into their 
obstinate heads the whole of the archives of reasons 
and arguments that have been so contemptuously 
rejected, and if these cannot get access through the 
ears they should be trumpeted against their Tula 
Eustachiana. If they will not then understand, it 
will be their own fault, and they must suffer for it. 
The Minister of Public Instruction has touched upon 
some Religio-Political questions which have been 
solved long ago by that learned gentleman Cardinal 
Navagero, whose opinions I have already extracted 
from his manuscript, and I am glad to point them 
out to the public, that they may be of service on the 
present occasion. 

These are the new Ministerial Theological Propo- 
sitions : M. de Sanctis, Minister of Public Instruc- 
tion, has taken the bold step of consulting the theo- 
logical faculties of the different universities of Italy, 
on the origin of the temporal power of the Popes, 
and the advantages of its suppression. The text of 
the document submitted to the examination of the 
learned faculties is as follows : 

"Are the following propositions contrary to the 
faith? 

" That the temporal power is a fact of an acciden- 
tal nature, and of human origin. 

"2. That the temporal power of the Sovereign 

n 2 



138 



Pontiff may be diminished, and even cease, and yet 
that his spiritual power and religious liberty will 
remain safe. 

" 3. That under present circumstances there is no 
reason for maintaining the temporal power of the 
Pontiff, and that far from being useful it is injurious 
to the Church and the State. 

" 4. That it is consequently necessary that the 
Holy Father shall not refuse to treat with the Italian 
Government, in order to guarantee the free and un- 
fettered exercise of the Catholic ministry." 

In this chapter will also be found the opinion of 
Cardinal Navagero on the temporal power. 

A celebrated English historian, who was well 
versed in mediaeval literature, and perfi ctly at home 
with the whole of the old Italian writers, speaking 
of the learned Poet Laurentius Yalla (a Roman 
patrician, who wrote against the Donations of Con- 
stantine), Gibbon, in his 'Decline and Fall of the 
Roman Empire/ wrote : " His contemporaries of the 
fifteenth century were astonished at his sacrilegious 
boldness ; yet such is the silent and inscrutable pro- 
gress of reason, that before the end of the next age 
the fable was rejected by the contempt of historians 
and poets, and the tacit or modest censure of the 
advocates of the Roman Church. The Popes them- 
selves have indulged in a smile at the credulity of 
the vulgar ; but a false and obsolete title still sanc- 
tifies their reign, and by the same fortune which has 
attended the decretals and the Sybilline leaves, the 
edifice has subsisted after the foundations have been 
undermined." 

I can assure you, Mr Antonelli, that Gibbon was 
a clever, conscientious historian, and many of your 
right reverend confratres may learn many excellent 
maxims from his works, just merely turning the 
pages, here and there glancing at the stupendous 
works of some, and the follies of others, particularly 
the right reverends who have indulged in some ex- 



139 

traordinary inventions, and at other times have not 
told the whole of the truth, for instance — 

[Here I will indulge myself in quoting Baronius 
at the epoch of Constantine, for a reason that the 
reader will soon find out.] 

De vulgata ilia omnium ore ageremus ejusdem Baronius, to. 
Constantini donatione, tot tantisque controversiis art?ii7 324 ' 
agitata ; sed parcimus, quid nihil prseter ilia quae ab 
aliis dicta sunt, affere possumus, et eadem repetere 
sit onerosum atque pariter otiosum. Of that cele- 
brated Donation of Constantine known to everybody 
and discussed by so many controversialists I should 
now talk; but I forbear, because I cannot assert 
anything except what has been stated by others, and 
to repeat the same thing is tedious and superfluous. 
I will now ask the reader's opinion if he considers this 
the proper manner of treating this most important 
point of Ecclesiastical history upon which so many 
pretensions and so many wars have sprung up, and 
so many millions of human souls have been sacrificed 
to priestly vengeance and the auri sacra fames. 
Earonius should either have been silent about it alto- 
gether, or given the opinion of the learned and con- 
temporary historians of the ninth and tenth centuries 
on the subject ; as both before and during his Cardi- 
nalate he had been President of the Bibliotheca 
Vaticana, and had at his entire disposal all the docu- 
ments, real and forged, that were preserved, and there 
he compiled his Annals, altering and suppressing 
those historical facts which did not satisfy his own 
interest or that of the Holy See. If the Cardinal 
had been a secular, disinterested historian, he would 
have published a truthful account of events taken 
from documents of reliable sources, being endowed 
with the talent and discrimination of knowing what 
was true and what was false, and would have leit 
behind him valuable treasures from which posterity 
might have taken the text of history to regulate 
itself in future events. I have copies of many 



140 

valuable old historical documents, amongst them a 
volume in MS. precisely of the time that the Cardi- 
nal was President of the Eoman Library, as it is 
stated by the rev. amansuensis, who declares, both 
at the end of the book and in a marginal note on the 
first page, that he copied that book from the old MS. 
Codex in the Vatican, and from another MS. of the 
Yatican, called the Chronica Begum Longohardo- 
rurn" Now with difficulty, on account of the ab- 
breviations and obsolete words, I have translated 
from it the Beal Donations of Constantine, and have 
inserted them in this work. Suppose that Cardinal 
Baronius had been an excellent; most pious, and 
honourable man, in fact a miraculous Saint, and had 
written his voluminous Annals for the glorification 
of the Eoman See, or for the remittance of his venial 
sins, why did he not say the truth ? Why did he 
put himself in antagonism with the earliest writers, 
Historians, Theologians, Dogmatics, Bishops, Popes, 
and Saints, who wrote the histories of the Holy 
See during their lives, contemporary to the events 
they narrated ? "Why did he name the Donation of 
Constantine, while, amongst the ancient historians, 
Georg. Ce- Cedrenus says that Constantine, in the years 26 and 
dren.,p.243 27 f his reign, destroyed Paganism, and transferred 
the income of its ministers to the Church of God. 
And Damasius and Anastasius, in the lives of Sil- 
vester, Bishop of Eome, say that Constantine rebuilt 
the churches from the ruins of Paganism, and en- 
dowed them with the hereditary gifts of the goods 
and chattels of the Pagan Priests. " Sacerdotum Eth- 
nicorum reditus in usum Ecclesiaa Christianas eon- 
vertit." He did not give him Eome and two-thirds 
of Italy. No, no, nothing of the kind, nor ap- 
proaching or touching the Temporal Power. The 
whole of the ancient historians ignored the Dona- 
tion of the Temporal Power of the Popes, and of 
course did not name a thing which was invented 
for the first time only in the eighth century by 



141 

Pope Adrian when he wrote about it to Charle- 
magne in 776. I shall not copy down the account 
of the wars of the French and the Popes against the 
Lombard Kings, as described in my MS. volume of 
Historia Begum Longohardoriim, by Herempertus, as 
it is uncommonly tedious. I shall content myself by 
stating that, with the advent of Charlomagne at Eome 
the last of the Longobard Kings ended, and the 
Exarchs of Ravenna also ended in the year 750, by 
the same pressure, after 200 years of successive 
existence. These last, after the line of the French 
Kings and Emperors in Italy, when the German 
Emperors succeeded to the Domination, were revived 
again for a time. But I see that I am going too far, 
and I shall retrace my steps to the time of the 
Emperor Constantine, and review the contemporary 
historians and writers of that and the following 
centuries, to ascertain if Constantine gave to Silvester, 
or not, any temporal power. It is certain that after 
that Emperor's death his son succeeded, and Eusebius 
says: " Quia in herciscunda familia Constantini, Eusebius de 
Zozimo, Zonara testibus, Italia et Eoma ipsa adeo ^ t j^' 
recensentur." According to these three impartial c. 49,50,51! 
religious historians, almost contemporary, we have Zo ^™2. S m 
testimony that Home itself was ruled over by Constant, Zona i' a s, 
the heir of Constantine. Victor, also, in Constantine' s ° m " ' 
life, agrees with the above. And Agatho Pontifex, 
multis post seculis ad Constantinum Pogonatum 
scribens, Urbem Imperatoris servilem vocat. This 
Pope Agatho states that Eome obeyed and was under 
the rule of the Emperors. Here, then, is good testi- 
monial evidence that the Popes had no temporal 
power at all. Antoninus Archiepiscopus, Volterranus, 
Hieronymus Catalanus, Alexandri cubicularius in 
practica Cancell. Apost. Otho Frisingensio Epis. in 
annales ; Cardinalis Cusanus, de Concordia Cathol., 
lib. 3. Laurentius Yalla Patritius Pomanus in his 
de Ficta JDonatione; Pranciscus Guicciardinus, iEneas 
Silvius Piccolominus, ipse qui post fuit Pius II libro 



142 



in earn rem edito quern citat Catalanus. Platina Ponti- 
ncum historiographus donationem earn ipse tacuit 
pudore suffusus. All the above-named, eminent, high 
ecclesiastical dignitaries and historians who had a 
great share in the management of the spiritual and 
temporal power, and the affairs of Italy connected 
with the Popes and friendly with the Emperors, 
none of them ever asserted or named the patrimony 
of St Peter as a donation of Constantine to the Holy 
See. Platina himself, who dedicated his whole life 
to write the lives and histories of the Popes, for the 
want of material proofs to support the assertion of 
the donation, modestly preferred to be silent about it. 

The celebrated Pomponius Lsetus, in the second 
book of his Bomanse Historiae Compendium, after 
describing the life and actions of Constantine, says 
that, after his death: <; Quidam tradunt Constantinum 
orbem heredibus testamento divisisse, Quidam filios 
forte fecisse, Divisio Bomani Imperii, Constantino 
obvenere Gallise Hispanise, et Alpes Cottise, Brit- 
tanise, Orcades, Hibernia, Thyle. Constanti Italia 
et Aphrica cum Insulis Illuricum, Macedonia, 
Achaia, Peloponnessus, Grsecia ; Constantio, Oriens 
et Thracia cujus caput Constantinopolis et cum eo 
Balmatius imperavit, &c." Whether Constantine 
made his will or not, this is not the question, but it 
is clear enough that his sons divided the Empire of 
the known world, and Constant had for his share 
Italy, Africa, the Illyrian Islands, Macedonia, Acaja, 
the Peloponnesus, and Greece. Such having been 
the case, where was the Pope's pretended donation 
of St Peter's Patrimony ? Why did he not come 
forward to claim his share ? Why did not the Popes 
repeat their claim after every successive Emperor ? 
This splendid scheme was hatched at the time 
when Charlemagne was indebted to Pope Adrian 
for the title of Patricius Romanus, and from a Erench 
King was, at a later period, converted into an 
Emperor of the Holy Boman Empire, with an 



143 



addition to his income of the Italian States, for- 
merly belonging to the Lombard Kings and to the 
Greek Emperors, who had solicited the French Kings 
Pepins and Charlemagne to interfere in the Italian 
affairs and to settle the quarrels for him which the 
Popes had raised with the Vassals of the Greek 
Empire and of the Lombard Kings. "While 
Charlemagne and Pepin received these appeals, 
they were receiving others from Pope Adrian 
stimulating them against the Greek Emperors, 
persuading them to spoliate the Greeks of the 
empire. However, Charlemagne did not dare to 
complete the whole of the spoliations, uncertain 
what the Greek Emperor might do to reinstate him- 
self ; therefore he left him the Principality of 
Apulia and the Calabrias as heretofore, and he 
instituted or reinstated the Dukes of Benevento, of 
Spoleti, and of Eriuli, as they were before when 
under the Lombard Kings, and gave the power to the 
Pope of taking tithes, de prendre la Dime, upon 
Eome, the Exarchate, in the Duchy of Perugia, 
in Tuscany, and in the Campania, reserving to him- 
self the Regiam Potestatem, the temporal Power; 
because the Popes could possess neither Eome 
nor those Duchies ; and for the right of levying the 
annum ce?isum, the Popes were obliged to take an 
oath of allegiance to Charlemagne and his successors 
in the following formula : " Promitto me Domino 
meo Charolo, et filiis ejus fidelem futurum in tota 
vita sine fraude doloque malo," &c. And from the 
letters thirty, thirty-one, and thirty-nine, of Pope 
Adrian to Charlemagne, it is evident that he wished 
him to remember the alleged promises that the King 
had made to the Apostle Peter, and gives his thanks 
for the many benefices that the Pope had received of 
Charlemagne. Then up to their time, and before 
Adrian, no Pope had anything except for a short 
time the Cottian Alps, and what they had taken by 
force of arms, and by spoliation ; therefore the right 



144 



of taking, or levying tithes was the best first gift, 
and the best bargain that the Pope made for his 
oaths and assistance to the French King to get the 
Italian States. Charlemagne could easily dispose of 
part of the income of a State that did not belong to 
him, and the Pope would have taken twenty oaths 
if there had been anything to be had for them. I 
will not finish this chapter without quoting from a 
MS. which formerly belonged to the Colonna family, 
which had furnished for so many consecutive cen- 
turies Cardinals, Popes, and other civil and ecclesi- 
astical dignitaries, administering the affairs of Italy, 
and most certainly must have had in their family 
archives valuable documents relating to Italy and 
the Holy See : and as I believe that this MS. is of 
great importance, on account of its giving the de- 
scription of every town, village, and castle, great and 
small estates, population and income, noble familes, 
&c, with a short sketch of every Pope, from the first 
to the last of them, Benedict XIII, in 1724. 
I will quote only a few lines of page 4, where, 
speaking about the donation of Constantine, of the 
patrimony of St Peter, it says : " By what manner 
the Popes, already rich in Evangelic poverty, have 
acquired such fine estates, the public opinion is 
various ; the vulgar opinion is that Constantine 
gave them the greatest part of what they possess 
now ; but authors, and particularly the most credited 
historians, believed it a false notion, and as such 
entirely rejected it. The first donation to the Holy 
See of which there is a probability was made by 
Arripest II, a Lombard King, who in 704 gave to 
Pope John VII the Cottian Alps." 

I have still one other quotation to take from 
another MS. of my library; it is an autograph of 
Cardinal Navagero, an eminent and a learned man, 
a poet and a diplomatist, raised to that social position 
by his merit only, and Ambassador of the Serenissima 
Eepublics of Yenice to the Court of Eome during the 



145 

war with the Catholic King. As it is stated in the 
title, " Eelazione di Roma e Stato Ecclesiastico del 
Cardinal Navagero in tempo della Guerra col Ee 
Cattolico." I shall not quote the Italian text, to 
avoid adding to the length of this work. I will only- 
say that this volume contains the most useful infor- 
mation, and enters into every affair concerning the 
Pope's dominions, the Cardinals, the Prelates, the 
army, the administration, the policy of State, the 
town and villages, the income and expenses, the 
abuses of the Popes, the mismanagements of the 
officials, and the reforms that should be made ; and, 
lastly, I will quote a page where he writes his 
opinion about the temporal power of the Pope. As 
this was private information sent to the Doge, of 
course it is unpublished. He wrote : 

If we now consider the Pope, not as a Prince with Cardinal 
an estate, but as Chief of the Eeligion as he really ms ag 
is the Head of Christianity and Successor of Peter, 
instituted by Christ as his Vicar — if we consider 
him as such, and if the Pope really should imitate 
the life of Christ, and of the first Fathers — I should 
say that the Pope would be really a tremendous 
power in this world with his excommunications, 
maledictions, and the rest of his spiritual arms, 
infinitely more powerful than he is now with his 
leagues and armies, which of late the Popes have used 
clandestinely, and openly spoliated other princes to 
enrich themselves and their families, as did Alex- 
ander VI, a Spaniard by birth, when he began to 
elevate to a powerful state of opulence his son 
Valentino, with all the atrocious means that have 
been enumerated by those who have written the 
history of that period. The same spirit of Alexander 
descended to the succeeding Popes, and upset, 
spoilated, reduced, and still reduces to misery our 
unhappy country. On account of the Pontiffs 
having no sons with hereditary right or claim to the 
Pontifical throne, when they are in power they 

o 



146 

upset all the world to make alliances with this and 
that powerful prince, and by these means they 
obtain their aims, which consist in leaving to their 
families an estate, not of poverty as they were 
before the assumption to the Pontificate, but a great, 
opulent state, which cannot be accumulated in a 
ahort time except by violence, taking it from other 
families. Now I shall support my assertion by 
particular examples of some of our Italian Republics 
•and other little States, as I see them still bleeding, 
and their dresses, once rich and fine, now converted 
into rags, &c. All this is translated ad litteram from 
the Italian language, and the opinion of this honest 
disinterested ecclesiastic needs no comment. He 
gave his verdict about the Temporal power 300 years 
ago, seeing that it was detrimental to society and 
religion, as it is still now, an unbearable incubus. 

As I shall have to speak about the times of Charle- 
magne, I must state again here, as a positive fact, 
that the invention of the Donation of Constantine to 
Bishop Silvester (alias the patrimony of St Peter) 
was originated by Pope Adrian the 1st in a letter 
which he wrote to Charlemagne in the year 776, in 
which mention was made of it for the first time. 
This letter is to be found inserted in the Codice 
Carolino, let. 49. It is quoted by the celebrated 
e Marca de wr ^ er De Marca, who says that in his time it was 
Concordia, believed to be a fictitious letter, and a spurious 
!ib - 3 - c - 13 - Donation. 



[In the following Donations by Constantine there 
are in the MS. several grammatical errors, which I 
have faithfully copied without attempting to correct 
them.] 



147 



CONSTANTINE'S KEAL DONATIONS TO 
BISHOP SILVESTER. 

Constantinus autem fecit ubi Baptizatus est Basi- MS. Ctaw 
licas istas : quas et ornavit Basilicam Constantinia- 31,' 32.'° 
nam ubi posuit ista Dona : Eastigium argenteum 
battutile quod habet in fronte Salvatorem sedentem 
in sella cum pedibus quinque ponderas libras cxx, et 
duodecim Apostolos quos pensant singuli in quinis 
pedibus libras xc, cum coronis argenti purissimi. 
Item a tergo respiciente in Absida Salvatorem seden- 
tem in Throno in pedibus quinque ex argenti puris- 
simi ponderans libras cxxxx, et Angelos quatuor ex 
argento in pedibus quinque ponderantes singuli 
libras cv, cum gemmis alabandenis in occulis, tenentes 
hastas fastigium ipsum ponderantes libras duo millia 
xxv. Eastigium ex auro purissimo cum delfinis 
quinquaginta cum catena qui ponderant libras xxv, 
coronam ex auro purissimo cum delfinis xx, perantes 
libras singula quindecim. Cameram Basilicas ex 
auro trimitam in longum et in altum libras quin- 
centas altaria septem ex argento purissimo ponderan- 
tia singula libras cc, reliqua utensilia Basilicae quse 
constituit in opus ministerii sive ex auro sive ex 
argento : Qui vult planiter scire inveniet in gesta 
Pontificum Eomanorum fontem sanctum ubi baptiza- 
tus est Constantinus Augustus ex lapide Porphire- 
tico ex omni parte compertum intrinsecus et foris et 
desuper quantum aqua continet ex argento purissimo 
libras tria millia et octo in medio fontis columna 
Porphiretica que portat phialam auream ubi candela 
est quae pensat auri purissimi lib. lh, ubi ardet 
balsami libras ducentas : Nixum ex s tip pa amiantis 
in labio fontis Agnum ex auro purissimo fundentem 
aquam qui pensantes libras xxx, ad dexteram agni 
Salvatorem ex Auro purissimo in pedibus v, qui 
pensantes libras dxx, in leva agni Beatum Joannem 



148 



Baptist am ex Argento in pedibus v, tenentem titu- 
lum scriptum : Ecce Agnus Dei, ecce qui tollit 
peccata mundi : qui pensat libras centum. Cervos 
ex argento purissimo v, fundentes aquam qui pensant 
singuli libras lxxx, Timiamatherium ex auro puris- 
simo quod pensat libras x cum gemmis praxinis 
et hiacyntinis ex undique n°- xxxxti, reliqua dona 
quae obtulit Constantinus Augustus domui Sancti 
fontis ac mass as per singula loca seu et alia plurima 
invenies in Gesta Romano rum Pontificum. 

However Constantine made where he was baptised 
these temples, which he ornamented : the Basilica 
Constantiana, where he placed the following gifts : 
An elevated platform, wrought in silver, which had 
in front of it the Saviour, seated in a chair, five feet 
high, weighing 120 pounds ; and the twelve Apostles, 
each of them five feet high, weighing ninety pounds, 
with their crowns of the purest silver. Moreover, the 
Saviour in glory looking around, seated on a throne, 
five feet high, of the purest silver, weighing 140 
pounds, and four Angels, of silver, five feet high, 
each of them weighing 105 pounds, the eyes being 
made with coloured gems, holding the poles of a 
canopy, 2,025 pounds weight. The canopy, or this 
ornamented top, was of the purest gold, and had 
fifty dolphins, which with a chain attached weighed 
twenty-five pounds each, and had a crown of the 
purest gold, with twenty other dolphins, each 
weighing fifteen pounds. The Chamber of the 
Basilica (I suppose the robing-room, or vestry) was 
ornamented or trimmed with gold in all its length 
and height, with 500 pounds weight of it. There 
were seven altars of the purest silver, each of them 
weighing 200 pounds. The remainder of the utensils 
of the Basilica, which he gave for the use of the 
religious ceremonies, were part in gold, and others in 
silver. Those who wish to know more about it will 
find in the ' Gesta Roman. Pontific. ' the description 
of the holy Font where Constantine was baptised ; 



149 



which description was engraved all over on a tablet 
of porphyry; they will also learn what quantity of 
water the font contained : that it was of the purest 
silver, weighing 3,008 pounds. In the middle of 
the fountain was erected a column of porphyry, 
which supported a golden cup, which contained a 
candelabrum of the purest gold, weighing fifty- two 
pounds, and upon which burned 200 pounds of 
balsam, by means of a wick of asbestos resting on it. 
On the border of the fountain there was a lamb of 
the purest gold, thirty pounds weight, which let out 
the water. At the right side of the lamb was the 
Saviour, five feet high, in purest gold, weighing 
520 pounds. At the left hand of the lamb there was 
the blessed John the Baptist, five feet high, in silver, 
holding the written legenda, "Ecce Agnus Dei qui 
tollit peccata mundi." This weighed 100 pounds. 
There were also five stags pouring out the water, 
each of them weighing eighty pounds. The Censor 
was of the purest gold, weighing ten pounds, orna- 
mented with green- coloured and hyacinth gems 
inlaid around it, to the number of forty- two. The 
remainder of the gifts that the Emperor Constantine 
made to the temple, of the holy font, the Massa 
[parsonage], and other advantages for each place, and 
many other things, will be found in the " Actions of 
the Eoman Popes." 

Note upon Massa. — It occurs to me here that the 
word Massa requires definition, which I will en- 
deavour to give, but upon no other authority than 
that which my little share of common sense affords. 
The word Massa, Massce, is obsolete, and was pro- 
bably expunged from the Latin Dictionary when the 
corresponding Italian word Massa was universally 
adopted, and which expressed the same thing as in 
the original Latin. The Italians, not satisfied with 
this substantive alone, thought it necessary to have 
another derivative of the first to express the action 
of the person addicted to the Massis; so that the 

o 2 



150 



word Massa in Latin, is, and means Massa (Italian), 
alias a farm, or part of a farm, lands, or any other 
immovable property producing rent. The Italian 
word Massaro is commonly used, and means either a 
farmer, or a collector of rent, corresponding with the 
English wor ds steward, agent, or farmer, as the case 
may be. The English word Messuage is the corre- 
sponding word with the old Latin Massa, and its 
antiquity must be derived from the ancient legal acts 
in which this word occurs, and is used to describe 
a part, a parcel, or the total of a measured piece of 
ground annexed or connected with any other im- 
movable property, or standing alone, or belonging to 
something else. Concerning these two words, Massa 
and Messuage, if I may be permitted a stretch of my 
imagination, I should say that the lands upon and 
around which the churches and monasteries were 
and are built — as well as other lands immediately 
connected with them, forming either the public or 
private garden, with other strips or pieces of lands 
and fields belonging to the same tenements — each 
and all constituted in olden times the Massse or 
Messuages, and that the Messuages of old also 
constituted the dowry of the officiating priest re- 
siding in or about the same tenements, which were let 
to various parties who undertook to manage and ad- 
minister them in the best way to produce the rent, 
which was applied to the maintenance of the priests. 
It seems quite feasible to me that such was the 
case in the olden time wherever Christianity had 
penetrated. This will account for the etymology of 
Messuage, which, though retained in the nomenclature 
of modern deeds and documents, must have suffered 
a modification in the sixteenth century, when the word 
priest was converted into that of parson, and the old 
massa into messuage, which was appropriated to the 
uses of the parson and called the parsonage, or the 
house and farm of the parish parson — in other words, 
his residence. If these remarks should not prove 



151 



correct, I beg of you, my dear reader, to excuse them, 
and regard them only as the mere emanations of an 
uninformed mind anxious only of inquiring into the 
true nature of things as they were formerly and as 
they now are. 

Eodem tempore Constantinus Augustus fecit Basili- 
cum Beato Petro Apostolo in templo Apollinis : 
cujus locum corpus Sti. Petri ita recondidit ipsum 
locum, undique ea sere Cipro conclusit quod est 
immobile ad caput pedes quinque, ad pedes pedes 
quinque subter pedes quinque super pedes quinque 
sic inclusit corpus Beati Patri Apostoli et recondidit 
et exornavit supra columnas Porfireticas, et aliquas 
columnas Vitineas quas de Graecia perduxit, fecit 
autem Cameram Basilicse ex auro fulgente et super 
corpus Beati Petri quod sere conclusit fecit crucem 
auream purissimam pensantem libras cl, in mensura 
loci pensantem : ubi scriptum hoc, 

Constantinus Augustus et Helena 
Augusta Hoc Donum Reale 

SlMILI EuLGOEE CoEEUSCANS 

Aula Ciecumdat. 
Scriptum litteris NigelHs. 

At about the same time the Emperor Constantine 
made the Basilica to the Apostle St Peter in the 
Temple of Apollo. That is, he converted the 
Temple of Apollo into St Peter's ; and he buried in 
it the corpse of St Peter, which he inclosed in a 
sarcophagus of Cyprian brass and laid it in a vault 
five feet square. Thus fixed and inclosed he deeply 
buried it. Over it, he adorned the place with 
columns of porphyry and other twisted columus, 
which he brought from Greece. He also made the 
Sagristia, as it is called in Italy, and ornamented 
it with glittering gold, and upon the corpse of 
St Peter, enclosed in the brass sarcophagus and 
already buried, he erected a cross of pure gold of 



152 



the dimension of the place named, five feet, weigh* 
ing 150 pounds, with this inscription : — 

This Kingly Hall, glittering with such magnifi- 
cence, incloses the really substantial donation 
of the Emperor Constantine and the Empress 
Helena. 

This is written in somewhat black letters. 

Eodem tempore fecit Basilicam Beato Paulo 
Apostolo ea fugestione Silvestri Episcopi : cujus 
corpus Sanctum ita secondit in iEre et conclusit— 
sicut corpus Beati Petri — Constantinus Augustus 
donum obtulit sub Tharso Cilicise Insulam Cordicmon, 
quam prestat solidos ottincentos. Nam omnia vasa 
sacrata aurea, vel argentea aut serea composuit: 
sicut in Basilica Beati Patri Apostoli : ita et Beati 
Pauli Apostoli ordinavit, sed et Crucem auream 
super locum Beati Pauli posuit pensantem libras cl, 
donavitque eodem loco sub Civitatem Tyrise posses- 
sionem Comitum prestantem solidos quincentos quin- 
quaginta. 

At that time Constantine ordered to be made a 
Church to the blessed Apostle Paul, by suggestion 
of Bishop Silvester. The sacred corpse of Paul was 
inclosed in a sarcophagus of brass, and buried in it 
like that of St Peter. The Emperor Constantine made 
a donation to this church of 800 silver pennies, to be 
levied from Tharsus — I suppose a town in Asia Minor 
in an island called Cordianon, which I cannot find in 
the dictionary, or in Strabo's Geog. ; and furnished it 
with all the necessary sacred vases, either of gold, or 
silver, or brass : as he did for the Church of the blessed 
Apostle Peter, so he did for this one ; but the golden 
cross that he placed upon the tomb of the blessed Apostle 
Paul weighed 150 pounds; and he gave to this 
church, out of the possessions of the Governor of the 
City of Tyria, in Phoenicia, five hundred and fifty 
silver pennies. It is not stated if he intended it as 
an annual income, or as rent. 



153 



Eodem Tempore fecit Constantinus Augustus 
Basilicani in palatio Sestoriano : ubi posuit de 
ligno sanetae Crucis Domini nostri Jesu Christi, et in 
auro et gemmis conclusit : ubi et nomen Ecclesise 
dedicavit quod cognominatur usque hodie Hierusalem. 
In quo loco constituit prsetiosa dona ista. Candelabra 
ante lignum sanctum lucentia argentea quatuor 
secundum numerum quatuor Evangeliorum ponder- 
antia singula libras lxxx. 

By order of Constantine, at that time the 
Sestorian Palace was converted into a Basilica, 
where he placed a portion of the wood of the Holy- 
Cross of our Lord Jesus Christ, and covered it with 
gold and gems. To this church he dedicated it, and 
gave it the name of Jerusalem, as it is called now. 
Upon this place he conferred the precious gifts of 
four silver candelabras glittering before the holy 
Cross according to the four Evangelists, each of the 
candelabras of eighty pounds weight. 

Eodem tempore fecit Basilicam St Agnetis Mar- 
tyris ex rogatu nliae suae, et Baptisterium in eodem 
loco ubi Baptizata est soror ejus Constantia cum filia 
Augustus. 

In the meantime, at the instance of his daughter, 
Constantine made the Church of the Martyr St 
Agnes and the Baptistry in the same place where her 
sister Constance was baptized with the daughter of 
Augustus. 

Eodem tempore Constantinus Aug. fecit Basili- 
cam Beato Laurentio Martyri vita Tiburtina in Agro 
Verano supra avenaria criptce : et usque ad corpus 
Sancti Laurentis Martyris fecit gradus ascensionis, et 
discensionis, in quo loco construxit absidem, et exor- 
navit marmoribus Porphireticis et desuper loci in- 
clusit de argento et cancellis de argento purissimo 
ornavit qui ponderant libras mille, et eastera dona 
obtulit copiosa. 

The Emperor Constantine about that time made a 
basilica to the blessed Laurence in the road near 
the Tiber — in the Veranian field upon the area 



154 



leading by a passage up to the spot where was buried 
the corpse of St Laurence the Martyr, which was 
reached by ascending and descending steps at 
the top of which there was built a circular 
place ornamented with porphyry, the roof of 
which he had inlaid with silver, and embellished and 
closed with gates of the purest silver, which weighed 
a thousand pounds. And he gave to it many other 
precious gifts. 

Eodem tempore Constantinus Aug. fecit Basilicam 
via Lavicana inter duos Lauros Beato Petro et Mar- 
cellino Marty ri et Moysi Levitico ubi Beatissimam 
Augustam Matrem suam posuit in Sarcofaco Porphy- 
retico eodem tempore. 

About that time the Emperor Constantine made 
the Basilica in the road called Lavicana, between two 
laurel trees, to the blessed Peter and the Martyr 
Marcellinus, and to the Levitic Moses, where he 
buried at the same time in a Sarcophagus of Por- 
phyry the Empress his most august mother. 

Eodem tempore fecit Constant. Augustam Basil- 
icam in civitate Hostise juxta Portum Urbis Romse 
Beatorum Apostolorum Petri, et Pauli, et Joannis 
Baptistae. 

At this time Constantine made an Imperial church 
in the city of Hostia, near the seaport of the city of 
Eome, to the blessed Apostles Peter, Paul, and John 
the Baptist. 

Hisdem temporibus fecit Constantinus Augustam 
Basilicam in Civitate Albaniense Sti. Johannis Bap- 
tistae. 

At that time Constantine erected to St John the 
Baptist the Imperial Basilica in the city of Albano. 

Fecit et Constantinus Augustus intra urbem 
Capuam Basilicam Apostolorum quam cogiiominavit 
Constantinianam, in qua plurima posuit dona; 
Eecit quoque Basilicam in urbe Neapolis. 

The Emperor Constantine made also in the city 
of Capua the Church of the Apostles, and called it 
the Constantinian Church, to which he made many 



155 



gifts ; and he made also a Basilica in the city of 
JSaples. 

These comprise the whole of the Donations of 
Constantine to the Holy See, and I believe the state- 
ment to be true. I have copied them as faithfully 
as an amateur in antiquities could do, and in spite of 
the difficulty of comprehending the many abbrevia- 
tions, and the old and sometimes indistinct writing. 
I am most anxious that the public should become 
acquainted with the particulars of what these 
Donations of Constantine consisted, more particularly 
as I have never been able to meet with any author 
who states what they were. Many of my acquaint- 
ances have also perused various works in search of 
information on the subject, but have met with no 
better success than I have. With regard to the 
translation which I have given, I will honestly say 
it has been done currente calamo and according to the 
best of my understanding. In the course of the 
original MS. I may observe that there are several 
words used with the definitions of which I am 
unacquainted, and which are not given in any 
Dictionary. Where they occur I have italicised 
them in the text, and in the translation I have 
therefore been obliged to use my discrimination 
according to the nature of the object which was to 
be described. There is another fact which it is quite 
necessary I should explain here, viz., that for the 
past thirty years and upwards I have abandoned my 
Latin and every other acquirement pertaining to 
scholarship, and, although I really think it an act of 
presumption on my part to have written Latin which 
I have borrowed for the most part from the Classics, 
and given translations of the texts of various authors 
of such importance as those I have quoted, and 
commented upon them, — yet I presume that I under- 
stand them sufficiently to have gained a tolerably 
accurate conception of the various subjects spoken 
of, if not the entire meaning of every- particular 
sentence. I am most desirous, too, that my readers 



156 

should be acquainted with these matters, which relate 
to such important times. Faithful to my motto 
Libertas, I unhesitatingly give them pro bono publico, 
knowing that a certain class of my readers will take 
advantage of the translations, while others may 
themselves translate the various texts which I have 
quoted, perhaps more satisfactorily. Students will 
possibly do the same that I have done, provide them- 
selves with some of the Authors I have quoted, 
and, with the Dictionary in hand, observe if my asser- 
tions are correct or not. If so, I shall at least be the 
medium by which many well-meaning youths will 
be saved from the snares and the grasp of the 
swarming Jesuits who prowl and roost in and about 
the schools and colleges of these realms in search of 
victims. There is, besides this, another great object 
which I trust this work will accomplish, and I enter- 
tain the hope that if its success be not complete, it 
will, at all events, pull down the Pope's, and Anto- 
nelli's, cotton night-caps upon their noses, and send 
them to sleep, and so afford them the conception of 
a new dream, as that of St Peter's Patrimony has 
failed, disappeared, and finally evaporated. 

Criminal History of the Popes. 

Marcus J^atione Eomanus ex patre Prisco Silvestro 
successit in Episcopate seditque annis duobus, 
mensibus 8. Hie constituit ut Episcopus Hostiae, 
cum ab eo Episcopus TJrbis Pomse consecraretur 
Pallio uteretur. 

MS.ciiron.de Marcus, whose father descended from an ancient 
^tat. Horn an family, succeeded to Bishop Silvester, and 
occupied the Romish Episcopal chair for two years 
and eight months. He first established, that while 
the Bishop of Ostia consecrated the Bishop of Rome, 
the Pallium should be used for that ceremony. 

The Pallium was a sort of cloak of silk, or fine 
white wool (I have my doubts about the use of 
silk at that period), ornamented with gold or silver, 
which the High Priest uses when he celebrates a 



157 



High Mass, assisted by two other priests. The 
Pallium is wide and long. I think it is called 
Piviale in Italian. The shorter cloak, used by the 
two other priests who assist him, is called Piancta. 
The Pallium is always used in high festivals in the 
churches and external processions. I have no idea 
what it is called in English. 

After Marcus, the next Bishop of Eome was Julius, 
the son of a Roman peasant, who tilled the Episco- 
pal chair for fifteen years and two months. During 
his episcopate, in the second year of the reign of the 
Emperor Constant (the son of Constantine), in the 
city of Laodicea, in Syria, a great dispute arose be- 
tween Athanasius and Arius, in the presence of the 
Judge Probrus. I will not lose time in relating 
this quarrel, but merely observe that in my MS. 
I clearly perceive that Athanasius, the Bishop of 
Alexandria, had to quit the place and take shelter in 
the house of Maximinus, the Bishop of Treverensis, 
to avoid the punishment of the Emperor Constant. 
Liberius, another Roman of august family, succeeded 
Julius ; he was Bishop of Rome for ten years and 
seven months, but at the commencement of his pon- 
tificate he was exiled by Constant on account of his 
opposition to Arianism. During the three first 
years of the exile of Bishop Liberius, he managed, 
with the Roman priests who were his corresponding 
friends, that they should congregate together and 
elect to the Roman chair Eelix, who was one of 
their most active friends. Soon after his election, 
Eelix convoked a council, and finding two priests 
amongst them, named Ursacius and Valens, who 
were partizans of the Emperor Constant, he expelled 
them with the approbation of forty bishops. (So 
says the MS.) These two priests, Orsini and Valente, 
in their zeal, went to the Emperor Constant, and 
begged of him to recal from exile Bishop Liberius. 
The Emperor Constant acceded to their supplication, 
and recalled Liberius, who went to reside at the 

v 



158 



cemetery of Agnes, in the house of the Emperor's 
sister. The Emperor then called a Council, to which 
concurred also the Arians, Orsini and Yalente. The 
result of that Council was the expulsion of Eelix and 
the reinstallation of Liberius to the Bishopric of 
Rome, in which he remained seven years pontifica- 
ting in the Basilicas of St Peter and Paul, and in 
the Constantiniana. A great discussion and conflict 
now arose amongst the clergy, persecution was com- 
menced, and Clerici et Sacerdotes were forbidden to 
enter the baths or the temples under pain of death. 
Bishop Eelix declared that Constant was a heretic, 
for which that Emperor caused him to be deposed 
and decapitated. I have taken this sketch from the 
-» MS. Chronica, which is of course written favourably 
to the Roman Church by the above-named reverend 
writer, notwithstanding which we see that in 
the fourth century of Christianity, soon after Con- 
stan tine's death, the Bishops of Rome were guilty of 
intriguing, that they were bold, impudent, and in- 
sidious in their conduct and bearing, when they 
should have been grateful to the son of Constantine. 
Though rich, too, they were thirsty for both gold 
and power. Bishop Eelix overstepped the limits 
of imperial toleration and censured the Emperor 
Constant, who, having no other alternative, ordered 
him to be decapitated, together with ail his rebel 
priests, and by that example re-established order and 
union in the Church of Rome, and in the other parts 
of the empire. 

Previous to the decapitation of Eelix, Bishop of 
Rome, in the year 341, the great Synod of Sardinia 
took place, at which were present the Bishops and 
amongst them the celebrated men of letters of that 
period, Bishops Athanasius, Osius Cordubensis, Pro- 
togenes, the Bishop of Sardinia, who presided at that 
Synod, Sozomenus, and the Archdeacon of Rome, 
Philozenus, who represented the Roman Bishop Eelix. 
These historical Ecclesiastical writers had no idea of 



159 

the inventions of their successors, and of course they 
related what passed there, where they respectively 
presided. Baronius and others of his class have 
materially altered the original writings of these early 
Ecclesiastics. Nevertheless, many MSS. copies and 
the early printed editions of the said MSS., and of 
those of Ammianus Marcellinus, and of Ruflinus, 
also a contemporary author who wrote the chronica 
called Liber Pontificals, where everything was regis- 
tered with regard to the origin and development of 
Christianity, the Priests and the Bishops, the Church 
and the Canons, and Laws, in fact everything per- 
taining to Christianity in general, and to Rome in 
particular, still exist in opposition to the statements 
of Baronius. I have never seen a copy of this work, 
though I have frequently met with paragraphs ex- 
tracted and inlaid in the various ancient Ecclesiastical 
works of various periods. These early works would 
be invaluable now-a-davs, and tend to the confusion 
of the Roman Catholic Prelates, but unfortunately 
they will never issue from the Yatican where they 
are concealed. However, as I do not intend to write 
either a complete History of Christianity or of the 
Popes, I shall not have occasion to name all of them, 
nor all the Synods or the schisms, except those from 
which I may take one fact in order to establish 
another. Eor instance, in the year 362, " Athanasius 
Synodum percelebrem Alexandria} indicit, quo Epis- 
copos undecumque invitat, ut veram doctrinam sta- 
biliat." Baronius adds to it, " de mandatu Liberii," .Baronius, an. 
which is an untruth, because the Bishop of Alexan- 362 > art - 2 °8' 
dria was independent of the Bishop of Eome ; and, 
besides, Athanasius was honest enough to have 
written so had it been the case. In the year 364, Sozomenus, 
Sozomenus said that the Orthodox Bishops of Bithy- an.' 364?' ? ' 
nice et Helleponti sent Hypatianus, the Bishop of 
Heraclea, to beg from the Emperor Valentinian per- 
mission to hold a Synod, or to permit the convocation 
of a Synod. The Bishops depended on the Emperors, 
and were entirely independent of each other ; they 



4 



160 

were only the spiritual superiors of their inferior 
clergy, and the Bishop of Constantinople could not 
interfere with the authority of the Bishop of Eome, 
or of any other See but his own, and so it was with 
all the other bishops. At the Synod of Nicea, some 
bishops proposed and sent a letter to Liberius, the 
Eoman Bishop, offering to him other Bishops as 
coadjutors. His answer to the Oriental Bishops was — 
Episcopum se tan turn Italiae — that he was only Bishop 
of Italy ; and therefore he probably could not accept 
coadjutors without the Imperial consent. Anno Bom. 
366, when the successor to the Eoman Bishop Libe- 
rius was to be elected, a great number of violent 
contentions occurred, and many intriguing candidates 
aspired to the See. In the Liber Pontifical-is it is 
stated that — Damasus was installed in that See, 
because he was the stronger, &c. — quia fortior et plu- 
Lib.Pontifi.in r i ma multitudo erat. (So said Euffinus, the con- 
Ruffing lib. temporary author.) Quod ex facto tanta seditio, imo 
2 3 c.io. vero tanta bella coorta sunt, alterutrum defenden- 
tibus populis, ut replerentur humano sanguine Ora- 
^cSffi^a?" ^ onum l° ca * Ammianus Marcellinus has described 
e b.27. ^ e cause £ this sanguinary insurrection : Damasus 
et TJrsicinus ad rapiendam Episcopalem Sedem 
ardentes, supra humanum modum scissis studiis 
asperrime conflictabantur, adusque mortis vulner- 
umque discrimina adjumentis utriusque progressis : 
quae nec corrigere sufficiens Yiventius nec mollire, vi 
ibis is the magna coactus secessit in suburbanum. Et in con- 
th^Cai&s! certa ^ one su P er venerat Damasus, parte quae ei 
who remained favebat. instante : constatque in Basilica Sicinini, ubi 
fo/five^ceH^ ritus Christiani est conventiculum, uno die centum 
count or tldr ^ r3 "^ n ^ a se pt em reperta cadavera peremptorum : effera- 
crimiriai tamque diu plebem aegre postea dilinitam, &c. Erom 
deeds. this it is evident that the Popes began rather early 
to aspire to St Peter's chair by all sorts of contentions, 
subterfuges, commotions, and murders. We must 
not forget that Constant, the successor of Constantine, 
was compelled to have Eelix decapitated for his im- 
pudence and daring in threatening to excommunicate 



161 



him. From this we see also that the Orsini family 
had already attained sufficient influence and power 
to cause a commotion in Rome. This ancient heraldic 
notice will be observed by many antiquaries, and in 
this work many illustrious names will be restored to 
the world. Marcellinus further speaks of the Roman Am. Marcel- 
Bishops of his time, unmasking them, and proving ^^b. 27 
them ostentatious hypocrites, desirous of obtaining 
what belonged to others. He states that they seated 
themselves in their chariots, splendidly and tastefully 
dressed, and rode to enrich themselves by the bene- 
volence of the Matrons ; that they took care to have 
the most sumptuous banquets, almost eclipsing those 
of the royal tables, &c, 

JNeque ego abnuo, ostentationem rerum considerans Marcellinus. 
urbanarum, hixjus rei cupidos, ob impetrandum quod 
appetunt, omni contentione laterum jurgari debere, 
cum id adepti futuri sint ita securi, ut ditentur obla- 
tionibus matronarum, procedantque vehiculis insi- 
dente circumspecte vestiti, epulas curantes profusas 
adeo ut eorum convivia regales superent mensas : 
Qui esse peterant beati re vera, si magnitudine urbis 
despecta, quam vitiis opponunt ad imitationem An- 
tistitum quorundam Provincialium viverent : quos 
tenuitas edendi potandique parcissime, vilitas etiam 
indumentorum, et supercilia humum spectantia per- 
petuo numini verisque ejus cultoribus ut puros com- 
mendant et verecundos. — ~No f no, the Bishops of 
Rome of the time of Marcellinus were not so modest 
as to imitate the fathers of the Church, or to live 
like the provincial people, who ate moderately, drank 
very little, and dressed commonly and simply. Com- 
mon and cheap attire would not do. Was this not 
so, Mr Antonelli, and is it not partly so now ? You 
must keep up the " show" to be looked at and ad- 
mired, like the harlots who 

" Spectatum ornatee veniunt spectentur ut ipsae." 

With regard to looking modestly upon the ground, 

p 2 



162 



as becomes the followers of the Apostles, and being 
noted for humility, oh ! that was and is still out of 
the question, and I appeal to the actual Apostolic 
prelates whether the object of the painted and gilded 
coaches, horses, and asses — not those that were used 
by Pope Celestinus the Fifth and the Cardinals who 
accompanied him in the cavalcade to the Vatican to 
take possession of St Peter's Chair — as well as the 
harlequin-like, degrading dresses of the Bishops' ser- 
vants of the past and present day, is not to enhance 
the pompous vanity of the prelates, contrary to 
Christianity and to the laws of humanity. I refer to 
their show not only in the churches, but in the 
public walks and drives, in their boxes at the 
theatre, and at the festins (for the Devil knows where 
they don't make their appearance). If I have not 
forgotten, Stupinus said that after death he would 
confine the whole of the Prelacy in a certain region, 
the latitude and longitude of which geographers have 
not yet agreed upon, though the actual Cardinal 
Minister of the Interior of Eome seems to be pretty 
well acquainted with the Governor of that region, 
inasmuch as he said only the other day, in one of his 
public invectives against the redeemers of Italian 
liberties, in finishing his speech, that he would move 
Acheron in his favour ! 

By chance I have named Pope Celestine's cele- 
brated asses, and I think that though not in chrono- 
logical order, it is necessary to explain to those who 
are not acquainted with that historical fact why I 
have so described it. People's minds should be 
brought to conceive the existence of a company of 
great blackguards, one sharper than the other, but 
all aiming to possess a capital place, with the best 
income and unlimited power. These infami panze- 
nere, as they are called in Eome, were so utterly 
demoralised, and had carried their unblushing impu- 
dence so far, that every section of society was dis- 
gusted, Eeligion had been superseded by debauchery, 



163 



pompous shams, and strife, and only a very few of 
the Ecclesiastics and of the monastic orders remained 
steadfast to the Christian religious principles, and 
practised them upon every opportunity that occurred. 
In the course of this little work I shall offer proofs 
of Ecclesiastics admonishing even those who held the 
Episcopate, Cardinalate, and the Papal See. Religion 
then was not entirely extinct, and at the death of 
PopeNicolaus the Eourth, in 1290, as the weather in 
Rome was bad, the Cardinals withdrew to Perugia, 
Many dissensions arose in conclave, particularly on 
account of the intrigues of Cardinal Gactani, who 
will be introduced in another chapter as Pope Boni- 
face, the pest of the age. In order to avoid the con- 
flicts, and to act in a conciliatory manner towards 
each Cardinal's interest, they agreed to elect as Pope 
a Hermit, who was a pious old man, and who had 
no family interest, nor any intrigues, and who had 
never aspired to that dignity. His name was Peter 
Morone, and he was elected in the year 1292. This 
good old man took it into his head to reform the 
abuses in the Roman Church, and ordered that, as he 
intended to imitate the manners and principles of 
Christ, he intended also that the Cardinals should do 
the same. In his Pontifical cavalcade he rode upon 
an Ass, and was followed by the Cardinals similarly 
mounted, and all the company stopped at the Vatican, 
bipeds and quadrupeds, all crociati; the only differ- 
ence in the party consisted in the bipeds carrying 
their crosses in front of them, and the quadrupeds on 
their back. The Roman people enjoyed the spectacle, See Stella 
and were in expectation of many really good reforms ; j^J^?* 
but they were soon deceived, because the intrigues sens, Henr. 
and perfidy of Cardinal Gactani or Boniface caused chron^iitn- 
Celestin to abdicate the Papacy ; he then had him ^sjtwm. 
arrested, as is related by Avcutinus, Colenucius, Edward L 
Blondus, and Platina, and when he was in prison he 
was basely murdered by the ambitious, insolent, and 
audacious ingrate Boniface the Eighth. I am not 



164 



acquainted with any member of the family of Gactani, 
but I understand that a young gentleman of that 
ancient family, who is a liberal-minded man, was 
lately married to Madlle. Piccolomini. I am glad 
to hear that liberalism has superseded despotism. 
Hieronymus, I must now return to the chronological order of 
tuiifa^Apoi., m J wor k. Hieronymus says that, at the time of 
c. 39.j Tertullian, the Koman Episcopate knew no bounds 
to their luxuries and opulence, debauchery and impu- 
dence, and that the Pagan ministers used to condemn 
those extravagant banquets given by the Christians. 
Ccenulas enim, inquit, nostras prodigas suggilatis de 
nobis silicet Diogenis dictum est : Megarenses obso- 
nant, quasi crastina die morituri : Has igitur epulse 
profusa, convivia regales superantia mensas Regales. 
Ammianus Marcellinus also declaims against the 
nocturnal and extravagant banquets given by the 
Roman Bishops. 
Hieronym. in Cum inquit, in Babylone versarer, et purpuratse 
Fib?Dldym! de meretricis essem colonus, et jure Quiritum viverem, 
Spirit. Sanct volui garrire aliquid de Spiritu Sancto, et cceptum 
Opusculum ejusdem urbis Pontifiei dedicare. Et 
ecce ilia olla quaa in Hieremia post baculum cernitur, 
a facie Aquilonis ccepit ardere, et Pharisaaorum con- 
clamavit Senatus, et nullus Scriba vel fictus, sed 
omnis quasi indicto sibi praelio doctrinarum, ad versus 
me imperitise factio conjuravit. Illico ego velut post- 
liminio Hierosolymam sum reversus : Et post Romuli 
casam Lupercalia, diversorium Mariaa et Salvatoris 
speluncam aspexi. What do you think of this, 
Bishop Pie ? Have you anything to say against 
Hieronymus ? "Was he a Protestant, a Chinese, or a 
Turk? He was not ignorant; he was the most 
learned of all the Holy See, and pious and honest, 
yet he styled the Roman See a Babylon and a Senate 
of Pharisees, who were audacious and ignorant, who 
conspired directly against him as soon as he began to 
tell them the truth. Marcellinus corroborates the 
testimony referred to by Hieronymus, and I will 



165 



state here that in Orient at that time the Christian 
Church was in the same state of confusion, orgies, 
heresy, and schism ; and Athanasius and Basilius, 
notwithstanding the assistance given them by the 
Church of Occident, had plenty of work to do in 
opposing Arianism. Bishop Basilius, who was a 
good man, in his letters to Bishop Eusebius, also a 
good and clever man, proves that the assertion of the 
discord and the prevarications of the high and low 
clergy was correct. Basilius, in his letter, No. 70, Basilius, ep. 
speaking of the Italian and French Episcopate, 
says : Quos miserum suum statum, toto orbe cog- 
nitum ignorare non sit possibile ; — and, in his first 
letter, Basilius wrote : Ad vos quoque respexi- Basilius, ep. 
mus, fratres venerandissimi, quos in presenti tribu- 1? m addlt * 
lationum tempore frequenter ad nos venturos 
speravimus. Verum spe ista frustrati ipsi quoque 
illud nobis occinimus. Expectavi qui simul contris- 
taretur et non fuit, et qui consolaretur, et non 
inveni. Sunt enim ejusmodi nbstrse afflictionis, ut 
et hi, qui extremum Occidentem incolunt, merito ad 
hunc nostrum orbem sese recipere deberent. And 
farther on he said that it was already the thirteenth 
year of that heretic war which was going on, &c, 
before saying anything of the above quotation. 
Marcellinus has already told us that the Roman 
Clergy amused themselves with the money of the 
Matrons: Ditatos Episcopos Romanos oblationibus 
Matronarum. Hieronymus, in a letter ad JEusto- Hieronymus, 
chium, and in the 2nd ad Nepotianum, says : Clerici ep ' 
ipsi, quos magisterio esse oportuerat pariter, et 
timori, osculantur capita matronarum, et extenta 
manu, ut benedicere eos putes velle, si nescias, 
praetia accipiunt salutandi. Illae interim, quae 
Sacerdotes suo viderint indigere prsesidio, eriguntur 
in superbiam : Et quia maritorum experta domi- 
natum viduitatis praeferunt libertatem. Quidam 
hoc intendunt toto vitae cursu, ut nomina, domos, et 
mores matronarum teneant. And he did not fear 



166 



having an action for defamation of character brought 
against him by Antimus, Sophronius, and others, 
that he had named and described. We have seen, 
through that honest Don Basilio's letters, that the 
Episcopates of Italy and of Prance were in the 
same state of disorder, intrigue, and abomination, as 
those of every other part of the world; and that 
accounts for the Reverend Don, in the letter which 
I have quoted, saying : "I come to you, most 
Reverend Brothers, whom I have uselessly awaited. 
I was in hopes that you would have come in these 
days of tribulation, but you have frustrated that 
hope. I expected that some of you would have 
come to condole over the iniquities, and to bring us 
consolations, but no one came, nor could I find 
anyone and the reason why they did not, nor 
ever intended to do, is plainly told by the quota- 
tion which I have made from the good old 
Jerome in his letters to ISTepotianus, which I have 
named above, and' says that " the Clergy used 
frequently to kiss the Matrons, and extend the 
hand like as if they pretended to give them the 
benediction; but if you want to know why, this 
is the reason, — because in that action they took 
the prices of their salutations. Those Matrons who 
sought the assistance of the Priests and enriched 
them, did so because it fed their vanity. There are 
some Prelates even who prefer women who have fools 
of husbands to domineering and expert widows." 
Capital ! bravo, Jerome ! You were a sober, honest 
man, a patriarch, a saint, and I shall always admire 
your frankness, and esteem you above the whole of 
*the Ecclesiastic tribe. You have told to posterity 
what your brothers in Christ were doing instead of 
attending to their duty ; you have plainly shown 
that, instead of being fathers of the Church, they 
were the disseminators of scandals, the corrupters of 
the women, adulterers, ruffians that were capable of 
any enormity for money, which enabled them to con- 



167 



summate their caprices, to possess their chariots, 
palaces, dresses, gold and jewels, land and states, as 
will be seen by other quotations, When I reflect 
that a thousand years ago it was exactly the same as 
it had been from the year 370 (about the time when 
Hieronymus wrote), and when I see that from the 
fifteenth century we have not improved in anything 
except hypocrisy, I ask all conscientious persons 
what use it is for society, and for the moral and 
political welfare of states, to keep up such a lot of 
parasitic, libidinous, envious, vain, rapacious, and 
miserable gluttons, who seem to be on earth only to 
perpetuate the list of human miseries, and to suck 
the blood of the people whom they constantly toss 
about for the opportunity of better and easier spoliat- 
ing their victims ? Some people say that they are a 
necessary evil, and you must not say or do anything 
against them, but at the same time they coincide 
with me that the wrongs and injuries that they in- 
flict upon society are infinitely greater than the little 
good or assistance that they give to the people in 
compensation for what they get out of them. For 
my part, I am ready to protest that, from the death 
of Constantine the Great to the present time, Chris- 
tianity has never been properly and purely exercised 
by the Court of Kome, alias the Holy See, and the 
numerous Episcopates in the other states and coun- 
tries, though great numbers of private individuals, at 
all times and in every country, with pious, benevo- 
lent, and humane disposition of heart and mind, have 
constantly toiled for the welfare of the Christian 
Church and of the people, by their constant practice 
of the Evangelical precepts and all other humanita- 
rian Christian rules, in spite of misery, ruin, and 
persecution of all kinds. In proof of this assertion, 
instead of naming many other Christian congregations 
and of individualising particularities, I will instance 
the Waldenses, of whom in some other chapters I 
shall speak further. The Bishops of Eome had 



168 



accustomed themselves so much to intimidate their 
victims — the women whom they had corrupted, both 
married and single — either by blandishments or by 
threats (and where this was not the case, by gratify- 
ing their lustful appetites), as to cause them to will 
to them or transfer to them their property, and to 
such an extent, that they actually ruined several 
families ; whereupon the Emperor Valentinianus, to 
stop this abuse, made a law, and his successors 
(Valeus, Gratianus, and others) confirmed it — That 
the Ecclesiastics, and those who undertake to be conti- 
nent or profess celibacy, should abstain from going to 
visit the widows and unmarried women, that they 
might not receive anything belonging to them, either 
privately or by the pretext of having joined them in 
a religious association, or by any liberal gift, &c. 
And here I will insert the text, because it formed 
. the groundwork upon which the Mortmain Laws of 
Pauiinus, lib. modern nations have been built : JSTe ecclesiastici, 
cop.^et cieri- ve ^ continentium se volunt nomine nuncupari, 
in c. Theodo. viduarum ac pupillarum domos adeant : ut nihil de 
ejus mulieris, cui se privatim sub pretextu religionis 
adjunxerint, liberalitate quacumque, vel extremo 
judicio possint adipisci, et omne in tan turn inenicax 
sit, quod aliquid horum ab his fuerit derelictum : ut 
nec per subjectam personam valeant aliquid, vel 
donatione, vel testamento percipere. Quin si forte 
post admonitione, legis nostrae aliquid iisdemfceminae, 
vel donatione, vel extremo judicio putaverint relin- 
quendum, id fiscus usurpet — Lecta in Ecclesis BomaB. 
This good law was read in the churches of Borne, 
and though it is stringent enough, as it confiscated 
everything that the Ecclesiastics received from the 
women, by testament, or donation while living, or 
by escroquery, yet the high clergy found means of 
evading it, and continued to plunder the women, 
who liked to be victimised, in exchange, or in satis- 
faction of some other commodities called amatorial 
transactions ! Hieronymus, in one of his letters, said 



169 



that the above law checked only the Clerici and 
Monachiy because they did not know how to evade 
it, and he was ashamed to say that the Priests of 
Idolatry, the mimics, the grooms, and the harlots 
could inherit. What grieved Hieronymus was that 
the clergymen and monks were forbidden to inherit 
by the Princes of the Church, instead of its persecu- 
tors, which is proved by the annexed extract: — 
Pudet dicere : Sacerdotes idolorum, mimi, et aurigae Hieronymus, 
et scorta hsereditates capiunt : solis Clericis et mona- §epot. ad 
chis hoc lege prohibetur, non a persecutoribus, sed 
a Principibus Christianis. Nee de lege conqueror : 
Sed deleo, cur meruerimus banc legem. Cauterium 
bonum est, sed quo nihil vulnus, ut indigeam cau- 
terio ? Provida severaque legis cautio et tamen nec 
sic refrsenatur avaritia. Per fldeicommissa legibus 
illudimus, et quasi majora sint Imperatorum scita, 
quam Christi leges timemus, Evangelia contemnimus. 
And it is quite true, that what was a partial check 
to the clergy fifteen hundred years ago, as stated by 
Hieronymus, is still the same nowadays, and it can 
be proved that the monks and clergy in every 
part of Europe will abide sometimes to the Im- 
perial Laws, but they will baffle and treat with 
contempt the canonic laws, and the Evangels, 
to satisfy their cupidities and avarice. There 
is no mistake, the clergy were early risers to 
grasp means, power, and patronage, and we see that 
in the fourth century they were meddling in every- 
thing, even in bestowing their protection or patronage 
upon certain nobles, who, to avoid paying their duty 
to the States, as soldiers and dutiful citizens, 
inscribed themselves as clergymen, of course bribing 
the Bishops with money, or the Bishops enticing the 
nobles to buy from them their exemption ; by so 
doing they were free from any military or civil duty, 
and cheated the commonwealth of their services. Baronius, vol. 

This state of things grew to excess, and the ^^^an**** 
Emperor was compelled to issue a law to regulate 326, art. 84. 

Q. 



170 

their number, &c. Baronius pretended that Constan- 
tine issued that law at the suggestion of Bishop 
Damasus, or of his predecessor Silvester. I do not care 
who had the merit of the invention of that law, but I 
take account of that fact, and why it wasissued, — "quae 
contra nobiles, qui ad evitanda militise munera et ut 
fruerentur privilegiis, sese in Clericatum obtrudebant, 
eaque ratione Eempublicam destituebant." 

The Venetian Eepublic made a similar law in the 
13th century, and another to prevent the clergy buy- 
ing the lands of the State, so as to avoid impoverish- 
ing the country, and thereby to have a perpetual 
spring of citizens to defend it in case of need. That 
Senate, with prudence and wisdom, had calculated 
that where priests, monks, and friars luxuriated 
there were idleness, corruption, and crime, and no 
men to be obtained to defend the honour and interest 
of the State in time of war ; therefore, when they 
passed that law, they had already calculated and 
Hieronymus, experienced the necessity of it. The Venetians were 
Tertui, 2 et ad strict observers of the advice given by Hieronymus 
Apoi., c. 39. in his letters to the other fathers of the Church, and 
to Tertullianus, to whom he wrote that the 
immoderate banquets, the luxuries, the debaucheries, 
the scandalous scenes and concubinage of the Eoman 
Prelates with the Matrons were laughed at, criti- 
cised, and cried down by the Ethnics. This fact 
affords us evidence that in the fourth century 
paganism was not fully suppressed in Eome ; there- 
fore, there must have been more toleration than at 
the present time. Besides, we can easily imagine 
that the Pagans acted quite differently to the Chris- 
tians, and, without attempting to be their apologist, 
I will say that they must have been more modest, 
wiser, decent, and reasonably honest. 
Anno 390, In the year 390 it appears that, under the Bishop 
Siricius, the Emperor Theodosius confirmed a law 
previously made by Valentinian, which compelled 
the widows to take care of their valuable trinkets 



171 



and family jewels, and their valuable house furni- 
ture belonging to their families, and not to part with 
them under pretext of religious gifts ; the widows 
were bound to transmit them to their children, or to 
the next of kin, and they were forbidden to 
bequeath anything to the Churches, to the Clergy, 
or to the poor. Mhil de monilibus et supellectilis, Leg. 27 de 
caeterisque claree domus insignibus sub religionis ci P e r. C m cf 
defensione consumat vidua : sed universa integra in Theod. 
liberos proximos conscribat, ac si quando diem 
obierit, nullam Ecclesiam, nullum Clerum, nullum 
pauperem scribat hseredem. As with the other laws 
the Prelates speedily found the means to evade this, 
and later had it abrogated. Their insatiable cupidity 
of wealth knew no bounds, and when they discovered 
that they could not get the property of the secular 
people, they began to encroach upon the states and 
lands of their neighbouring Episcopates, particularly 
if the neighbouring Bishop was weak enough to let 
it pass, or take no notice, perhaps on account of his 
good temper, or because his religious and conscientious 
motives prevented him combating with his ecclesias- 
tic brother. These encroachments had gone so far 
that it became necessary to frame some Canonic and 
secular laws, to compel the Bishops to mind the 
business of their own states and jurisdictions. This 
law was made in the reign of Theodosius, after the 
General Synod which took place at Constantinople 
in the year 381. Socrates, in lib. 4, c. 24 and 25, Socrates, in 
and Onuphrius in Fastis Pontific, and also the Canons e tiib.5,cf| 
5th and 7th of the Constantinopolitani Concilii, as £o£stanti 
stated, to avoid the ecclesiastical dissensions amongst nop., can. 5 
themselves, the states were properly partitioned and 
distributed accordingly to each Bishop his share of Pontif. 
the lambs to feed and shear the wool, but not to 
skin or quarter them : partiuntur Provincias dissidiis Socrates, 
vitandis et fines cuj usque, &c. Episcopi qui extra 
Licecesim sunt ad Ecclesias, quae extra terminos 
earum sunt, ne accedant, neque confundant, et 



172 



permisceant Ecclesias : Quod obstante persecutione 
minus ante observatum, Inquit Socrates. And so 
say I. The more they made laws to prevent their 
encroachments the less notice the Bishops took of 
them, and continued to seize upon other people's 
Concilium rights and property. £Ton invitati Episcopi ultra 
Constanti- Di^esim accedere non debent, super ordinandis 
aliquibus, vel quibuscumque disponendis Ecclesias- 
ticis causis, servata regula, quae supra scripta est 
de unaquaque Dicecesi : manifestum nam que est, 
quod per singulas quasque provincias provincialis 
Synodus administrare et curare omnia debeat secun- 
dum ea quse sunt in Mcena definita. It is clear that 
the provincial Synods were bound to do and execute 
what was ordered and established to be done by the 
Synod of Mcea. 

in the year The Eoman Bishop Damasus was the first to 
versai Synod attempt supremacy above the other Bishops, not 
took place at because he was better or greater than his contempo- 

Constanti- , , , ° tit a 

nopie. raries, but because he was more polished and com- 
manded a certain respect from the others on account 
of his going hand in hand with the Emperor Theo- 
dosius, and introducing a little more pomp and regu- 
larity in the Church services and festivals. One of 
his successors, Leo the Eirst, almost called himself 
anno M 4 a 5 g o nU a S t ^ eo ^ a 9 nm Ronianus Episcopus, and, in addressing 
the time of letters to the other Bishops, he assumed the prero- 
tinian Valen " § a ^ ve °f calling them honor atissimos filios ; indeed, 
he was so partial to the exercise of authority that he 
would have done away with ' the Canons of the 
Council of Nicea, for the sake of making others in 
his own name and by his own authority ; but the 
Emperor knew him well, and kept his eyes and ears 
open to his Imperial business, and checked all the 
ambitious chiefs of any of the sects, without favour- 
ing either the Orthodox or the Eoman Bishops. And 
he did this by moderately stringent rules and conci- 
liatory means, together with constant watching and 
maintenance of his Imperial authority over all of 



173 



them ; as Socrates and Sozomenus, the contemporary Socrates, g iib, 
Ecclesiastic writers, said : Imperator, quantum in fimen?/ifb°.7, 
ipso situm erat, brevi curriculo Concilium omnium c. 7. 
Sectarum cogere laboravit. 

In the year 397 the third Carthaginian Synod took 
place, and many Canons were enacted. Amongst 
them the Canon 26, with reference to the Primate, 
says, — That the Bishop of the first See is not to be 
called Prince of the Clergymen, nor anything of the 
kind, and only Bishop of the first See. It also says 
that he shall not be styled Universal Bishop, nor be 
called Roman Pontiff. Primes Sedis Episcopus Prin- ConcCartfoa. 
ceps Sacerdotum ne appelletur, aut aliquid hujus- Distinct. 99- 
modi, sed tantum primse Sedis Episcopus. Episcopus 
autem universalis, nec etiam Eomanus Pontifex appel- 
letur. When this Carthaginian Synod was held, 
Bishop Syriacus was in possession of the Eoman See, 
and corruption had perverted the Ecclesiastic disci- 
pline as well as the Christian doctrine, to remedy 
which Bishop Syricius in the previous Synod of 
^Nicea had proposed and caused to be adopted a law 
which compelled the Clergy to be celibate. This 
law was, a few years after, completely disregarded 
and cast aside by the greater part of the Bishops. 
The practice or the pest of the time was that the 
Christian Clergy fashioned Christianity in imitation 
of the Superstitions of the Saliares Pontiffs. The 
Eoman Bishops intrigued and struggled for a long 
time before they succeeded in usurping a supremacy 
above the other Bishops; they were constantly 
opposed by the Imperial Power, by the other Bishops, 
and by the Canonic laws. It would be superfluous 
to relate here all the opinions and contests of the 
contemporary authors and fathers of the Church; 
however, I will take notice here of what Bishop 
Eusebius Emissenus wrote in one of his sermons 
reproving the Eoman Bishop : Quisquis inter Epis- Eusebius 
copos in terris Primatum optabit, confusionem in coelo ^ m f e s /mone 
inveniet. et qui primas tenere cupiet, in numerum 

q 2 



174 

servoruni Christi non admittetur. This holy man 
could not be pronounced by the Eoman Church as an 
Infidel or a Protestant, or stigmatized as an unbe- 
liever, as they do with any other persons who dis- 
sent from their fallacious perversions and ribaldry to 
the truths of Christianity ; and though Eusebius 
preached loudly enough to the whole world against 
the Bishop of Eome who attempted to become the 
Primate, and told him plainly that he who did such 
things would be condemned, confused, and discarded 
from heaven, and would not be admitted as a Chris- 
tian, with all these admonitions and threats the 
Eoman Bishops, in course of time, accomplished and 
satisfied their iniquitous and vain aspirations. We 
now arrive to the year 418, at which period Bishop 
Boniface the First usurped the Primate ; and not 
only had the impudence himself to rebel against the 
Imperial authority, but urged on the clergy and the 
people also, and thus brought confusion and schism. 
We see also that Symmacus, the Prefect of Eome, 
wrote to the Emperor Honorius demanding powers 
Baronius, an. and means to put down the Usurper. Baronius could 
fet 3 9, axt ' no ^ ^elp mentioning that Boniface the First was 
expelled by Symmacus for his insolent daring and 
schism : Absoluta decernimus jussione, Bonifacium 
interdicta confestim urbe prohiberi, pertinacius 
resistentum prsecipimus expelli. Et ut caelestibus 
constitutis morem gerat. A great Synod was con- 
voked directly, to which were invited the Italian, 
French, and African Bishops, — which soon pro- 
nounced against Boniface, who found himself com- 
pelled to acknowledge his fault, and who attempted 
to supplicate the Emperor for reinstation or restora- 
tion to the Eoman See : Supplicatio Bonifacii Popae 
ut constituatur a Principe. Ecclesise mihi Deus 
Sacerdotium, vobis res humanas regni deputavit, &c. 
Know ye, all ye pretended holy swindlers of the past 
and of the present time, come read, translate, and 
see how this ancient impostor of the Eoman Church 



175 



submits, acknowledges his faults, and begs to be 
pardoned for attempting to rob and swindle the 
Imperial power. The Emperor Constantine died 
about ninety -five years before this attempt, and 
surely if that Emperor had given to Silvester the 
patrimony of St Peter a rogue like Boniface should 
have known it. When a thief is in the presence of 
the judge accused of a crime, if he is not asked what 
extenuating circumstances, or with what right or 
pretext he has done, or attempted to do, or accom- 
plished his crime, the thief himself in his own 
defence states his reasons or his delusions which led 
him to attempt the crime. "Why did not Boniface 
dream of the Donation of Constantine ? Why did 
he not say a word about the Patrimony of St Peter? 
Constantine' s pro-nephews were still alive, and could 
have corroborated or disproved his pretences. Instead 
of that Boniface knew, felt, and acknowledged, that 
he was a robber, or at least that he had attempted to 
become one, and recognised that God had deputed 
the Emperor Honorius to the possession and direction 
of temporal affairs, and that he alone had committed 
the fault : Cum enim humanis rebus cultor divinse 
religionis, Domino favente, prsssideas, nostra culpa 
erit, &c. In these words Boniface confessed, in his 
petition to the Emperor, that he organised the 
gigantic swindle which he failed to accomplish, and 
which was subsequently established and definitively 
settled in the thirteenth century, when the Popes 
returned from Avignon to occupy the Eoman Chair 
in January, 1376. I will say nothing of the Princes 
who brought the Pope back to Borne, and who sup- 
ported the Pope in effecting his criminal installation 
as temporal Sovereign. I attribute this act to their 
ignorance, want of foresight, and moral courage to 
do justice to themselves, and to the people who were 
living under their rule and jurisdiction. 

In the reign of Gratianus, the Boman church 



176 



seems to have had an extraordinary moment of calm, 
and the contentions amongst the clergy, high and 
low, disappeared, owing probably to the wise Im- 
perial legislation, and to the number of extraor- 
dinarily clever and honest bishops who flourished 
simultaneously in various countries. These good 
Christians understood their mission, and with the 
assistance of the Emperor Gratianus, modestly 
worked to reform the abuses of the church. I will 
copy here a page from the MS. Chronico de Mtatibus, 
which will assist in fixing the chronology of those 
divines : 

MS. Chron., Et ab urbe condita mcxxxii. Gratianus cum fratre 
p ' 143# Valentiniano xl ab Augusto post mortem Valentis 
sex annis Imperium tenuit. Quamvis jamdudum 
antea cum Patruo Valente et cum Valentiniano fratre 
regnaret. Gratianus itaque admodum juvenis cum 
inestimabilem multitudinem Hostium Bomanis in- 
fusam finibus cerneret : Eretus Christi Potentia, 
longe in pari militum numero sese ostendit, et 
continuo apud Argertaream Galliarum oppidum for- 
midabilissimum bellum incredibili felicitate confecit. 
Nam plusquam triginta millia Alemannorum, nimio 
Eomanorum detrimento in eo prselio interfecta 
narrantur. Hoc itaque Deus suae rectse fidei ultorem 
contribuit : Cum usque ad id tempus Italia Arianae 
fidei morbo langueret. Hoc itaque tempore post 
Auxentii seram mortem cum Ambrosius Mediola- 
nensis Episcopus pro fide Catholica libros Gratiano 
Imperatori porrexisset, ac veneratione qua debuerat 
susceptus esset. Universam statim ad rectam fidem 
Italiana reparavit. Eo tempore in Gallia Turonis 
multis Beatissimus Martinus radiabat virtutibus. 
Totoque orbi doctrinis et Scientia clarus apud Beth- 
leem civitatem Palestinse situs, pollebat Hieronymus, 
Mediolani vero Beatus Ambrosius Episcopus, Pictavis 
quoque Beatus Hilarius. Hispaniae autem Beatus 
Augustinus Episcopus. Constantinopoli vero Beatus 



177 



Joannes Chrisostomus, quorum prasclaris opusculis, 
hodie usque Ecclesia floret. Eomse etiam Paulus 
Orosius dissertissimus temperum scriptor. 

I should say that, according to my notion, these 
pious men after the Apostles formed a new era by 
themselves, which, unfortunately, hardly survived 
them. 

From this MS. Chronica I have already noticed 
three Herods and two St Johns. The Herods died 
before St John the Evangelist, who lived ninety-eight 
years ; and from this Evangelist to St John Chrisos- 
tomus there is an interval of fall 300 years. In 
the reign of Gratianus there was no Herod either in 
Palestine or anywhere else, and it is positive (always 
according to this MS. Chronica) that St John Chri- 
sostomus lived till, and probably survived the anno 
Domini 400. Such being the case, and being de- 
sirous to learn the truth of the facts, or the falsity 
of the statements of this MS. Chronica, may I inquire 
which was the St John who was the victim of Herod 
and Herodiades ? To reconcile these statements 
with the Christian notions that I have, I am 
compelled to believe that there must have 
been another St John living at the time of the 
Herods, and that this third St John was sacri- 
ficed by Herod before Herod and his wife were 
exiled, and went to die in Spain, and that this sup- 
posed third St John had not been taken notice of by 
the writer of the Chronica. — In another chapter 
I have emitted the opinion that St John the Baptist 
was so called up to the time that he wrote his 
Evangile, and after that he was termed the Evan- 
gelist, and this appears to be confirmed by the writer 
of the said MS. Chronica, in a passage alluding to 
St John, where he terms him the Baptist of the 
'Evangile {Baptisto a Evangeliorum). — Unless I premise 
the above supposition it would be impossible for me 
to explain or understand the above conflicting 
statements. I should therefore feel obliged to any 



178 



one who could suggest a better explanation of these 
matters, which are only clear enough to create con- 
fusion in my mind. 

I leave Boniface the First doing penance for his mis- 
deeds, and pass on to the next tenacious pretender to 
the Primacy, Leo the First, Bishop of Borne/ in the 
year 450, and during his episcopacy he strongly 
stimulated the other bishops, by letters, to assist him 
in the attempt to consummate that usurpation ; he 
had first of all written to them in friendly and most 
courteous terms, thinking by these means to secure 
their kindly assistance and sympathy, so as to be 
enabled to ascertain what sort of benefit he could 
derive from their concurrence in his views about this 
political scheme of elevating himself above the others. 
It seems that Leo had the courage to call himself 
Pope of the Boman Catholic and "Universal Church : 
— Papam se Ecclesise Urbis BomaB cognominat et 
universalem, &c. About the same epoch, the Bishop 
of Constantinople, in a general Synod, was named 
Bishop of the Second See. All these abuses of 
power had already been forbidden by various 
Councils and Emperors; nevertheless, the priestly 
impudence carried the point at the moment that the 
Emperor was either indifferent to the effect that 
would result from this new title, or that he was 
engaged in other occupations more serious, or in 
war, or other causes which I cannot momentarily 
ascertain by historical investigation. It is not 
necessary to relate the contentions that took place at 
the various Councils amongst the bishops, who dis- 
approved of these innovations of the Boman and 
Constantinopolitan bishops. 

Before I proceed further, I will revive a trifling 
law which served for a time to paralyze the extra- 
vagant assumptions of the bishops, who, not satis- 
fied with having had as a concession the Imperial 
authority of adjudicating in Theological and other 
Ecclesiastical cases, by the abuse of that same 



179 

Synodal power, but they now and then arrogated to 
themselves the adjudication of civil cases, not only 
between ecclesiastics and lay people, but even in cases 
entirely within the cognizance of the regular judges 
alone, whether civil or criminal, and of secular per- 
sons. As this was a breach of the temporal power, 
the Emperors Valentinianus and Theodosius remedied 
the evil by the enactment of the following law, 
which was inserted in the Codex Theodosii, in the 
Novellas Valentiniani, lib. 2. It is also reported by 
Baronius, art. 52 and 50, anno 452. It runs thus : Anno 452. 
Ee Episcopali Judicio diversorum saepe causatio est. In d Qg d,Theo ' 
~N*e ulterius querela procedat necesse est presenti 
lege sanciri. Itaque cum inter Clericos jurgium ver- 
titur, et ipsis litagatoribus convenit, habeat Episcopus 
licentiam judicandi: praeunte tamen vinculo com- 
promissi. Quod et Laicis, si consentiant, authoritas 
nostra permittit. Aliter eos judices esse non patimur, 
nisi voluntas jurgantium, interposita, sicut dictum 
est, conditione praecedat. Quoniam constat Episco- 
pas et Presbyteros forum legibus non habere, nec de 
aliis causis secundum Arcadii et Honorii Divalia 
constituta, quae Theodosiarum corpus ostendit, praeter 
religionem cognoscere. Si ambo ejusdem officii liti- 
gatores nolint, vel alteruter, agant publicis legibus 
«t jure commune. Sin vero petitor Laicus, seu in 
civili, seu criminali causa cujuslibet loci Clericum 
adversarium suum, si id magis eligat, per authori- 
tatem legitimam in publico judicio respondere com- 
pellat. Quam formam etiam circa Episcoporum 
personam observari oportere censemus. TJt si in 
hujusmodi ordinis homines actionem persuasionis 
et atrocium injuriarum dirigi necesse fuerit, per 
procuratorem solemniter ordinatum apud judicem 
publicum inter leges et jura confligant, &c. The 
moral wisdom of this law is quite enough to 
convince the obstinate Father of the non possumus 
non volumusy that in the olden time it was different 
to what it is now, and that, what has been done 



180 



during the last five hundred years in Borne and in 
the Roman States, instead of administering justice, 
the Popes have usurped and still usurp the right and 
privilege of administering injustice. I am not fond 
of retrogression, nor of any barbarism of old, but I 
contend that the above law seems to me an admira- 
ble specimen of equity and justice founded upon a 
most impartial basis, and would answer uncommonly 
well even at the present day, although we are so 
much civilised. If we were not provided with a 
good Statuto, I would propose the total renovation of 
this law for all Italy, and would not be silent until 
I saw it readopted in the Italian Courts of Law, in 
spite of the Belgian Jesuit, the Sacripante, alias the 
first Bicary of the Roman States. I know that Mr 
Antonelli would protest against this, as usual, and 
that the great Crocodile would shed a few more 
tears on the occasion of losing the means and oppor- 
tunity of skinning, more antiquo, his unfortunate 
subjects ; but this would be a trifling consideration 
amounting to nothing, as it is only a specimen of 
hypocrisy always ready at hand, which costs un zero, 
and serves only to delude the fools who believe it to be 
a genuine specimen of humane feeling. Such things 
are well known now, and there are many precedents 
with respect to other States. I could quote, for in- 
stance, a late Monarch who used to receive every depu- 
tation avec un nouveau plaisir, although their mission 
was to ask things v/hich the Monarque tenaciously 
denied to grant, and although he promised in the 
first bulletin that he issued to the nation that 
"La Charte sera desormais une verite" (See the 
first Bulletin of Louis Philippe, 29th July, 1830.) 
Before I dismiss the subject of this law, which com- 
pelled the Ecclesiastics to adjudicate only in Eccle- 
siastical affairs, and to submit to be adjudicated in 
their civil and criminal affairs to the common courts 
of Justice, I will just state that Baronius, with his 
usual partiality to the cloth, made the Jesuitical 



181 



remark that " that law indignated God to restore the 
strength to Attila and to Gesnertcus, who went to 
destroy Ronie> finding the roads clear and the gates 
open" I have quoted this remark of Baronius, so 
that any one may see how far the spirit of party can 
be carried in its monstrous absurdities. About the 
year 472 Odoacre, Rugiorum Dux, possessed himself 
of Italy. To avoid a commotion in Eome, on account 
of Simplicius the Eoman Bishop's death, he insti- 
tuted a law, by virtue of which Basilius was named 
his Vicar, and it was promulgated in the Yatican in 
the presence of a great concourse of Bishops : " Si 
Simplicium de hac luce exire contigerit, propter ilium 
strepitum, et venerabilis Ecclesias detrimentum, sine 
nostra consultatione cujuslibet non celebretur Election 
(Sigonius de Occident. Imper., 1. 15 et 16.) And 
so it was, and during the thirteen years of his reign 
and authority in Eome and Italy everything was 
tranquil. 

According to Sigonius, in the year 498, after the 
death of Anasthasius the Second, a quantity of money 
was distributed in Eome amongst the clergy to buy 
their votes and influence for the election of a Bishop 
favourable to the interest of the Oriental Emperor, 
Anasthasius. There were two parties in Eome ; one 
elected Symmachus, the other Laurentius, and here 
again for some years we had dissensions, strife, and 
a regular cataclysm with all its concomitant evils 
Councils and Synods were abrogated, together with 
all former good laws, for bad ones, and the usual per- 
secutions, spoliations, &c, were the result, until, 
after four years of fierce contentions, Theodoricus 
put an end to this horrible state of things by expel- 
ling both the pretending Bishops, and constituted in 
their place the Bishop Peter Altinus, as stated by 
Panlus Diaconus, in lib. 15, and by Mcephorus : Ex 
utrisque partibus innumerae strages, et rapinae pa- 
tratae sunt, plerique ex Sacerdotali numero, multi 
etiam Clericorum plures civium Eomanorum ex- 
it 



182 



tincti — and Sabellicus (En. 8, 1. 2) added to it : 
" ne virginibus quidem sacris parsum." Eusebius, 
in lib. 6, c. 37, and Dionysius, also confirm the 
existence of the iniquitous dissensions of the Eccle- 
siastics, and of the victims of the schism. In the 
year 501, Theodoricus convoked a great Synod, in 
which most of the Italian Bishops concurred. Baro- 
nius related the convocation of this Synod, but with 
his usual tact controverted the facts, and dressed 
them with new white linen instead of black and 
scarlet. The French and German Bishops were 
alike discontented and insurrectionary, and refused 
obedience to the mandates of King Clodoveus, 
as stated by Bishop Anasthasius the Second, and 
as demonstrated by their formal letter, sent to 
him and reported in Epistol. Episc. Gall, et Germ, 
ad Anasthas. 2, in the Collectanea Aventini. I need 
not insert it here, as it is too long ; it must suffice, 
therefore, merely to point it out to those who are 
fond of investigating the truth of past events. After 
the reinstation of Symmachus to St Peter's chair, and 
his subsequent death, Bishop Hormisidas was elected : 
he sent letters, and delegated various of his Vicars in 
Italy, France, and other States in the year 518, and 
ecclesiastical affairs went on quietly for a time, but 
when the Emperor Justinus wrote to Bishop Hormi- 
sidas, styling him Hormisidse Archiepiscopo et Patri- 
archs, of course this new title was taken notice of, 
and gave umbrage to the other Bishops, causing jea- 
lousy and some dissensions. From that moment, 
and not before, the Bishop of Borne was officially 
elevated a step higher, not in power, but in title or 
dignity. The Papal dignity, we have seen, was for- 
bidden by Synodal convention, which had decreed 
that the Boman Bishop should style himself or should 
be addressed only as Bishop of the First See, and 
Hormisidas Episcopus Bomanus Johanni Episcopo 
Constantinopolitano, in writing to his brother Bishop, 
used the above heading in the year 518 and 519, and 



183 



as soon as he was named by the Emperor Archbishop 
and Patriarch he adopted that title, and never forgot 
the use nor the abuse of it. 

I fix, then, the epoch of 519 or 520 as the period 
when the Episcopate commenced to usurp the Papal 
dignity. The Bishop of Constantinople we see also 
was called at that time Patriarch. 

Sub an. 530. Eelice Johannis successore vita 
functo, rursus in Urbe tumultus, dum alii Bonifacium 
alii Dioscorum poscunt. [Anno 530, Liber Ponti- 
fical, in Bonifa.] Here again, we have the usual 
cabals and riots for the election of the new Roman 
Archbishop. Two parties were contending for the 
berth, some wanted to elect Boniface, others Dios- 
corus ; but as it frequently happened in the Pontifi- 
cal elections, or soon after, that the elected were 
suddenly taken ill and departed, so it happened in 
this case that Dioscorus after eighteen days travelled 
to the other world. Boniface then accommodated 
himself in the Roman chair, convoked a Synod, and 
obtained from some of the Bishops the power of elect- 
ing his successor to avoid the usual esclanders of the 
elections and the schism. Having named his suc- 
cessor, Vigilius, who was his Diaconus, and finding 
him fully disposed, as well as ambitious of power, he 
persuaded himself of the danger of having a rival so 
near his person; so he convoked a Council, and 
stated that he had reconsidered his projects, acknow- 
ledged that he had acted erroneously in electing a 
successor, as the power belonged only to the Holy 
Spirit to elect the Pontiff, and accordingly, with a new 
Chirograph, he revoked and burned the previous Syno- 
dal decree, as if it had been an act of Zcesce Majestatis. 
Money was still the greatest power and medium to 
obtain any object, and with money the Bishops were 
inspired to speak and do all the miraculous things 
that have enchanted the credulity of the ignorant 
classes of every nation. At the death of Boniface 
the Second, the intrigues and the corruptions 



m 



extorted by the distribution of money to all classes, 
even among the Senators, called forth from that 
dignified body, offended and degraded by some of its 
members, a Senatus Consultum, which was reported 
by Cassiodorus (lib. 9, epist. 15), and which would 
have had good effect if it had always been enforced, 
to prevent the Bishops corrupting the people with 
money or promises at the time of the elections, &c. 
Quicumque in Episcopatu obtinendo sive per se. sive 
per aliam quamcumque personam, aliquid promisisse 
declarator, aut execrabilis contractus cunctis viribus 
efTeratur. Si quis autem in hoc scelere deprehenditur 
fuisse versatus, nullam relinquimus vocem, verum 
etiam si aut repetendum, aut quod acceptum est, non 
reddendum esse crediderit, sacrilegii reus protinus 
habeatur, accepta restituens compulsione judicis 
competentis. When this law was issued it is 
quite certain that the Episcopal corruption was at 
its highest point; therefore I make no remarks. 
Italy was then kept in subjection by the Goths, the 
Greeks, and the Lombards; so that the state of 
confusion must have been very great without the 
increment of the constant rampant and fighting 
attitude of the Popes, who were struggling for 
Ecclesiastical supremacy, and making occasional 
attempts to usurp the civil power. Agapetum vix 
electum, et a se confirmatum, Theodatus Constan- 
tinopolim Legatum ad Justinianum mittit, Am alas - 
unthaB uxoris, Theodorici filiae necem excursaturum : 
Sic et idem Theodatus Agapeto successorem instituit 
Silverium ex legitimo matrimonio Hormisidse Papaa 
filium. (Anasthasius in Agapeto, anno 536.) As 
soon as Agapetus was elected he confirmed himself 
in the Papal Throne, and was sent by Theodatus as 
his Legate to Justinian, at Constantinople, to justify 
or to excuse him for the death of his wife Amala- 
sunthse, daughter of Theodoric ; — and so Theodatus 
constituted Silverius, son of Pope Hormiside by 
legitimate matrimony, to succeed to Agapetus. I 



185 



shall omit the relation of the great intrigue, scandal, 
and schism, which took place at the instigation of 
Augusta (Eutychiana), who corrupted Belisarius to 
name Vigilius as Pope, and to displace and seize the 
elected Silverius. This serious affair was under- 
taken for the promised [sum of septem centenaria, to 
be divided between Belisarius and Vigilius, who, for 
ambition and money, had promised that as soon as 
he assumed the Papal power he would faithfully 
declare that Theodosius, Anthemius, and Severus 
were heretics ; and Belisarius stained his honourable 
name in that infamous transaction. See Liberatus 
Archidiaconus Carthaginens, in Breviario, c. 22, 
who gives a very good account of this monstrous 
plot, and of its success in the year 538. 

Baronius (to. 7, anno 538, art. 20) notices it 
also, and states that before that time there had not 
been so great a schism. Popa, inquit, nulla nisi 
saecularis hominis authoritate cathedram insidens, 
fur et latro, non per ostium sed aliunde conscendens, 
• Lupus gregem invadens, Pseudoepiscopus contra 
legitimum Episcopum stans, Antichristus contra 
Christum jure appellandus, &c. Superat hoc scelus 
quodlibet id genus antea perpetratum, cedit huic 
novati impietas, pertinacia TJrsicini, Laurentii prae- 
sumptio ac denique aliorum omnium Schismaticorum 
antistium superbia, arrogantia atque facinorosa 
temeritas. Now, my dear old friend Dupanloup, 
what do you think of these splendid actions of your 
old illustrious colleagues and brothers ? You see 
that even Baronius, although he belonged to the 
black and scarlet cloth, did not hesitate to give to 
the Pope the highest synonyme, Fur et latro, thief 
and assassin, luptis invadens gregem, the wolf assailing 
the flock, Antichrist fighting against Christ, &c. 
Pray, Dupanloup, do translate the text yourself, and 
as these are capital invectives, use them in your next 
Episcopal JEncyclica against the Liberals, and I shall 
be spared the trouble of translation, and continue 

e 2 



186 



my work to discover and prepare you another dish 
of the same rare palatable prelatic luxuries. The 
iniquities of this last Pope were so many and so great 
that I will refer the reader to several old ecclesiastic 
writers, "that he may not think that modern people 
like to write prejudicially against him." Therefore, 
after Baronius, see Anasthasius, the bibliothecary of 
the Eoman See, in Yigilio, and Procopius, de Bello 
Gotthorum, lib. 3. Nicephorus, lib. 17, c. 26, added 
to what Baronius stated, that Vigilius, instead of 
calming his first violence, rather increased it, and 
excommunicated the Patriarch Menna, who had been 
consecrated in the place of the heretic Antimus by 
Agapetus, his predecessor, &c. Addit Nicephorus 
de pristina ilium violentia nihil renitentem, Patri- 
archam Mennam, in Anthimi haeretiei locum ab 
Agapeto decessore consecratum, excommunicasse, 
Mennam vicissim ipsum — ut tandem terminandis 
his controversiis, quae pravis partium animis accen- 
debantur, Synodo Chalcedone convocata opus esset. 
Baronius (anno 555) further observes : Eutychium 
Mennse suffecturn fidei suae professionem Yigilio 
tradidisse. This dear Vigilius, or wide-awake, w r as 
so discontented and so perverse that he sought cause 
for quarrel even in the Constantinopolitan Synod ; 
and he would not sit down for the vanity of being 
higher than the others. See Synod Constantinopolit., 
5 act., 4 Bellarmin., lib. 1, de Cone, c. 19. 

At that time there were only three Patriarchs, 
Yigilius at Eome, Eutychius at Constantinople, and 
Apollinaris at Alexandria, so says Zonara, torn. 3, 
pp. 55 et 74. Onuphrius, in the "Life of Pelagius," 
lib. 2, gives a little insight into the state of the 
political affairs of the Eoman See and the Empire, 
and I will quote it because it is the basis upon 
which the Eoman See stood for several centuries in 
obedience to the Imperial will. It says: Gotthis 
in Italia omni per Narsetem Patricium expulsis 
eaque cum TJrbe Eoma Orientalis Imperii facta parte, 



187 



sub Justiniano Imperatore, et Anthoritate, Papae 
Yigilii motus quidam in Comitiis Pontificiis mos 
inolevit. Is fait, ut mortuo Papa, nova quidem 
electio, more majorum, statim a Clero, Senatu, et 
Populo Komano fieret, verum electus Romanus Pon- 
tifex non ante consecrari atque ab Episcopis ordinari 
posset, quam ejus electio ab Imperatore Constanti- 
nopolitano confirmata esset, ipseque literis suis 
patentibus licentiam electo Pontifici concederet ut 
ordinari et consecrari posset, atque ita jurisdictionem 
Pontificatus turn obtineret. I am pleased to state 
here, what will be repeated in the chapter on the 
Papal elections, and which will serve also to corrobo- 
rate what I have written about them — and it must 
be remarked, as it is explained, that it is according 
to the ancient custom {more majorum)— 'that the 
Clergy, the Senate, and the People elected the Pope, 
and the Emperor either confirmed, or annulled the 
election, &c. Onuphrius was a conscientious writer, 
and left many valuable records of the Ecclesiastical 
History; though partial to the interests of the 
church and clergy, yet he exposed many of their 
vices and abuses ; even in the case quoted here, he 
plainly said that the Imperial Patent to the Pope's 
free Pontifical Jurisdiction was not obtained without 
the payment of a certain sum of money to the 
Emperor. I will continue the quotation, as it is 
interesting for many reasons : Pro qua licentia obti- 
nenda electo necesse erat certam pecuniae quantita- 
tem Imperatori transmittere : Qua venia obtenta, 
ipse postea consecrabatur et Eomanum administrabat 
Pontificatum. Antea enim idem dies comitiorum et 
consecrationis Pontificis renuntiati erant. Hoc 
autem ideo Justinianum Imperatorem, vel ex ejus 
authoritate Vigilium Papam instituisse credendum 
est, ut Imperator certus esset de conditionibus novi 
Pontificis, cujus turn maxima esse authoritas cceperat, 
Imperatoribus praesertim Italia absentibus, ne aliquo 
Pontifice factioso, vel Imperatoris hoste ordinato 



188 



"Orbs, et Italia eo authore ab Orientali Imperio 
deficeret, seque finitimus Barbaris traderet, 
quod Sylverium Papam aliquando qusesisse sibi 
persuaderet. These Imperial and Papal conven- 
tions were simple, and a good guarantee to both 
Church and State, and for the welfare of the 
people ; and if they had been properly maintained 
in every particular, there would have been no 
schism, no wars, and no invasions, and the Papal 
influence and the Imperial arms would have ex- 
pelled any insolent intruder in Italy. However, 
these old-established conventions lasted till the time 
of Benedict the Second, though now and then 
there happened many dissensions and interruptions 
of peace. 

To close with the case of Vigilius, I must state 
that he went to the Universal Synod of Constanti- 
nople, where the other Bishops were shocked and 
scandalised by his actions, and having also treated 
the Imperial authority with contempt, he was con- 
demned to exile. By the intercession of iSTarsete he 
was afterwards recalled to Eome, but he died in 
Sicily, when travelling on the road thither. Con- 
cilium Constantinopol. 5, Collatio. 8, protestantur 
gravissimis verbis adversus cum patres, Scandalum 
imminens timendum iis, qui vel unum ex minimis 
scandalisant, quanto magis Imperatorem Christianis- 
simum et populos, et Ecclesias totas. All these 
Papal attempts to reach the Primacy had not yet 
generated the idea of the Papal temporal power, nor 
could it be the case, because the Emperor Honorius 
resided so frequently at Eavenna, that he would 
have been soon ready to crush any such attempt ; 
and generally, while he was at Ravenna, his delegate, 
the Exarch, was in Eome to look after the political 
movements of the Ecclesiastics, and report them to 
his Imperial master. 

Gregorius Turonesis, in lib. 8, c. 20, said that up 
to this time the Eoman Bishop had not the least 



189 



temporal power in Rome or anywhere else, as he 
was watched and kept in subjection by the Exarch's 
vigilance. 

Ravenna rursum in qua hoc ipso tempore Justinus 
Secundus Exarcham, id est, sum mum in Italia 
Yicarium, Longinum Patritium constituit, qui omni- 
bus Ducibus et Provinciarum Praefectis et Magis- 
tratibus imperitet, ingruentibus in Italiam Lorigo- 
bardis praecipuas quasque urbes prsesidio communiat, 
Romam adeo Ravennam ipsam. Quo factum, ut ex 
una parte Episcopus Romanus in temporalibus nihil 
omnino juris habere t, ne Romse quidem, quern 
Exarcha in ordinem subinde cogeret. In Spiritualibus 
ex altera parte intra suos limites coerceretur, quatenus 
Spiritualis Potestas, non secus ac umbra corpus, 
temporalem subsequi solita, prout Ravenna adcres- 
cebat, declinare videbatur. Do you hear, Mr 
Me-herode, the sound of the above sentences ? Is this 
clear enough to your intelligence, or do you want an 
interpreter ? The Roman Bishop, in the middle of 
the sixth century, had not yet any temporal power 
in Rome, and much less anywhere else, and in the 
Spirituals he was controlled and kept in check, so 
quietly and so effectually, that he was completely 
in the dark, and never knew what was St Peter's 
Patrimony ! If Vigilius had known of the alleged 
Constantine's Donation, when he turned insolent 
against the Emperor, would he not have claimed it 
as his right ? Paul Bedford says, " I believe you, 
my boy/' iS^arsete did many things for the welfare 
of Italy, and I therefore regret that this is not the 
opportunity to notice anything else than what I have 
stated. Sigonius, in his works de Regno Italice, 
repeats the same thing about the nullity of the Pope's 
temporal power, and Guicchardinus, in his Hist., 
lib. 4, corroborates the same facts in these words : 
" Hac tempestate qua uni Exarcho obtemperabant, 
Romani Pontitlces civilis potestatis penitus expertes, 
atque in mortalium animis admiratione et observantia, 



190 



moribus] ipsorum ab ilia pristina puritate jam fatis- 
centibus, obsolescente, tamquam Imperatoribus sub- 
jecti aatatem agebant : sine quorum, et eorum, quos 
Hexarchos diximus appellatos, authoritate, quamvis 
Sacerdotum populique Eomani suffragiis renuntiati, 
neque se pro Pontificibus gerere, neque Pontificatum 
Sabeiiicus, capere audebant," quin etiam Episcopi Constantino- 
fb. e 5. d ' 8 ' politanus et Eavennas, quoniam religionis sedes 
imperii atque armatorum potentiam sequi consuevit 
cum Eomano Episcopo ssepenumero de prineipatu 
disputabant. 

Every historian agrees that up to that time the 
Eoman Bishops had not any power at all, and that 
even in Ecclesiastical affairs they were subject to 
rules, regulations, and censures. At the Synod of 
Narbonne, convoked in 589, and presided over by 
Rlcharedus, was established a canon forbidding the 
clergy to wear any purple dresses, as unbecoming 
religious persons and only fit for lay persons, &c, 
and if any clergyman transgressed that order that he 
would be forced to abide by the law. — Baronius, 
8, anno 598, art. 30, extra locum, also reports it so. 
TJt nullus Clericorum vestimenta purpurea induat, 
quae ad jactantiam pertinent mundialem, non ad 
religiosam dignitatem, ut sicut est devotio in mente, 
ita et ostendatur in corpore, quia purpura maxime 
laicorum potestate praeditis debetur, non religiose ; 
quod si quis non observaverit, velut transgressorem 
legis coercendum. 

Even this point we see settled by a Canonical 
law, which clearly established that the purple 
ornaments and dresses designated the temporal 
power, and were unbecoming to the Clergymen of 
any hierarchic degree. 

Gregorius Magnus was appointed to the Eoman 
See about the year 590. He was a prudent, good, 
and most honest Ecclesiastic, and all his letters prove 
that he was conciliatory, humble, and inclined to do 
good to humanity: he exerted himself to reform 



191 



and correct the abuses of the Clergy, and to persuade 
them to follow Christianity, without pomp and 
vanity. 

Gregorius Magnus's intentions were excellent, and 
it is a great misfortune to mankind that his suc- 
cessors degenerated so much, and adopted the opposite 
system. These few lines, extracted from the fourth 
book of his Epistola 32, are a specimen of his 
humility, and of the high esteem which he enter- 
tained for the Emperor Mauritius. In writing to 
another Bishop, he says : Cura ei totius Ecclesias et 
principatus committitur et tamen universalis Apos- 
tolus non vocatur, et vir sanctissimus consacerdos 
meus Johannes vocari universalis Episcopus conatur. 
Exclamare compellor, ac dicere, 6 tempore, 6 mores : 
Ecce cuncta in Europae partibus Barbarorum juri 
sunt tradita destructae urbes, eversa castra, depopu- 
latse provincias nullus terram cultor inhabitat, et 
tamen Sacerdotes qui in pavimento et cinere flentes 
jacere debuerunt, vanitatis sibi nomina expetunt et 
novis ac prophanis vocabulis gloriantur. This little 
fragment contains much of moral philosophic salt, 
and that accounts for its being unpalatable to the 
Clergy ; it says that " God gave to the Emperor the 
care of the Church and State, and yet he did not 
call himself Universal Apostle, and my most saintly 
ecclesiastic brother John makes every effort to style 
himself universal Bishop. I am compelled to ex- 
claim, Oh times, oh manners ! Now that all Europe 
is invaded and subjected to the jurisdiction of the 
barbarians who destroyed the towns and castles, 
depopulated the provinces, and dispersed and 
murdered the peasants; now that the Ecclesiastics 
should prostrate themselves to the earth and shed 
tears for these calamities, instead of that they are 
looking for vain names, and gloriate themselves 
with new profane titles." In his letter 36, Gregorius 
Magnus endeavoured that, at the Calcedonian Synod, 
a canonic law should be issued to quash his title of 



192 



Universalis Bishop ; lie would not have Universal 
because he said that it was an innovation of a few 
years date only, and, moreover, a profane appellation 
which his predecessors did not like to consent to, and 
never bore before him, &c. 

Nullus nnquam decessornm meorum hoc tarn 
prophano vocabulo uti consensit, quia videlicet si 
unus Patriarcha universalis dicitur, Patriarcharum 
nomen cseteris derogatur. Sed hoc absit, absit a 
Christiana mente, id sibi velle quempiam arripere. 
Propterea sanctitas vestra in suis Epistolis neminem 
unquam universalem nominet, &c. This was really 
the man and the only one fit to be the Pope, because 
he was good and pure, and attempted to bring to the 
Christian path the traviated Bishops, who were 
engulphed in vices and pompous vanities, and in all 
sorts of demoralising excesses. Grregorius Magnus 
also wrote (Epist. 88) very strongly to John, Bishop 
of Constantinople, to exhort him to humility, and 
to co-operate with him to reform the clergy and the 
Church abuses, and reproached him : Eo tempore, 
quo indignum te esse fatebaris, ut Episcopus appetas 
solus vocari, &c. He reminded him also of the day 
of judgment, and of what avail it would be to him 
to style himself universal Bishop. Tu quid Christo, 
universalis silicet Eeclesise capiti, in extremi judicii 
es dicturus examine, qui cuncta ejus membra tibimet 
conaris universalis appellatione supponere ?— And he 
said that with that perverse word Universalis , the 
Bishop imitated the Devil. Eurther on he said that 
Peter, Paul, Andreas, and John the Apostles, were 
nothing more than the heads or chiefs of the people, 
and that all the Churches were members under one 
of those chiefs, and, nevertheless, neither of them 
called himself universal, or presumed to be so called ; 
they were truly saints, neither of them had the 
temerity to arrogate to himself that name. Certe 
Petrus Apostolus Primum membrum sanctae et 
Universalis est. Paulus, Andreas, Johannes, quid 



193 



aliud quam singularium sunt plebium capita ? Et 
tamen sub uno capite omnes membra sunt Ecclesise. 
Tamen nullus eorum unquam se universale vocare 
voluit, quo nomine vocari nullus preesumpsit, qui 
veraciter sanctus fuit ? nullus hoc temerarium nomen 
sibi arripuit, &c. What a difference between the 
Eishop3 of the present day and Gregorius Magnus ! 
What would he say if he were to see an Antonelli, 
a Me-herode> or any other of the so-called Cavalieri di 
Cristo ? I am sure that he would exclaim, with 
ample reason- — Mimi ! ite ad inferos, hoc vestrum 
iniquitatis est emporium— full of blasphemy and in- 
dulgences and all other sorts of sacred and profane 
things that have nothing to do with the Christian 
religion. Go and bury with yourselves your anti- 
christian dogmas, and let the world live in peace 
and at leisure to contemplate the glory of God 
Eternal, pure, and just — go to the Jordan, divest 
yourselves of the mantles of abomination, wash and 
clean yourselves of your miserable assumptions and 
presumptuous cabals, and, like the reptiles, drop 
your skins or external envelopes. If you are 
capable of living honestly, and of becoming real 
Christians, exercise the precepts of Christianity and 
its divine inspirations ; then, and only then, the 
people will appreciate and believe you, according to 
the good that you will confer upon humanity. 

To compare the works and the intentions of Gre- 
gorius Magnus with w r hat has been done and is still 
being done by his posterity, it requires a very calm, 
reflective mind, and, unfortunately, the mere thought 
of the task makes me giddy, and I regret much that 
I have not been able to attempt it, for fear of mental 
excitement. Nevertheless, I will point out to any- 
one who is competent, and who feels inclined to do 
so, that such a work would open a wide field of 
theological treasure, and compensate the vineyard 
labourer for his trouble, as every one of these letters 
contains real gems that will last almost to perpetuity, 

s 



194 



Take, for instance, from letter 30, to the Alexandrian 
Bishop, this little passage, which reproduces and 
shows to you in full the heart of the man, when he 
Greg. Magn., said : Ego enim non verbis quaero prosperari, sed 
i?epi8t3o! mor ibus. Nec honorem esse deputo, in quo fratres 
meos honorem suum perdere cognosco. Meus nam- 
que honor est honor universalis Ecclesiae. Meus 
honor est fratrum meorum solidus vigor. Tunc ego 
vere honoratus sum, cum singulis quibusque honor 
debitus non negatur. Si enim universalem me Papam 
vestra sanctitas dicit, negat se hoc esse, quod me 
fatetur universum. Sed absit hoc. Recedant verba 
quae unitatem instant, charitatem vulnerant. Yet 
this good man was a Pope, and so extraordinarily 
different from the others that I doubt if he were a 
man. Look now-a-days; if, for instance, you chance 
to omit a title, or write too freely to a priest, in a 
commonly respectful manner, such as you would do 
to any other person ; or if in addressing the superior 
Clergy you should inadvertently neglect the saluta- 
tion of taking off your hat, or fail to prostrate your- 
self should the Pope pass you in the street, see what 
vexation and trouble you get into for such inadvert- 
ence. Wait until you get the priestly spirit moved 
for an answer to your untitled, unhonied letter to 
Right Reverend unto e bisunto, as we say in Italian. 
Though these are trifling things that a layman would 
not notice, yet the priests make it almost a crime, 
and take vengeance according to circumstances and 
to persons, and they are the most exacting class of 
people in every respect, or in the world. 

Gregorius Magnus, also in letter 30, to the Em- 
peror Mauritius, exhorting his assistance to avoid the 
occurrence of any scandal amongst the ecclesiastics, 
begs that he would spare him useless and vain 
titles, all superfluous words, and address him as if 
he were speaking to him, ordering what he wished 
him to do without any other nonsense, for (he says) 
"I know who I am and who you are : " — quia scio 



195 



qui sum, qui estis. " I never order, but I do indi- 
cate to others what I think is good to be done, and 
this is my particular case. In your letter directed 
to me you style me with the vain appellation of 
Universal Pope. You know that I dislike it, that 
it is unbecoming. What I want from your goodness 
is that you should not give to me what is detracting, 
and what belongs to you only, you should not give 
to others, as it is more than what they are entitled 
to, and what is required. I do not care to prosper 
with ambitious titles, it is good manners I care for ; 
and I do not think that it is honourable to adopt the 
dishonourable manners of my brothers, because my 
honour is that of the Universal Church, and it is 
more solid and lasting than that of my brothers. 
Therefore, I am really honoured, while I have 
individually that honour which is not denied to 
others ; but if your Holiness calls me Universal 
Pope, you deny me to be what you call me, Uni- 
versal. But vanish the thought, withdraw the 
words that are opposed to the unity of the Church, 
and offensive to charity." Now, my dear grumbling 
Bishops, what do you say of the moral manners of this 
real Father of the Church ? I have given you an 
idea of his style, and I dare say you will translate 
it properly, and penetrate deeper into his thoughts 
than I have done, and compare his actions with 
yours. My desire is merely to open the eyes of 
those youths who have the leisure, and the means, 
intelligence, and determination to search for the 
truth. Do not say that the times have changed ; 
we know all that, as we know that God is eternal, 
that Truth is one of his emanations, and, unfor- 
tunately, for your confusion, invariably unchangeable 
and always the same ! Gregorius Magnus was the 
real model bishop, and should have been constantly 
imitated by his followers ; he not only assiduously 
endeavoured to keep the Italian bishops in peaceful 
and brotherly accord with each other, but he offered 



196 



his ever-ready assistance and mediation to all the 
ecclesiastics in their contentions, and received hos- 
pitably those who had been badly treated by their 
Metropolitan bishops, and his kindness extended itself 
to the clergy of France, Spain, the Orient, and 
various other parts. 

I must now pass on to relate one other historical 
fact of great importance, and also to pave the way 
to the advancement and the establishment of the 
Papal greatness ; but, as usual with the progress of 
the Roman Church, it was connected and based 
upon enormous crimes. The Emperor Mauritius, we 
have seen, was willing to give to Gregorius Magnus 
more than he liked to receive, and that both were 
friendly, courteous, and in perfect harmony. This 
fact might be a good argument to establish that, if 
Gregory was so exquisitely good and honest, of 
course Mauritius must have been also of that temper 
and habit, otherwise there could not have been har- 
mony for any length of time between them and their 
subjects. However, I will not say anything more of 
the Emperor Mauritius ; I will merely state that the 
Imperial soldiers were getting dissatisfied with him, 
and that the Centurion Phocas took advantage of 
that insubordination and military disorder, and 
caused a revolution, compelling Mauritius and his 
wife and family to take to flight. John, the Patriarch 
of Constantinople, had had a little contention with 
the Roman Gregorius Magnus, and they had settled 
it, when Phocas, the chief of the revolution, was 
proclaimed Emperor and crowned by that Patriarch, 
who was one of the principal actors in the conspiracy 
and revolution. After his coronation he lost no time 
in prosecuting, following, and taking prisoner 
Mauritius, who was compelled to see his own 
family put to death under his eyes, and amongst 
them even his infant ; after which the Emperor 
Mauritius, when almost dead with grief at the 
horrible sight, was beheaded. Gregorius Magnus 



197 



in this affair showed himself in danger on 
account of the resentment that the Patriarch of 
Constantinople might nourish against him, and in this 
case Gregory was not up to the mark of a thorough 
honest and upright man, to stand up to defend his 
friend Mauritius, and to remonstrate against the 
Patriarch John. It may be that exceedingly good 
men in the presence of great dangers lose all thought 
and energy, through want of presence of mind, and 
firmness of character. This was the case with Pope 
Gregorius Magnus, who, according to the modern 
Florentine Horace "perde la Bussola e VAlfaletto " 
— and immediately wrote a letter to Phocas, congra- 
tulating him on his elevation, which begins with 
" Gloria in excelsis Deo," &c. This was really a 
great blunder on the part of that good man. The 
letter referred to is No. 36 of the lib. 11. After 
this he wrote another to Leontia Augusta, the 
wife of Phocas, also in the same strain. These two 
letters, Nos. 36 and 48, are real stains on his cha- 
racter, and show that the priesthood, though some- 
times good and honourable, are often ready to turn 
their coats when they think it advisable for inte- 
rested motives. Gregory did not long survive his 
friend Mauritius. He was succeeded by Sabinianus, 
who lived only a few months, and Boniface the 
Third, who was the friend of Phocas, was installed 
in St Peter's Chair in the year 605. This Boniface 
was endowed with good cheeks, ambition, impu- 
dence, and a good dose of rampant flattery, with 
which he captivated the favours of Phocas, and ob- 
tained from him not only a declaration that the Eo- 
man Church should be the head of all the churches, 
but that the Boman Bishop should be called the 
First, and the Universal Bishop, and this was 
statuted in an Imperial Synod composed of sixty- 
two Bishops. Bony-face the Third, with his impu- 
dence, was the first in his mandates, ecclesiastical and 
diplomatic, to adopt the words volumus, et jubemus 

s 2 



198 



— as stated by Piatina, in Bonif. III. Poor Gregorius 
Magnus had so much declaimed against the Bishops 
who aspired to titles, protesting that he would not 
be called Universal, when the title was spontaneously 
given to him by Mauritius : Gregory wrote, that, if 
any Bishop either allowed himself to be called, or 
called himself Universal, he would be the precursor 
of Antichrist. Quicumque universalis Episcopus 
appellari vult, Antichristi precursor est. What would 
he have said if he had lived at the time of this 
audacious impostor ? Eor my part, I place him in 
the category of the modern pulpit orators, who are 
so fond of political tirades, conspiracy and treason, 
without enquiring any further as to whether he 
would be worthy or unworthy of the position. Be- 
fore I proceed any farther, with your permission, 
most honourable Bishops, I will corroborate the evi- 
dence adduced of the murder of the Emperor Mau- 
ritius and his family, by that most worthy and 
Christian Emperor Phocas, which is to be found in 
one of Gregory's letters, No. 1, lib. 2, Indict. 6, when 
he reports the case in these words : Phocas et Le- 
ontia Augusta Septimo in palatio quod dicitur Se- 
cundianas, coronatus est, et occisus est Mauritius 
Imperator cum omnibus nliis suis masculis, idest, 
Theodosio jam coronato, Tiberio, Petro, Paulo et 
Justiniano, simul et Petro fratre supradicti Mauritii 
Augusti, sed et aliqui procerum, qui ei cohserebant 
idest, Constantinus Patricius et Curator, et Placid as, 
sed et Gregorius Notarius Principis, &c. And all 
these murders were committed by black treason. 
Theodosius, who was at that time at the court of 
Chosroen, the King of Persia, by stratagem was 
recalled, waylaid half way on the road by the Sica- 
ries of Phocas, and slain. The ladies of Mauritius's 
family, that is, his wife Constance and her three 
daughters (who had momentarily been saved by the 
intercession and protection offered by Bishop Cyri- 
acus ? who sheltered them in a Church, and who 



199 



resisted the sanguinary attempts of Phocas), -were, 
after obtaining assurance from Phocas that he 
would spare their lives, received by Cyriacus into a 
monastery, where, in the following year, by violent 
treason, Phocas had them put to death, — See Cedre- 
nus and Theofanes, and Baronius also (in to. 8, an. 
606, art. 1, &c), who could not help reporting this 
fact in his Annales. Cyriacus autem Patriarcha 
Tyranno resistit, minime passus e Templo tyrannice 
abduci, quin Phocas juramentis eum cerium redderet, 
quod non eas laesurus esset, &c, The resistance that 
the Patriarch Cyriacus offered to Phocas on this 
occasion was the cause that induced him to incline 
more favourably to the friendship of Boniface, who 
was then attending at his Court, and was full of 
flattery and ambitious hypocrisy. Phocas, out of 
spite to Cyriacus, and requiring powerful assistance 
in Italy, after naming Boniface to the Eoman See — 
as up to that time Constantinople was the first See, 
" he decreed that Eome should be the chief of all the 
Apostolic Churches," as stated by Paulus Diaconus 
(lib. 4, c. 37), who was a conscientious and authori- 
tative historian. 

Phocas, regnante Papa Bonifacio, statuit sedem 
Eomanae et Apostolicse Ecclesiae caput esse omnium 
Ecclesiarum, quia Ecclesia Constantinopolitana pri- 
mam se omnium Ecclesiorum scribebat. There is no 
way of denying these facts, because they have been 
repeated also by subsequent historians, Ereculfus, 
Eegino, Anasthasius, Hermanus Contractus, Mari- 
anus Scotus, Sabellicus, Blondus, Pomponius Lactus, 
Platina, Author Compilationis Chronologicae, Otho 
Frisingensis in Chronico, lib. 5, c. 8 ; and Sigonius, in 
Eegno Italiae, lib. 2, said : Bonifacius legationem ad 
Phocam misisse, qua Decretum obtinuit, ut sedes 
Apostolica beati Petri Apostoli prima esset omnium 
Ecclesiarum, id est, Bomana Ecclesia. The farther 
we proceed the more clearly will it be seen that the 
foundation of the Eoman Church was raised on 



200 



crimes, and that the more atrocious these crimes were, 
the more the Church profited by them, and the more 
she aggrandised herself and advanced her material 
interest ; her spirituality thus diminished until there 
was not a shred of Christian life left. Christianity 
became a complete farce, and those Right Reverend 
Prelates were the actors in it in different versions, at 
different places, and with a different degree of ex- 
citement, according to those occasions and places. 
Yes, M. Anton elli, the concrete used by the ancient 
Reverend Fathers to widen the foundations of the 
Roman Church were the most energetic, the blackest 
crimes that mankind could perpetrate, and to wipe 
them away as an atonement, the ecclesiastics used to 
get as much as they could from the criminals, whe- 
ther secular or ecclesiastic, in the shape of expiatory 
offers or gifts, and besides these all sorts of conces- 
sions suitable to their pomp and capricious vanity. 
By these means the holy shop got rich and powerful, 
without taking notice as to how, or by what means, 
they acquired their riches, right, titles, and privi 
leges. One strange fact is that these extraordinary 
ecclesiastical wolves were not even faithful to the 
principles of their own tribes, for we see that in a 
Synod they determined to abolish what had been 
statuted in previous Synods, as if the ecclesiastic 
laws and Canons of to-day were not suitable to the 
morrow. Besides this I will mention here, that the 
Episcopal jealousy, which was of ancient standing 
amongst the Italian Prelates, so far from having been 
extinguished by Phocas's concessions to the Roman 
Bishop, had reached the apex of hostility, and 
the Patriarch of Aquileja never would condescend 
to acknowledge the supremacy of that of Rome, as he 
never did before. The Patriarch of Grado was 
always against the Patriarch of Aquileja; the Milan- 
ese Archbishop, the Venetian Patriarch, the Bishops 
of Istria, of Brescia, of Mantua, and of Parma, were 
also independent of the Bishop of Rome, and recog- 



201 



nised only the mandates of their Metropolitan or 
Patriarch, and occasionally opposed the Roman 
Bishop. We find that the Bishops were quarrelling 
amongst themselves, and with the Roman See at the 
Synod of Mantua in the year 605, when the election 
of the Patriarch of Aquileja took place in opposition 
to the Roman See, through the influence and protec- 
tion of the Lombard King, Agilulphus, who supported 
Bishop John. — See Baronius, anno 605, art. 2, 3, 4. 
Farewell Boniface, and now for your successor, 
Honorius. The Lombard Kings were harassing 
Italy; the Emperor's vicar, the Exarch, was ruling 
at Ravenna; and the Roman Bishop, though he had 
received from the Emperor Phocas the already-named 
title of Universal, yet he seemed to enjoy less of 
power on account of the Exarch's control, and of the 
pressure of the Lombard King on the Papal ambition 
of domination, which seemed innate with him, and 
had grown to an immoderate desire. Honorius's 
ambition had reached such a pitch, that like one 
seized with hydrophobia, he attacked the other 
Bishops, under a paltry pretext, in the year 623. As 
we have seen, the Roman Bishops were in bad odour, 
and mostly disagreed with the Lombard, Venetian, 
and Istrian Bishops, who never would depend on the 
Roman Bishop ; perhaps he did so purposely to es- 
tablish a precedent for his power above the others. 
Adalwaldus V, King of Lombardy, had become an 
imbecile, through the abuse of drinking (like the 
last Prussian Phoenix, who for a few years was 
immortalised by the public prints with a bottle as his 
family arms), and it was said that Eusebius, the Le- 
gate of the Emperor Heraclius, with twelve of the 
magnates of the kingdom, while this monarch was step- 
ping out of the bath, surrounded him quietly and 
removed him without the public appearance of a 
revolution or dethronisation. In the next year, to 
avoid the rising of factions, and to check the tumults 
that were beginning to create discord and confusion,, 



202 



the true Lombard patriots met together and expelled 
from the throne Adalwaldus, and placed there in his 
stead Arioaldus, his wife's brother. Upon this the 
population, the clergy, and the nobles became divided 
into two different opinions, and as the Transpadan 
Bishops were for Arioaldus, the Pope (Honorius) chose 
to oppose them, and to favour Adalwaldus, and by 
his advice the Exarch Isacius began to defend the 
ex-King. Honorius at first urged the Exarch to 
send to Rome those Bishops to explain why they in- 
terfered, and declared that they should be punished 
for their -crime. But Isacius could not persuade 
Adalwaldus to abandon his claim to the throne, as 
Arioaldus had already began to reign, and the efforts 
of Honorius were uselessly provoking the Transpa- 
dan Bishops, who were further irritated by his petu- 
lance. So said Sigonius, in his history of the Italian 
Kingdom, lib. 2, anno 623. Ne malum longius ser- 
peret veriti Longobardi, postero anno, consilio habito, 
et inde tumultu excitato eum regno exigunt, in que 
ejus locum Arioaldum levirum suffLciunt. Interim 
quia non omnibus idem consilium universi tarn Ec- 
clesiastici, quam seculares sive Proceres, in duas 
partes distrahuntur : et Transpadani quidam illi Epis- 
copi, quia Arioaldum complectuntur : Honorius Pon- 
tifex eos hac occasione oppressurus, ejusque hortatu 
Isacius Exarchus Adalwaldum sibi defendendum sus- 
cipiunt. In primisvero id urget Honorius, ut trans- 
padanos Episcopos Isacius Romam ad dicendam 
causam mittat, ne, in quit, scelus ejusm odi impunitum 
relinquamus. Verum, cum Adalwaldum Isacius re- 
ducere non posset, Arioaldusque regnum obtineret, 
et Honorii irritus conatus fuit, et eos magis in eum 
Transpadani Episcopi accenduntur. So Pope Hono- 
rius, instead of displaying his pomposity with eclat 
to his own satisfaction, and to elevate the dignity 
of the Roman See, made a fool of himself, and 
brought the Roman See into the greatest contempt 
with the Bishops and the people, who had not 



203 



yet, nor ever did intend to submit to his dicta- 
tion. 

The decree of Boniface the Third did not obtain 
any value or credit anywhere else, and the other 
Bishops, as usual, were ordained without the eon- 
sent or the diploma of Boniface, who could interfere 
only in the ordination of his suffragan Bishops, 
Each Metropolitan Bishop was independent of the 
Roman See and of each other, and all of them 
had jurisdiction over their respective suffragan 
Bishops, and nothing more. Evidence of this fact 
is to be found in the Spanish Councils, the fourth 
and the sixth, which took place at Toledo, and in the 
first and second Concilium Braearense, which were 
held at Narbonne, in Provence, at the time of Pope 
Honorius, and it appears that he had hardly any, or 
very little, influence in them, as is attested by the 
same Councils, whereas the Bishops freely acknow- 
ledged to have congregated by the discretion of King 
Sisenaldus— ut ejus imperiis atque jussis commoniti 
de disciplina Ecclesiastica tractent — to treat on 
Ecclesiastical discipline, according to his authority 
and orders, and as advised by him. Quintum etiam 
et Sextum, ChintillaB salutaribus hortamentis, &c. 
Ex prsecepto Begis. It was then in the second 
Council of Narbonne, under the presidency of its 
Bishop Martin, that the chapters of the Greek Synod 
were changed for those which are to be found in the 
second volume of the Councils, and which were 
strengthened. In the chapters of this same Council 
the Metropolitan of each Province ordained the 
Bishops, who did nothing without consulting the 
suffragans, if they had not been to Borne. It was 
altered, and agreed that there was no such necessity, 
and that it would be a Papal subterfuge if any of 
them went there under any pretext, either to procure 
the Pope's Bull or the Pallium, as it would be a Papal 
and secret intrusion or trespass on his power. And 
if it happened that a Bishop was accused of anything, 



204 



and if there were doubts in the minds of the Provin- 
cial Council seated on the benches before passing 
judgment, it will be found, that they never applied 
to Rome for the means of dissipating them, or 
removing and clearing their minds in the matter. 
On the contrary, in such cases as the above, this was 
the solution to clear up any doubts. (Concil. Tolet., 
vol. 2, c. 13.) Pro definitione hujus discussionis, hoc 
placuit sancto Concilio, ut de provincia vicina, alter 
Metropolitanus convocatur Episcopus, ut per eum 
confirmetur quod secundum rectum placuerit canonem. 
It pleased this Holy Council, to settle all the dissen- 
sions and remove the doubts from their minds, to 
convocate the Metropolitan Bishop of the next 
province, and leave to him the power of adjudication 
and confirmation, according to the proper Canon, as 
he thought' most advisable. 

It is necessary to remark here that, by the Decree 
of Phocas, given a few years before to the Roman 
Bishop, entrusting him with a degree of superiority 
above the others, it was dangerous to depend on 
the judgment or caprice of a single person. We 
have seen that Gregorius Magnus did not like, and 
would not accept, title and power above his brother 
Bishops, because he said, and had foreseen and 
prophesied, that if a Bishop calls himself Universal, 
the Universal Church falls together with him, if he 
tumbles : Si unus Episcopus vocatur universalis, 
universa Ecclesia corruit, si unus universus cadit. 
Gregorius Magnus was perfectly right in his proposi- 
tion, as it was soon proved in the case of Pope 
Honorius, who was convicted of heresy from his 
own letters which he had addressed to Sergius, 
the Constantinopolitan Patriarch. Honorius was 
a Monothelite, which was a new sect, and which 
denies two wills to Christ, and does not acknow- 
ledge two natures in him. These letters were 
produced in the Sixth universal Synod. Actione 
duodecima, et decimatertia, omnium Patrum judicio 



205 



igni damnantur, and were condemned to be burned 
by the unanimous votes of the Bishops. Honorius 
adeo ipse, tamquani Sergio, Gyro et aliis verbis 
et sensu omnimode cohserens ejusce hasreseos 
patronis, anathemate percellitur. Therefore Hono- 
rious, Sergius, Cyrus, and others who had agreed 
entirely upon the sense and words, and were the 
chief promoters of this heresy, were excommuni- 
cated. Quse omnia ex toto hujus Synodi contexts 
cuivis manifesta sint. Quin et Honorius eadem de 
causa in Synodo universali septima, Nicena secunda, 
Actione ultima, anathemati subjicitur — in octava 
demum ab Adriano secundo Pontiflce — et in aliis 
porro actionibus. Idem vero pro Occidentalibus 
testantur Beda, et Anasthasius in Pontincali, 
pro Orientalibus, Psellus in septeni Synodie, 
Beda and Anasthasius attested, in the acts of 
these Synods, the already exposed fact of Hono- 
rius and Co.'s damnation by the vote of 289 
Bishops, and amongst them were the Legates of Pope 
Agatho. At this time, in the fourth Synod of Toledo, 
(c. 16) was sanctioned the Book of Revelations, &c. 
Apocalypsim librum si quis non receperit, et a 
Pascha usque ad Pentecostem Missarum tempore in 
Ecclesia non predicaverit, excommunicationem sen- 
tentiam habebit. Baronius, Bellarminus, and others 
attempted uselessly to cover, to excuse, or to palliate 
the conduct of Honorius and Co., pretending that the 
former was not a heretic. Of course there was no 
other reason for this but for the honour of the cloth, 
and that may have been good enough to hush it up 
and controvert the facts as they have done in their 
works ; but to those who can read the Councils and 
everything that was enacted in them, and trace the 
honourable names of those who were present at 
them, as well as the secular writers of those times, 
what has Bellarminus and Baronius to say ? I leave 
this to the judgment of the reader, and continue tbo 
Criminal History, as revealed in the Episcopal or 
Papal elections, x 



206 

After Honorius, Severinus the First became Pope, 
and Blondus said: Servabatur ixlos, ut non prius 
coronaretur in Pontificem electus, quam eum adve- 
niens a Eavenna Exarchus Italic confirmaret. Vo- 
catus Itaque Isacius Exarchus anno et ferme dimidia 
aceedere distulit. 

It was the custom to suspend the consecration of 
the Elected Pope until the Exarch of Italy had come 
to Eome from Eavenna to confirm him. The Exarch 
Isacius had been called for more than half a year, 
and he refused to comply. This is confirmed also by 
Platina. Martinus Primus was suspected of being a 
Monothelite, and the Emperor Constantine caused 
him to be arrested in Eome and brought to Constan- 
tinople, where, in 650, he was arraigned and tried 
also for conspiring with the Saracens against the 
Emperor. He was condemned to exile, where he 
soon died. His letters to Theodorus were the prin- 
cipal proofs of his guilt, See Martinus Epist. ad 
Theod., 14. At the time the French King Clodo- 
veus reigned, the Archbishop of Aries, Theodorus, 
received a Synodal letter (although he was doing 
penance, abstaining from his Episcopate and from 
all his goods), which ordered that, in the event of his 
death, no Bishop should be elected except by the 
comprovincial Bishops, the clergy, and the citizens ; 
if otherwise, the election would be considered null 
and void : Episcopus ne successor eligatur, ab alio 
nisi a comprovincialibus, Clero, et civibus suis alte- 
rius habeatur electio: sin aliter, hujus ordinatio 
irrita habeatur. (Epistola Synodalis ad Theod, 
Arelateus, c. 12, in Vita S. Eligii, S. Odoeno Scrip ta.) 
This is another instance of the old formula, or the 
old system of election of the Bishops and Popes, 
which had prevailed for many centuries in every part 
of the globe where Christianity had penetrated. 

About the same period, in Spain, occurred the 
Seventh Synodus Toletana, and, soon after, the 
Eighth, which were convoked by the authority and 
solicitude of the King. The Eighth Synodal letter 



207 



had this inscription : Decretum Concilii universalis, 
editum in nomine Principis — Item, Lex edita in 
eodem Concilio imperante Principe Glorioso. This 
law was enacted to suppress the concussioiies, that is, 
the Episcopal extortion from the people ; to mode- 
rate their intrusions, that is, to prevent them inter- 
fering in the lay people's affairs, and many other 
Episcopal abuses, under penalty of deposition, &c. 
To make copious quotations from these Synods 
would be a loss of time; therefore I will quote 
briefly to prove that the Kings, or local Princes, 
were the only persons who had the power to convoke 
them, and that the Bishops and other Ecclesiastics, 
high and low, attended them because they were 
regularly summoned so to do. Nothing particular 
happened at the Mnth Synod of Toledo ; but in the 
Decinia Toletana Synodo it occurred that Potamius 
Episcopus Bracarensis gave a new example by ac- 
cusing himself, and was disseized of the Episcopate, 
and Eructuosus Dumensis was substituted in his 
place, in the year 656. 

Constituimus Eructuosum communi omnium nos- 
trum electione ecclesias Bracarensis gubernacula 
continere: ita ut omnem Metropolim provinciae 
Galleciae, cunctosque Episcopos populosque con- 
ventus ipsius in suam euram suscipiant. Thus wrote 
the Bishop to Pope Yitalian, who was then at Home, 
but they never asked him his permission to elect 
Eructuosus, nor for any Papal Diploma of Confirma- 
tion of such election, as at that time the Eoman See 
had not yet extended her rapacious claws so far 
away ; in fact, it had not yet domineered over the 
Italian Bishops in toto. Anasthasius, the learned 
Bibliothecary, in the Life of Yitalianus, anno 663, 
says that the Pope had not yet attained such a high 
point of domination : Yitalianum utique, qui ad 
summum illud fastus Pontirlcii fastigium nondum 
pervenerat. The Emperor Constant, in that year, 
went to Rome, and the Pope and his Clergy met 



208 



him six miles from Eome with great reverence and 
pomp : so says Anasthasius ; and Baronius called 
this Emperor sacrilegious and parricide, having 
deposed and exiled Pope Martin before Vitalian 
occupied the Roman See : Constante Imperatore 
Romam aceedente, Apostolicus accurrit ei, cum 
clero suo milliario sexto ab urbe Roma et suscepit 
eum, &c. "We shall see in course of time that this 
■was the manner in which the Pope paid servitude to 
his master, the Emperor Constant. Things are a 
little changed now, but, nevertheless, they could be 
restored to their original state, and be settled and 
rivetted in such a manner that if any one dared to 
alter and unsettle them again they would be 
crushed, destroyed, and dispersed as unfit for 
further use. I hope so, and say in advance, Amen. 

The times had materially altered, and it was a rare 
occurrence in the middle of the seventh century to 
find one of those good old bishops who would, as 
some really did, edify the church of God by moral 
example, and by the predication of the Gospel, 
teaching its moral to the people. Those times and 
occurrences, though scarce, had already passed, and 
the church was in a state of corruption and degra- 
dation, breathing nothing else but vain pomp and 
supremacy, attempting to domineer everywhere by 
every pretext, and by the most barefaced and im- 
pudent acts. N"o living column, no model ecclesiastic 
saint was to be found anywhere. History shows 
that the clergy were busy everywhere building 
stupendous ecclesiastical fabrics, chapels, temples, 
oratories, and convents, finished with vaulted gilt 
roofs, ornamented with splendid marble statues and 
all sorts of costly and elegant paintings, indeed with 
everything pleasing to the sight and taste of those 
lazy voluptuaries ; while at the same time it en- 
chanted, surprised, and awed the minds of the 
bigoted idiots who paid the expense of them by all 
sorts of vassalage and money contributions, volun- 



209 



tarily or forcibly wrung from them — no matter how, 
provided the buildings were completed and the 
caprices of the bishops satisfied according to the 
episcopal intentions. Marble tablets now came into 
vogue, enumerating a long list of ecclesiastic 
virtues which they never had, instead of telling the 
real pedigree of vices that they really did possess. 
The princes grew jealous of the posthumous glory of 
the clergy and imitated them, hiding sometimes their 
infamy with a whole legend of dreamed virtues, and 
in this manner they wiped away all the ignominious 
stains of their characters, taking no notice that 
marbled legends written in gold would fade away in 
course of time, and that in the manuscripts real 
historical facts would remain to shine and proclaim 
to posterity the true portraiture of ail their virtues 
and all their vices, with the addition, by way of 
discount, of the corruption that they had practised 
and bequeathed to posterity. Beda, in his Eccle- 
siastic History, tells us that there was no sanctity 
at all amongst the clergy, and that, even if the Eoman 
bishops had to delegate another bishop to distant 
lands— like Gregorius Magnus did, and after him 
Honorius and Vitaiianus, who sent missions to 
England — it was not to promulgate there the Evan- 
giles, as that had already become an obsolete thing, 
but it was for instituting and spreading the eccle- 
siastic rites and ceremonies of the Eoman Church, 
viz., the chaunting, the Latin office, the hours, the 
organ-playing, the showy altars, the wax candles, 
the ointments, and every other ecclesiastic frivolity, 
all which had nothing whatever to do with real 
evangelical principles — and if the people did not 
readily swallow their nonsense, which they did not 
on account of being steadfast to the simplicity and 
the ancient purity of the Evangiles, then these 
ecclesiastical missionaries corrupted the princes, and 
excited them against their people. 

Si templum aliquod aut extruxerint, ant ador- 

t 2 



210 



narint, virtutis etiam et pietatis laudem sibi conse- 
quturi videantur. Episcopi speciatim Eomani, si in 
exteras regiones quosdam a latere delegent, ut in 
Angliam Gregorius Magnus, et post eum Honorius, 
Vitalianus, alii : non eo sane, ut Evangelium pro- 
mulgent, quod jam obsoletum illis, sed ceremonias 
ritusque suos, Eomanum Cantum, Latinum offieium, 
Horas, Organa, Altaria, Cereos, unctionem et nuga- 
menta ejus generis propagent. Quae si minus 
interim recipiuntur, excitare continuo videas prin- 
cipes in subditos, priscae puritatis, simplicitatis 
Evangelicee tenaces, &c. 

Up to this time the Oriental Church had univer- 
sally rejected the Decree of Phocas in spite of the 
tenacious persistence of the Eoman Church, which 
did not neglect to use every means in her power 
to enforce it whenever and wherever she could. 
We see, too, that the Archbishop Paul of Creta, 
with the authority obtained at his Synod, deposed 
and expelled Johannem Lampedonensem Episcopum, 
and did not permit him to appeal to Eome. This 
fact is attested by the letters of Pope Vitalian him- 
self, who abrogated the Synodal sentence, absolved 
him from excommunication, and gave him back what 
belonged to him, having first implored and obtained 
the assistance of the Emperor to restore him his 
property. This incident proves that though. 
Eavenna is not far from Eome, yet its Archbishop 
would not submit to nor recognise the superiority of 
the Eoman. Bonus being dead, Maurus was canoni- 
cally elected by three Suffragan Bishops, and was 
consecrated without having recourse to Eome, either 
for the Pallium, or for the permission of the con- 
secration. Pope Vitalianus excommunicated him, 
and he retorted by excommunicating the Pope, and 
the Church of Eavenna remained in that state up to 
tbe time of Pope Dumnus, in the year 680. During 
the Pontificate of Martin the Eirst, Eugenius the 
First, Yitalianus, and Adeodatus, the Eoman and 



211 



Eavennan impostors, maintained a saintly war, damn- 
ing each other according to Mr Cullen, or Dupanloup, 
in the best and most efficient Christian way that 
could be done, except only that they could not 
gouge each other, for the reason that they never 
met together ; otherwise they would have done so, 
as it was a Pontifical trick which had been done 
before and after by various very Christian Popes and 
Bishops. The fact is that the decree of the usurper 
Phocas had upset every vestige of cordiality amongst 
the bishops, and most of them, if not all, were 
against any one who assumed supremacy above 
the others. All these contentions were noted by the 
historians, secular and ecclesiastic. I will here 
give a little of the original text from torn. 2, Con- 
cilios Epis. Yitalian. 1, 2, 3, 4, &c. 

Sic Paulus Archiepiscopus Cretensis Johannem 
Lampedonensem Episcopum, authoritate Synodi suee 
depositum, Eomam appellare non patitur, quod ipse 
Vitaliani Pontiflcis litterse testantur, qui Sententia 
interim Synodali abrogata, eum proterve absolvit, et 
quoad ejus est restituit, restituendo Imperatoris 
auxilium implorat. Sic et in ipso quasi Bornse vestibulo 
Ecclesia Bavennensis ejus potentiam non agnoscit ; 
Bono enim vita functo Marcus canonice electus a 
tribus Episcopis Suffraganeis consecratur. I^on ei 
aut Pallio, aut unctione Eomana opus — suffragan eos 
contra suos eo inconsulto consecrat, a Yitaliano etiam 
excommunicato, vicissim eum excommunicat : Quo 
in statu Ecclesia Eavennensis ad Dumnum usque 
Pontificem, ad annum inquam usque 680 : Sigonius, 
1. 2. Blondus, Decad. 1, 1. 9 : Pontiflcibus Martino 
Primo, Eugenio Primo, Yitaliano, et Adeodato per- 
severat : Heereticam idcirco clamitabant Eomani, et 
hanc hseresim Autocephaliam vocabant, quasi sui 
caput esse vellet, quod Bomanae imperium detrec- 
taret, non celaturi si qua vere hseresi laborasset: 
Quare et Anasthasius simpliciter Causa Primatiis, 
inquit. Et porro hactenus Episcopus Eomanus con- 



212 



firmationem ab Imperatore accipere certa pensitata 
pecunia tenebatur, fundorum nempe, quos pos- 
sidebat, ratione, alias a subditis seu Diocesanis non 
agnoscendus. Yerum Synodus universalis sexta, 
quae hoc tempore Constantinopoli habita, nos abunde 
docebit, Ecclesia universalis quid sentiret de hoc 
Phocse in Ecclesise Eomanse favorem, statuto et 
quousque coarctandnm sanciret. Agatho Siculus 
was elected to the Eoman chair by acclamation — ore 
pleno solium Pontificale adoptus — and called himself, 
with much ostentation, the head of all the Churches. 
Under the Emperor Constantinus Pogonatus, the 
sixth Universal Synod was held at Constantinople, 
for the purpose of extirpating the Monothelites' 
heresy, and of pacifying the Oriental with the Eoman 
Church. 

Concilium Constantinopoli indicit, ut uniret 
Ecclesias, ob Monothelitarum hseresini dissidentes, 
Constantinus congregavit, &c. (Zonaras, to. 3, in 
Constant.) Et exequente piissimo Principe Con- 
stantino qui et ei adsistit, &c. Agatho Papa 
suscepit divalem jussionem piissimorum Principum 
Constantini, Eraclii et Tiberius Augustorum. (Anas- 
thasius. in libro. Pontine. ) Pope Agatho received the 
sacred orders of the most pious and august Princes 
Constantine, Eraclius, and Tiberius, &c. This Pope 
appears to have been very humble in all his acts, 
when writing either to, or about the Emperor ; and 
in heading his letters and documents he used this 
phraseology, which was plain and becoming to a man 
who professed to imitate the Apostles — Agathus 
Episcopusservus servorum Dei. It appears also that he 
never omitted to recognise the orders and desires of 
the Emperor, whom he always mentioned as if he 
were the master of all affairs. Proposito venerando 
jussu piissimi Imperatoris, &c, ex persona ipsius 
secundum jussionem ejus, praesidentibus et audienti- 
bus, &c. And in the temporal affairs he was also 
prudent, exact, and humble : Denique in temporali- 



213 



bus Agatho in suis supra ad Imperatorem Uteris, 
Eomanam Urbem servilem imperii sui Constantini 
vocat et unicum privilegium ab eo consequitur, de 
quo in Agathone lib. Pontificali ipse. Anasthasius 
scripsit : Hie succepit divaleni jussionem secundum 
suam postulationem, ut suggesit, per quam relevata 
est quantitas, quae solita erat dari pro ordinatione 
Pontificis facienda. Sic tamen, ut, si contigerit post 
ejus transitum electionem fieri, non debeat ordinari, 
qui electus fuerit, nisi prius decretum generale 
introducatur in regiam urbem, secundum antiquam 
eonsuetudinem, et cum eorum conscientia, et jussione 
debeat ordinatio pro venire. And this law is extant 
in Gratianus (Deer. 63, et Concil. Toletan.), and in 
the Councils of Toledo, the 8th, 9th, and 10th, as 
also in the 12th, held at the time of Agatho. 

I have quoted the above paragraph because it is of 
great importance, without reference to the repetition 
elsewhere, and proves that the Pope used to pay a 
certain sum of money to the Emperor before obtain- 
ing his sanction for the election, and his permission 
to be consecrated Pope. The moral of this seems to 
be that if the newly-elected Pope had no money he 
needed not to be elected Pope, for the Emperors 
looked to this affair as a matter of business, and 
Popes and Emperors were fond of money alliances. 
(Liber Pontificalis in Leo the Second.) In the year 683 
Agatho died, and was succeeded by Leo the Second. 
This Leo was the same Bishop who excommunicated 
Honorius. Constantine, at the instance of Leo, by 
Holy Imperial orders, statuted that he who was to 
be elected Archbishop of Eavenna should go to Eome 
to be ordained, and on the condition that nothing 
should be exacted from him for the Pallium, although 
the corruption of this extortion or robbery by the 
Eoman Curia was sanctioned by a decree of 
Gregory. 

Anasthasius, in Benedict. 2, scripsit : Benedictus 
Secundus ejus successor, divali jussione ejusdem 



214 



Imperatoris. Clero, populo et exercitui inscripta. 
And this was the formula that was valid at the time, 
though the soldiers were numerous — ut persona qui 
electus fuerit ad sedem Apostolicam e vertigio absque 
tarditate Pontifex ordinetur. This simplified the 
proceedings of the Papal elections, which had still to 
be made by the votes of the clergy, the people, and 
the military, and the ordination was fixed to take 
place immediately after the election. "Within a year 
Benedict the Second died, and John the Eifth was 
elected his successor. A year nearly elapsed in 
intrigues and controversies before he was elected. 
By this time the citizens attempted to regain their 
liberty, taking advantage of the clerical and military 
discord and conflagration of the opposed interest. 
Sigonius said, in the 2nd book of the Ital. History : 
Exemplo civitas libertatem adepta, vetere dissidio 
conflagravit. Pope John had already passed away 
in a few months, and the clergy and the soldiers 
contended more obstinately than before for the 
success of their candidates. Peter was the favourite 
of the clergy, and Theodoras of the soldiers, but at 
last both of them were rejected by the population, 
who unanimously saluted as Bishop of Eomea Priest 
named Conon, and consecrated him as Pope. After 
eleven months Conon departed, and another conten- 
tion and schism,, which lasted two months, took place, 
on account of the intrigues of two new preten- 
ders. The most powerful of these was the Archdea- 
con Paschalis, who during the Papacy of Conon had 
intrigued with the Exarch John, promising him in 
his letters a great sum of money if he could obtain 
the Pontificate through his influence. (Platina in 
Leone 2, Benedict. 2, Johanne 5, Conone, et Sergio.) 
The Exarch had not closed his ears to the ingens 
auri pondus, and sent to Borne to those whom he 
thought of entrusting with his interest in forwarding 
the cause of Paschalis ; but at this interim Theodo- 
ras, the opposing candidate, occupied a part of the 



215 



Lateran Palace, whilst Paschal occupied the outside, 
and both parties (according to Blondus, Decad. 1, 
1. 9), gliscente jam certamine, atque alteram altera 
per vim depulsura, being imminent to fight, and 
expel each other by force of arms, the citizens, the 
magnates, and all those who were inclined to the 
welfare of the people and of the Church, to prevent 
the sedition spreading any further, designated as 
Bishop of Eome a clergyman whom they found 
amongst the crowd. They carried him before the 
contending parties, and he was immediately selected 
and proclaimed by everyone as Pope. The rivalry 
was thus suspended and dissipated. 

Sergium quemdam Presbyterum, ex media populi 
turba arreptum Pontificem designant, qui illico ab 
omnibus salutatur ab ipsis adeo competitoribus : so 
said Blondus, Decad. 1, L 9, and Sigonius, with 
adulation to that Pope, says that he was adored. 
Anasthasius says further, that the people prostrated 
themselves at the feet of Sergius, for the boldness of 
the Roman See had reached to such a height through 
her ambition and cupidity. The Exarch John, how- 
ever, determined not to be deluded of the money 
that had been promised him by Paschalis ; therefore 
he hastily came to Eome and clamorously demanded 
of Sergius the money that Paschalis had promised him 
if he had obtained the Papacy. And that he might 
compensate himself, he ordered to be removed the 
gold vessels and crowns, and other valuables which 
were on the altar, and appended by the side of St 
Peter's Chapel, and mortgaged them. All this hap- 
pened in the year 690, but did not result in profit to 
any one. Since the freedom of the election had been 
obtained, four years had nearly elapsed in sedition 
and double schism, and the soldiery had accustomed 
themselves to intrude in the Pontifical assemblies in 
the same manner as the Praetorians of old did in the 
Imperial halls. Anasthasius also details a second 
competitor named Paschalis, who was very clever for 



216 



certain incantations, magics, and lights which he 
cultivated, and some prestidigitations and hazards 
which he used to manage, for which tricks he was 
expelled from the monastery. I must not omit to 
observe that, under Leo the Second, the Boman Bishop 
for the first time was consecrated by the Bishop of 
Ostia, the Portuensis, and the Velitrensis. Before 
this only the Ostiensis used to consecrate the Pope, 
and that custom was observed also in the consecration 
of other Bishops, — so wrote Sigonius de Beg. Ital., 
1. 2. Clerus Petrum Presbyterum eligit, Exercitus 
Theodorum quemdam infert, utraque pars in sua per 
aliquot dies pertinacia persistit, ac tandem ambobus 
rejectis Cononem Presbyterum Urbis Episcopum salu- 
tant omnes et consecrant. Quo post undecim menses 
vivis sublato, novum iterum schisma duorum men- 
sium et eo amplius civitate in partes scissa. Ad» 
versa per totum Pontiflcatum valetudine conflictatus 
fuerat Conon et Paschalis Archidiaconus literas ad 
Exarchum Johannem miserat, grandem ei pecuniam 
pollicitns, si ipsius beneficio Pontiflcatum obtinerat, 
pecuniam utique, quam Conon morti propinquus 
Clero et Monasteriis auri ingent pondus legaverat. 
Platina also wrote as follows : Nec Johannes ipse 
sibi defuerat, judicibus suis admonitis, quos paulo 
ante Romam ejus dicturos miserat, ut omni ope Pas- 
chali subrogando adessent. Itaque Conone vix ex- 
tincto, in duas partes secessum ; pars Theodorum 
Archipresbyterum, pars Archidiaconum Paschalem 
legit : pars interiora Patriarchii (Laterani) pars exte- 
riora insidet, gliscente jam certamine, atque alteram 
altera per vim depulsura, cum primores judicum ex- 
ercitus, Cleri, et Populi saniore consilio usi, et 
Biondus, cceptse occurrendum sedioni rati, Sergium quondam 
Decad. i,].9. Presbyterum, ex media populi turba arreptum Pon- 
tificem designant, qui illico ab omnibus salutatur, 
ab ipsis adeo competitoribus : Sigonius secentiori 
adulatione, adoratur, Anasthasius, sese coram es 
humiliasse dicit, Eo jam pervenerat superbia hujus 



217 



sedis, ea jam invadendae ambitio et cupiditas. Ex- 
archus sua spe minime frustrandus, summa celeritate 
Romam accurrit, et pecuniam, quam Paschalis pro- 
miserat, a Sergio flagitat : Hac ut se redimat, can- 
thara et coronas anreas, quae ante aram et confessio- 
nem D. Petri pendebant, demi jubet, et pignori 
tradit, nec propterea proficit quidquam, quod in 
annum 690 incidit. I cannot help making a passing 
remark here, because this situation is as good as the 
best point of a tragedy, as the Exarch John would 
have emulated and beaten out of the market of 
Venice the Shylock of the immortal Shakespeare. 
This Exarch was a wide-awake individual who had 
been promised by Paschal a certain sum of money 
if he could either, with or without his assistance, 
obtain the Eoman See. The Chair was taken by 
another person, but Johnny did not intend to lose 
the promised money, and it was all the same to him 
if Sergius got the berth instead of Paschal, pro- 
vided the money was paid to him. The successful 
candidate had not got the browns, and Johnny, to 
make sure of them, stripped the altars and the Avails 
of St Peter's Chapel of all the gold and silver and 
other valuables, and raised a loan upon them as be- 
fore stated, and acted in the whole of this affair, not 
as a lawyer or a priest should have done, but as a 
barterer, a usurer, and a robber of the Church, as 
well as of its representative, Sergius, who had not 
entered into any particulars of that dirty transaction. 
I wonder that St Peter, indignant at this humilia- 
tion, did not work the miracle of converting John 
into something characteristic of his crime. If this 
had happened when Jupiter was enthroned there, 
either himself, or any of his colleagues in his ab- 
sence, would surely have punished Johnny's inso- 
lence in such a way as to serve as a perpetual warn- 
ing to priestly and rapacious audacity. Ovid, too, 
with his felicitous description and exceeding good 
nature, would have taken notice of the occurrence, 

XT 



218 



and left us something concerning it to laugh at 
But I must not indulge in any further remarks, 
otherwise Monseigneur Pie de C****n, or any of 
the Episcopalian pamphleteering tribe, will stigma- 
tize me as an infidel, although I am taking Peter's 
part, and leaving to the Bishops Peter's pence ! To 
continue with the text, I will add the following 
(ann. 690) : Itaque quatuor annorum plus minus 
spatio, ex quo electionis libertas eis reddita schisma 
duplex seditioni proximum : Et jam Comitiis Pon- 
tificalibus sese immiscebant exercitus, non secus 
quam olim Imperialibus Praetoriani. Notat Anas- 
thasius, Paschalem competitorum alterum, pro ali- 
quibus incantationibus et lucis quos colebat, vel 
sortibus quas tractabat in monasterium paulo post de- 
trusum. K"ec omittendum sub Leone Secundo Epis- 
copum Eomanum ab Ostiensi, Portuensi et Velitrensi 
Episcopis confirmari coeptum, qui antea ab Ostiensi 
tantum : qui et in coeteris Episcopis mos observabatur. 
Sigonius writes that Constantine had associated 
his son Justinian to rule the empire. After the 
death of Constantine, Justinian insisted on following 
the sacred steps traced by his father. He wrote to 
Pope John V that he had found the Sacred Codes of 
the Sixth universal Synod digested by his father, 
and ordered that they should be brought immediately 
to the Patriarchs, to the Ecclesiastical Legates of 
his Holiness, to the Sacred Senate, to the Metropo- 
litans, the Bishops, to the Palace Dignitaries, and 
to the superior Military Officers ; that they should 
be read in their presence, that they should be signed 
by them, and that care was to he taken that no one 
should alter or corrupt them. He particularly 
directed that these dignitaries should know that 
after their ratification of those digests he never 
would permit any alteration or deviation from those 
rules. During this time John Y died, and Conon 
was installed in the Roman See. As soon as the 
Emperor heard of his election, he desired that all 



219 



the Imperial Officers should pay him tribute of 
respect, as related by various historians. A few 
months after, Conon died (and during his Pontifical 
life he had always been in a state of illness). 
Sergius was elected to succeed him. The Emperor 
Justinianus sent him the usual letters, in which he 
demanded that the Pope elect should sign the Acts 
of the Sixth universal Synod, particularly those so 
accurately reviewed and subscribed already by his 
Legates. Sergius, who did not feel inclined to sign 
anything of the kind, assumed as a pretext that 
those Acts had been adulterated, particularly those 
chapters which did not please him, that is, those 
which referred to and ordered the execution of the 
laws ; therefore, Sergius ordered his Legates to for- 
swear and deny their signatures, which they did. Jus- 
tinian, who up till this time had earnestly protected 
the Roman Church, on hearing of the faithless deeds 
and the apostacy of its highest members, was so 
disgusted that he withdrew his protection. Having 
sent to Rome Sergius Magistrianus to arrest John 
Bishop Portuensis, and Bonifacius, the Councillor of 
the Eoman See, they were brought to Constantinople. 
The Emperor had also commissioned the Sword- 
Bearer, Zaeliaria, to abduct Pope Sergius to Con- 
stantinople : but here I must apologise to the reader 
if I have miscalled Zacharia Sword-Bear er, as I fancy 
that Protospatarius means a high officer of State, 
one of those Imperial officers who represented the 
Sovereign, and who could command obedience and 
submission to his orders without objection or delay. 
This word or title is now in disuse. I therefore 
reproduce the text that I have translated, so that it 
may be seen in what way the word was used : 
Sigonius (anno 692), inquit, — Justinianus igitur post 
Constantini patris obitum, a quo socius Imperii 
adscitus fuerat, Sanctis patris vestigiis insistens, ad 
Johannem quintum actutum rescripserat, se sacros 
Sexte Synodi Universali Codices a patre digestos 



220 



invenisse, quos statim Patriarchis Apocrisario beati- 
tudinis suae, sacro Senatui, Metropolitanis et Epis- 
copis et primariis turn palatii, turn Imperialis 
militise officiariis obtulisset, ut coram illis lege- 
rentur, ab iisque subsignarentur, ne a quoquam 
corrampi possent, cujus quidem cum admonitum 
yoluerat, sibique ratum esse ab his imnquam 
discedere. Sacra Justiniani ad Johan. 5, in Q. 
Jo, Cone. lib. Pontif. in Conone : Sed inter 
moras obierat Johannes quintus, et Conon in ejus 
locum suffectus Sacram illam acceperat : quern, ut 
electum intellexit, omnibus officiis Imperator pro- 
mereri conatur, uti sigillatim ab Historicis referuntur, 
Cononi ; etiam post aliquot menses defuncto, et dum 
yixit adversa yaletudine perpetuo uso, ut Sergius 
successit, Justinianus similes literas mittit, quibus 
enixe rogat, Synodo Sextae subscribat, praesertim 
tarn accurate recensitae, cuique sui jam Apocrisarii 
subscripserint. Sigonius de Eeg. Ital., b. 2: Hie 
Sergius pretexta captato, Acta adulterata fuisse, 
quod qusedam capita ei minus arriderent, nempe 
quibus in ordinem cogebatur, quin et Apocrisarios 
suos ejurare, ipseque subscriptionem denegare. Anas- 
thasius in Sergio : Quare Justinianus usque adeo 
offensns, ut ab Ecclesia Romana, quam hue usque 
enixe defenderat sese removeret, et Sergio Ma- 
gistriano Romano misso, Johannem Portuensem 
Episcopum et Bonifacium Sedis Romans Consiliarium 
caperet, et ad se perduci juberet. Zachariam imo 
Protospatarium Sergium ipsum Romse abducturum 
delegaret. Yerum ut ille rebus suis prospexerat, 
Romana militia ejus partes amplexa, cogitur Zacha- 
rias ad ipsum sese recipere, adque ejus pedes 
prostratus veniam supplex orare. Praetextus vero 
illi non subsignandi quod erroribus novitatem nollet 
assentiri, in quit Anas thasius, velut Paulus Diaconus, 
Synodo erroris : quippe Monothelitas credi yolebat : 
cum tamen Canones ejus Synodi nihil tale redoleant, 
Monothelitas contra anathemata percutiant. Ange- 



221 



bat cum tantum Decretum illud, quo eadem Con- 
stantinopolitano et Pomano privilegia decerne- 
bantur, cum primse duntaxat sedis exceptione, quod 
vel Anasthasius ipse non dissimulat — propter quce- 
dam capitula, inquit, prceter ritum JEcclesiasticum 
addita prseter ritum, inquit, not against the doctrine. 
In Vita Johanni Septimi magis ingenue — capitula 
Romance JEcclesice contraria Etenim Orthodoxum 
fideisuseprofessionem una cum actis illismittebat. (So 
wrote Paul Diacon. de Gasti. Longob., lib. 6, c. 1], 
anno 700.) AVe have now reached the year 700, and 
it is time to repose, and consider the magnitude of 
the events that passed from this year to the year 
800. This century alone presents materials for six 
folio volumes, but the circumstances of the present 
year will not permit a full or a long narrative of 
important past events ; therefore I will limit myself 
to the continuation of the sketch of the causes of the 
greatest and most interesting facts, without losing 
sight of my. protagonistes, whom, as we have seen, 
though they remain a very short time upon the 
living stage, instead of profiting by experience, and 
improving their dispositions and manners out of 
respect for that religion which they pretended to 
possess, like infuriated Demons, inebriated with their 
past successes, they concocted a grandiose scheme 
of usurpation, and committed every sort of known 
and unknown crime for the attainment of their 
object. Hany idiotic historians, and even some 
honourable writers, out of charitable feelings and 
veneration to the Christian religion, have sought to 
palliate the monstrosities committed by the Popes. 
Some others, eminent in literary attainments, 
attributed high political motives to the Popes, 
adducing as a cause of all these enormities 
that they wanted to liberate and free Italy from 
foreign oppression and tyrannous domination. If 
these had been the real motives, why did not the 
Popes issue a programme of their political intentions 

u 2 



222: 



to the people, either before their attempts or after, 
■when in many instances they were masters of the 
situation ? Truly, in several instances the Popes, 
with the assistance of the nation, had expelled the 
strangers, but they had not altered the systematic 
oppression of the people, nor attempted to give a 
constitution, or introduce any liberal measures cal- 
culated to relieve the subjects from taxation, un- 
certainty of life, anarchy, misery, Ecclesiastical 
oppression and despotism. Nothing of the sort ; the 
nation has been constantly ill-treated, villified, and 
contemptibly dishumanised by the heaviest mental 
and corporal pressure, and by constant conculcation 
of the grossest ignorance by the brutish Ecclesiastic 
forces, foreign and strangers (just as it is nowadays) ; 
and as the Ecclesiastic Hierarchy is not susceptible 
of doing any good to the nation on account of their 
unbounded superstitious demoralisation, which pre- 
vents them even doing good to themselves, so it is 
positively certain and necessary that, in future, for 
the welfare of the nation and of themselves, they 
should be compelled to give up all the temporalities 
that they have usurped, and remain the administrators 
of the Spiritual Power only, and that, tempered and 
materially assisted with reasonable progressive laws 
maturely framed in accordance with the wants of 
actual civilisation by the Senatus Populusque Italicus, 
who would at the same time abrogate the whole of 
the Clerical abuses, as well as the abnormal and 
detestable laws and usages that had served for so 
many centuries like ropes and chains to enslave, 
corrupt, and bind in ignorance the mind and body of 
the nation. Before I enter deeply into the political 
intrigues of the Papal Court with the Erench 
Monarchs, I must declare here quite distinctly, that 
whatever expression I may use, I do not mean to be 
offensive to France as a nation ; I wish to direct my 
sarcasms to that particularly religio-political, pre- 
tending liberal sect, which has invariably succeeded 



223 



in getting the lion's share in the affairs of the 
government, whether it happened to be liberal or 
retrograde. I refer to that incarnate Jesuitical sect 
which has existed in France ever since the Middle 
Ages, fully eight centuries before the birth of 
Loyola. This sect has ever succeeded in curbing 
the monarchy of France when the monarchy refused 
to compound with them ; and we have seen that 
within the last few centuries, the French Govern- 
ment, under its influence, has been more a nominal 
than a de facto one. The French Government has 
also contributed more than any other to subjugate 
and dismember the Italian nation, and to keep it 
under the domination of Popery. Moreover, the 
French — since Charlemagne — have succeeded in 
partly emancipating themselves from the influence 
of the Pope, whilst they still left poor Italy in statu 
quo I If Napoleon the Third would but reflect coolly 
and calmly upon the condition of the politico -religious 
affairs as they now are in his Empire, he would 
speedily be brought to the conviction that there is, 
in fact, no religion at all in the present retrograde 
movement on the part of the Jesuits, who have 
opened a chasm ready, upon the first opportunity, to 
engulph him and all the liberals, whether of Church 
or State. This may not be so apparent in France as 
it is elsewhere ; but I tell the parties most interested 
to beware of the fate of Henri Quatre. 

I repeat that, in what I say now and in what I 
may say in the following pages, I am not level- 
ling my shafts at the nation or at the people, but to 
those intriguing, secular, and Ecclesiastical meddlers 
who have always endeavoured to avert or paralyse 
every attempt at liberal progression, and substitute 
in its place constitutional anarchy, intolerance, and 
abuse of law and humanity. And so long as any 
member of this sect is permitted to take part in the 
deliberations of the Imperial Councils — so long will 
the Eoman question be a dead letter. 



224 



A Senate which can condescend to notice, and 
make apology for a Jesuitical society, or any other 
infernal sect, like that of the so-called St Vincent de 
Paul, proves two things, the first is, absence of 
wisdom, the second, connivance at roguery. The 
reader will draw his own inference about the advan- 
tageous results that can be expected from such foul 
deliberations. A thousand sound, healthy sheep will 
be materially damaged by simple contact with one 
which is infected. Imagine what healthy deliberations 
would result from a flock composed of honest men and 
renegades, wise men and superstitious men, like the 
Monseigneur Harlots, Du Pain,Dela Yiande, De Bouil- 
lon, Des Fromages de Kochford, Le Diable Boiteux, 
Des-o-Diton Barabas, et toute la sacra, et prophana 
caterva. Tous ces gens-la, would constitute, if they 
could, a new pharasaical Senate, and condemn for 
the second time the Redeemer. History shows that 
senates were now and then weeded, like the herds- 
man weeds his flocks — therefore " Macte animo 
virtute Csesar," and show yourself the man equal to 
the necessities of the day, able to cope with the 
adverse elements which beat about against the 
welfare and the interest of your throne and your 
country. 

ISTow I will introduce the reader to matters which 
occurred at the beginning of the eighth century. 
The Lombard kings had at various intervals for 
above sixty years extended their domination in 
various Imperial Provinces of the Peninsula ; the 
Oriental Emperors had lately been much engaged 
with Barbarian eruptions and invasions here and 
there in their extensive empires, and had been much 
troubled and threatened by the secret episcopal con- 
spiracies, leagued together for the purpose of eman- 
cipating themselves from the Imperial power. The 
Exarchs of Bavenna were losing ground by the 
oppression of the Longobard Xing, and had hardly 
power and vigilance enough to watch, control, 



225 



and oppose the ambitious political steps of brother 
John the Seventh, Bishop of Kome, who had been 
elevated to Saint Peter's throne in the year 
804. In the next year, Arripertus, King of the 
Lombards, in expiation of the many atrocities that 
he had committed on the people of various towns, 
as it was the belief at that time that presents 
to the Church would wipe away the sins they had 
committed, gave as a donation to John the Seventh 
the Cottian Alps. Elondus and Platina have 
written that these Alps extended themselves from 
Genoa to Turin, and from thence to Nance, and I 
presume that they also comprised the Jura Moun- 
tains, and some others thereabout. I believe in the 
roguery of King Arripert, and that he really gave to 
John that splendid present, though at that time it 
was not what it is now ; yet it was a kingly and 
sumptuous present. I find this corroborated by 
Elondus, Paulus Diaconus, Anasthasius, and in a 
MS. in my possession which belonged to the Colonna 
family, and from which I have quoted. As I shall 
have occasion to speak again of this fact elsewhere, 
I shall only say here that Sigonius, in lib 2, de 
Eegno Italia, states that Arripertus was — jam seculi 
error et terror ; and Elondus, dec. 1, lib. 10, says — ni 
forte dicere malumus Arripertum ce ratione multa 
immania scelera expiare voluisse. So that Sigonius 
said that King Arripert was the error and the terror 
of the century, and Elondus was of opinion that 
Arripertus by that donation pretended to expiate 
many horrible crimes that he had committed. Platina, 
in Johan. VII, throws a doubt upon that donation,' 
and said that there was nothing certain about it. 
De donatione, nihil certi habetur, Paleamque Ponti- 
ficis jurisperiti appellant, quod sine frumento sit, 
quomodo de confirmatione constabit ? However, my 
poor opinion is fixed with regard to the certainty of 
this donation, as it is of the death of Arripertus, which 
took place while he was fording an impetuous river 



226 



loaded with gold, closely followed by his enemies, 
when the depth of the water and the weight of the 
gold closed the grave upon his unworthy life. This 
fact, which happened soon after the donation, proved 
that the expiatory offering had no other effect hut 
that of cleaning and purging the earth of an ambi- 
tious tyrant, while his soul was going to be enthroned 
ad Inferos. " Non multo post vero in tranando 
flumine pondere auri et fluminis unda oppressus, 
insequentibus hostibus, indigna morte occubuit." 
(Sigonius, lib. 2.) 

The Emperor Justinianus Secundus was in great 
trouble, as stated by Sigonius, on account of the wars 
with the Barbarians, and of the internal commotions 
fomented by the Bishops and the discontented lay am- 
bitious persons. These tumults ended in a revolution, 
and the Emperor was compelled to retire for a while. 
Soon after he recovered himself and took vengeance 
on his enemies, and as he felt the necessity of having 
a powerful friend in Eome, he made condescending 
efforts to meet the views of the Eoman Bishop, and 
to flatter him he sent two Metropolitan Bishops with 
one of his letters, exhorting him to accept the Acts 
of the Sixth Synod, as Anasthasius observes, on con- 
dition that he would establish what he thought con- 
venient, and what he deemed contrary, by refusing 
it, he should exclude. Justinianus Episcopo Eomano 
ablaudiri conatur: et quidem idcirco Acta Synodi 
Sextae quos Metropolitanos honorifice mittens, ut ea 
recipiat vehementer hortatur, ad conditionem, ut quae 
ei visa essent, stabiliret, et quae ad versa, renuendo 
excluderet. 

In the year 708 there came a new Pope, named 
Constantine, who abused in many ways his power 
according to circumstances. Justinian the Second 
having already taken vengeance, and destroyed those 
who had dethroned him, sent to Eome the Patriarch 
Callinicus, after he had been first gouged and chained. 
The Pope seemed to have been highly gratified by 



227 



that sight ; and the Emperor on that same opportu- 
nity had invited Pope Constantine to go to Constan- 
tinople under the pretext of desiring to treat with 
him, and take counsel how to act for the welfare of 
the affairs of the States. To bind him to go there 
the historians say that he combled him with honours, 
and ordered that he should be everywhere received 
with the same honours as paid to himself ; and Paulus 
Diaconus, in lib. 6, c. 31, says that the Emperor him- 
self, with his Imperial Crown on his head, prostrated 
himself before him and kissed his foot — Sese ipsum 
in terram prostravisse, quin et Eegnum in capite 
habentem pedes ejus exosculatum. Anasthasius said 
differently — Constantinum Papam ad se venire 
jubens. This is more probable, as the Emperors 
ordered, and the Popes obeyed, or were bound to 
obey. 

The Exarch Damianus being dead, Archbishop 
Felix was elected Exarch, and went to Home to be 
consecrated by Constantine, but would not pay the 
money that usually was paid by those who were 
elected to that dignity, as observed by Anasthasius, 
and also by Platina in Constantino, &c. : secundum 
priorum suorum solitas in scrinio noluit, facere cau- 
tiones. For this the Pope dismissed him, and the 
Exarch returned unconsecrated to Eavenna. The 
population and the clergy complained of this, and 
unanimously tamultuating , they determined to refuse 
obedience to the Roman See, as they had done at 
other times. Pope Constantine appealed and im- 
plored assistance from the Emperor Justinianus, who 
immediately sent a fleet, under the command of the 
Patricius, Theodore, which blockaded the Port and 
Coast of Eavenna. The Archbishop and the clergy 
of the towns of Eavenna, of Cervia, Comacchio, Forli, 
Cesena, Imola, Faenza, and other towns, at once 
armed their populations, who were more numerous 
and more potent than at the time that Blondus wrote 
his history of Eavenna. If the historian lived now 



228 



he would say that those towns are deserted, and that 
those who live in them live the life of a lamp in a 
sarcophagus, through the infamous policy of the 
clerical pressure exercised upon them since the mur- 
derous subjugation and absolute dominion of the 
demonlike Pope Alexander the Sixth and Valentinus, 
his filial abortion. Julius the Second, and all the 
others who followed the sacra caterva, continued the 
martyrdom of those people with more or less violence 
according to circumstances. I will say nothing 
further about it just now, as I have in store a tolerable 
volume of iniquities, which I will bring to light at 
the proper epoch. The Archbishop and the people 
boldly attacked Theodorus, who was repulsed several 
times, and having burned the coast, finally landed, 
and disposed his troops for .a siege around Eavenna, 
when the Archbishop and the citizens surrendered. 
He spared their lives, but levied a large sum on the 
city, and imposed a high pecuniary penalty upon the 
rich and nobles. The Archbishop Felix was, as usual, 
gouged, and transported or exiled in TPontum, until 
he was cured of his heresy in that pastoral manner. 
He had refused to pay the money to the Pope, and 
that was called heresy. Platina says that the Arch- 
bishop had offered security for the money which they 
wanted of him, and for that reason he demanded, 
after some time, the restitution of his See. All the 
while poor Felix was suffering excruciating pain, and, 
getting better of the operation on his lacerated eyes, 
he began to make miracles, and was highly com- 
mendable for his sanctimoniousness. 

Blondus, lib. 10, decad. 1, wrote : Archiepiscopus 
a Pontifice repulsam passus Eavennam revertitur, 
apud Populum et Clerum suum conqueritur, sicque 
unanimiter, ut antea ab Ecclesise Eomanee obedientia 
discedunt. At ex alia parte Justinianum Constan- 
tinus implorat, qui Theodorum patricium cum classe 
transmittit, excensionem in earn oram facturum : 
Archiepiscopus et vicinse Ecclesise arma parant, 



229 



Cervia Cornaclum, Forum Pompilii, Cesena, Imola, 
Faventia, alias, numerosus populus inquit Blondus, 
et multo potentior quam hodie. (Sigonius de Beg. 
Ital.) Theodorus saepius repulsus tandem appellavit, 
copias exponit, urbem obsidet; in deditionem turn 
cives, turn Archiepiscopum recipit. (Anasthasius in 
Constantino.) Questione nihilominns tanquam de 
seditione habita Optimarnm plerosque in vita, aut 
civitate aut fortunis mulctat, et id porro Sententia 
Sancti Petri judicari dicebatur. Archiepiscopus prae- 
cipue extinctis prius oculis in Pontum deportatur, 
donee pastorali hac methodo ab hseresi conversus 
(pecuniam enim Pontifici denegasse, apud Platinam 
heresis) cautionem exhibet, quam poscebant, eaque 
ratione sedem suam repetit. Felix interim ille tarn 
misere discruciatus, ab Historicis ob insignem sanc- 
titatem, miraculis etiam conspicuam magnopere com- 
mendatu3. At this time also Benedict, Archbishop 
of Milan, who was celebrated for his good actions 
and his sanctity, was treated by Constantine with 
less severity in the contention which he had about 
the Ticinese See or the Episcopal See of Pa via, which 
was under the jurisdiction of the Lombard Kings, 
being the place of their residence. Benedict went 
to Rome to visit the Pope. As soon as he arrived 
there, it happened unfortunately that Constantine 
provoked him to a contention about it, although 
Pavia had always been a Milanese Province. And 
it was established by that Pope, who — sedebat judex 
in causa propria (as stated by Anasthasius), quod a 
priscis temporibus sedis Apostolicae Ticinensis 
Ecclesiaa Antistites ad consecrandum pertinebat. 
(Paul. Diacon, lib. 4, c. 29.) The power of the Em- 
pire was declining while the Ecclesiastic Supremacy 
was ascending, and by its subtilty and traitorous 
manoeuvres insinuating its growing power into the 
heart of the invalided and inept Emperor, who had 
too much to do to manage the Oriental affairs, and 
to mind his crown, for the high clergy and the people 



230 



were faithless, and apostacy prevailed, and grew up 
in every class of society to an extraordinarily rapid 
extent, threatening property, honour, and life to 
modest honesty. Society was not better in Occident, 
and we see the Eonian Bishop was much absorbed in 
concocting a scheme to asperse, humiliate, and des- 
troy the power of the Exarch of Ravenna, who had 
his offices and his judges in Eome always ready to 
keep in a straight line the high Clergy as well as all 
other classes of society ; and such a thing was not a 
straw that caused umbrage to the ambitious domineer- 
ing aspirations of the Pope, it was a stain on his 
purple stockings, a cataract and a thorn in his eyes, 
which not only blinded him, but mortally pained him, 
for fear of not being able to emancipate himself from 
submission to the Exarch, who was active and 
vigilant in his Imperial master's affairs, and the 
Lombard King was always ready to undermine and 
threaten the Pope in his prerogatives and in every 
other possible manner, not excluding his frequent 
intrusions in and about the Eoman territory. 
Bishop Constantine' s cupidity of power was, there- 
fore, not checked by the constant work he had to do 
in averting the troubles that he brought upon 
himself by his political intrigues, and in defending 
his rights and interests from the ever imminent 
intrusions of the Lombard Kings. 

A short time after the Colloquium of Constantine 
with Justinian at Constantinople, the army abandoned 
the Emperor Justinian the Second. Helias, who 
was the advocate conducting the warfare of 
Philippicus, and had a powerful army under his 
command, assaulted and killed Justinian and his 
son Tiberius also, who had taken refuge in the 
Templum Blacker nanum, and was there decapitated. 
Both the heads were sent to Philippicus, who 
immediately dispatched a person to Pope Constantine 
with that of Justinian. Although the Pope was 
much surprised and vexed by that present, and also 



231 



by the change of government, he collected his 
thoughts and saw in it the opportunity of escaping 
out of the net in which he had been for some years 
entangled. Concealing his intentions, he began to 
work directly for his own material advancement, 
and trusted entirely upon his own mental resources 
and the assistance of a few friends to induce the 
blind people to lend their material force, like 
machinery, to spin the religiously intricated threads 
for his own cloth. A certain monk, named John, had 
induced Philippicus to take the part of the Mono- 
thelites, whose heresy had been condemned in the 
Sixth Synod, as we have seen; and Justinianus caused 
to be placed under the portico of St Sophy of Con- 
stantinople a tablet upon which was conspicuously 
written the names of the celebrated Bishops who 
took part in that Synod. The monk John persuaded 
Philippicus to have the tablet removed, and at the 
same time ordered to be taken away from the temples 
and chapels all the various images. This was done, 
and, moreover, it was statuted that the Emperor 
should be called Catholic and Orthodox, although he 
took advantage of what regarded the heresy. Pope 
Constantine, on the contrary, took the opposite road, 
and treated Philippicus with contempt by placing in 
the portico of St Peter's temple another tablet, on 
which was engraved not only the names of the 
Bishops who attended the Sixth Synod, but those 
also who had attended the five previous general 
Synods. He afterwards held a Synod in Rome, at 
which it was agreed and ordered that the images in 
the churches should be maintained and their numbers 
increased. This proceeding was made the pretended 
primary cause of the disagreement and rebellion of 
the Roman See to the Greek Empire. 

This was the grand apparent motive taken up by 
both parties, but the real cause of the separation was 
the jealousy of the Roman Church, and the much- 
sought- for pretext for its emancipation from the 



232 



Greek Emperor's domination, which can be proved 
by reference to the whole of the contemporaries, and 
it can be gleaned and foreseen even through some of 
the writers who preceded Pope Constantine. How- 
ever, Anasthasius and Platina in Constantino inform 
us that Constantine, taking advantage of this Sysma, 
refused the consecration of Philippicus, called him 
heretic, and interdicted the Eomans from having any 
intercourse with him, prevented the circulation of 
the Imperial coins, and the introduction of his effigy 
in the churches, as well as his name to be pronounced 
at the solemn Masses, as was usual ; inasmuch as it 
regarded the Pope, or so far as it was in his power, 
he deprived him of the Empire. Constantinus sane 
eo prsetextu Philippici Sacram repudiat, hereticum 
eum proclamat, Populo Romano interdicit, hasretici 
Imperatoris nomen, aut chartam, vel flguram solidi 
suscipere, unde nec ejus effigies in Ecclesiam intro- 
ducitur, nec ejus nomen (ut mos erat) ad solemnia 
Missarum profertur, eum, inquam, quatenus in se est 
Imperio spoliat. — Directly after this an audaciously 
intriguing person of the class of Me-herode, called 
Arthamius, seconding the inspirations of Constantine, 
and in expectation of the Papal assistance to be 
elevated to the Imperial Throne, became more daring, 
and at the head of the insurrection he conquered, 
arrested, and blinded the Emperor, and at last ex- 
pelled him from the Throne. As Onuphrius says, 
and Sigonius also agrees with him, the question was 
no more the same between the Emperor and the 
Pope, it had changed ground, and it was not for the 
reason that the Emperor was a Monothelite or not, 
the Pope being indifferent whether Christ had one or 
two natures, two minds, or two wills. The question 
had been shifted from the above proposition to the 
following — whether the Images were to be retained 
in the Churches, or expelled according to the Im- 
perial orders. This was, then, the real question, as 
we shall see by and by — sed in habendis, aut non 



233 



habendis imaginibus in templis discreparet. The 
Oriental population, being in the same state of 
abject mental degradation as those of the Occident, 
the clergy of that period being more enlightened 
than any other class of society, they soon, — with 
their privileged intrusion into the people's houses, 
— converted the women to second their votes and 
insinuations, and by playing upon their minds, they 
obtained the assistance and influence of their hus- 
bands, who were held in readiness for the moment of 
the imminent revolution, as will be seen. 

The Origin of the Papal intrigues with the 
French King, Charles Martel, to spoliate 

AND DESTROY THE LoiVIBARD KlNGS, AND THE 

Greek Empire, Power, and States in Italy. 

Primus omnium Romanorum Pontificum Impera- 
tori Grseco Philippico in os resistere palam ausus 
fuit Constantinus Papa. Imperator enim in Icono- 
machise hseresim lapsus, sanctas immagines ubique 
tollendas esse, etiam Romano Pontifici jusserat. 

Amongst the Roman Pontiffs, Pope Constantine 
was the first who dared verbally and publicly to 
resist the Great Emperor Philippicus, because he had 
ordered the removal from the Churches of the 
Sacred Images, and sent a similar heretic order also 
to the Roman Pontiff. To Constantine succeeded 
Pope Gregory the Second, in 716, and to Philip 
succeeded the Emperor Leon the Third (called 
Isauricus), who confirmed the edict against the 
Images; and Sigonius, ad an. 717, says that this 
was the beginning of many dire calamities and great 
seditions, from which sprung up the pretended 
celebrated supremacy of the Church of Italy. 
Thereupon, Pope Gregory called to Rome the 
Exarch Paul of Ravenna, and persuaded him to break 
the alliance with the Lombard King Luitprand, and 

x 2 



234 



whilst the Pope was professing friendship for the 
King and for the Exarch, he was fomenting discord 
against the latter, who was soon compelled to go 
back to Eavenna, which was then in a state of rebel- 
lion. As soon as he arrived he was expelled, and the 
Pope, fearing the power of the Lombard King, and 
conceiving that the success of the Lombards might 
upset his plan of usurpation, already prepared, he 
secretly and speedily begged and obtained from the 
Venetians an army which opposed the Lombards, 
and promptly reinstated the Exarch in Eavenna. 
During this time the intriguing Pope was fighting 
his controversy with letters to the Greek Emperor, 
and both, obstinately tenacious to their rights and 
privileges, were issuing orders in opposition to each 
other ; but the Pope being in Eome, and using double 
arms against his adversary, and finding also discon- 
tented people to second his views, soon persuaded the 
other portion of the Italian citizens to overthrow the 
supremacy of the Emperor, and to expel from all the 
cities the whole of the imperial magistrates and 
officers as heretics ; he also persuaded the people to 
refuse to pay the taxes or tribute-money to the 
Emperor, and threatened to excommunicate any one 
who should support the Emperor in his rights, or 
maintain allegiance towards him ; in fact, in a short 
time, the Pope obtained a great revolution in Italy, 
and the mob of Eavenna fell upon the Exarch, as he 
was the first high officer of the empire. The Eoman 
people were opposed to Peter, the Duke of Eome, 
and, taking him prisoner in his own palace, they put 
out his eyes. (See Zonaras, p. 85, to. 3; and 
Cadrenus, p. 373.) They also intoxicated the Duke 
of Campania, whilst they killed his son, and carried 
sedition, rape, fire, and death everywhere. The 
people having committed so many atrocious actions 
at the inducement of the Pope, the time had arrived 
to put an end to them ; and, considering that the 
Emperor would have taken ample vengeance for their 



235 



atrocities, they resolved to take an oath of fidelity 
and allegiance to the Pope, for the sake of having a 
protector to save their lives. This the Pope granted, 
with the proviso that they swore to submit entirely 
and blindly to his authority, and refuse for the 
future all obedience to the Emperor. Every one of 
the ancient writers blame Pope Gregory and condemn 
the Eevolution, except Anasthasius, a chamberlain of 
the Pope, and Sigonius, lib. 3, who pretended to 
justify it on account of the Emperor's heresy. It 
may be apropos to quote from Sigonius the names of 
the cities and places which took advantage of the 
Eevolution, and were subverted from the Dominion 
of the Emperor to that of the Pope. I shall not 
translate the names of these towns, as I do not know 
if all of them are still standing, after so many 
Papal wars and thunders. I quote this to show that 
up to that year the Pope's temporal power was still 
in nubibus with the famous Donation of the Patri- 
mony of St Peter. 

Roma cum Castellis oppidis et viculis in Tusciae 
partibus, id est, Portus Centum cellae, Caere, Bleda, 
Maturanum Sutrium, Nepete, Castellum, Gallesii, 
Orta, Pomartinum, Ameria, Tuder, Perusia, Narnia, 
et Octriculum, et in partibus Latii, Signia, Anagnia, 
Ferentinum, Alatrium, Patricum, Eruxinum, ac 
Tibur, et in regione Campanise Sora, Arces, Aqui- 
num, Teanum, et Capua. Will you have the kind- 
ness to point out where was St Peter's Patrimony ? 
I put this question to the Pope's Secretary of 
State. 

King Luitprand, seeing this successful affair of 
the Pope, and knowing that he was managing 
another secret intrigue with King Charles Martel, 
took umbrage at the audacity of Gregory, who was 
threatening him and his allies ; therefore, to be safe 
in his states, he sent an army to the Cottian Alps, 
which his predecessor, Arripert II, had given as a 
donation to the Pope in the year 704, and then, 



236 



himself, marched with other troops towards Rome. 
The Pope had sent for immediate assistance from 
the French King, Charles Martel, who, in the 
meantime, received as presents from the Pope the 
keys of the Holy Sepulchre, the chains of St Peter, 
and many other great presents, soliciting him to send 
a powerful auxiliary army, as stated by Aimonius 
and Blondus, in Dec. 1, lib. 10. (See also the Appen- 
dix ad Greg. Tur., c. 110, an. 741.) The French 
army arrived. Trasimund, Duke of Spoleto, sub- 
ject of Luitprand, deserted him, and went over 
to the Pope ; Luitprand, with the army from 
Spoleto, went to Eome, and occupied and dis- 
mantled several castles. Martel arrived in time 
to send messengers to Luitprand, begging him to de- 
sist from the siege of Eome. Many Roman nobles, 
discontented with the Pope, followed Luitprand, 
who retained only four castles near Rome, and 
having garrisoned them, withdrew with the remain- 
der of his army into Pavia. In that year, 741, died 
the Emperor Leo, Pope Gregory, and King Charles 
Martel. Nevertheless, the Lombard monarchy, the 
Exarchs, and the Imperial Dukes of Rome, were 
doomed to death. From a MS. of the Colonna 
family, in my library, p. 20, I take the following : 

The Duchy of Spoleti survived the upset, though 
it lost a few places, and subsequently changed rulers. 
This Duchy was instituted by Alboino, King of 
Lombardy, who first placed there a gentleman to 
govern the place in his name ; the Duchy extended 
itself for seventy miles in length, and its greatest 
width was forty- five miles. The series of Dukes 
was a long one, consisting at first of twelve Italians 
tributary to the Lombard Kings, twenty-one Francs, 
or Italians, and nine Germans, or Austrians. The 
Franck and German Emperors, or Austrian Emperors, 
sometimes allowed the Dukes of Spoleto to pay 
tribute to the Popes, and at other times they claimed 
the tribute, as well as the allegiance, themselves, &e. 



237 



If forty-one successive Dukes ruled in Spoleto, how 
on earth could the Popes have the impudence to 
protest that this territory belonged to them as a part 
of St Peter's patrimony ? By the testimony of Baro- 
nius, I will now give the " lie direct" to Pope Anto- 
nelli and Co., using the language of the unholy tablet. 

Baronius thus remarks (to. 9, an. 716, Art. 34) : 
Hie finis Ducum illoruni qui ab Imperatoribus 
Romam mitti solebant ad curandam urbem, et ad 
earn spectantes civitates. Baronius, in speaking of 
the Imperial Dukes of Eome, says : " Here ended 
those Dukes which the Greek Emperors used to send 
to Rome to govern the city, and all those other towns 
subject to Eome." 

It is, then, with this admitted evidence of Baro- 
nius that I have convicted Antonelli and Co. that up 
to this period — and I must say as long as the Lom- 
bard Kings were alive, and until Pipin had not yet 
been in Rome, the Greek Emperors and the Lombard 
Kings were the absolute masters of Italy, and that 
the Popes never had any business or jurisdiction in 
the temporal affairs of Italy, nor even in Rome ; and 
if the Popes did not have any temporal power in any 
province, town, castle, burgh, in the Leonine city, 
or Rome proper, I pray you, Messrs Antonelli and 
Co., to send me a geographer, who will, perhaps, 
explain in what latitude and longitude, or any other 
tude with which you may be acquainted, was 
situated the patrimony of St Peter, the splendid 
donation of Constantine ? When I have learned this, 
then I will trouble you again to ask you how many 
years elapsed from the Emperor Constantine' s death 
to the extinction of the last Duke of Rome, who 
ruled the land with its gogs of fat without knowing 
that that land belonged to another proprietor I 
might ask many other questions, not for curiosity's 
sake, but purely and simply as an amateur antiquary, 
fond of ancient notions, and in search of the truth of 
many things of which I cannot find a proper expla- 



238 



nation in the books of modern literature. If you 
cannot answer these questions I cannot help it, and 
I must now continue my narrative of events. 

I cannot find words sufficient to express my 
surprise at the impudent assumption of the Pope 
in his letter to Pipin, begging him to hasten to his 
assistance whilst the Lombard King was approach- 
ing Home with his army. This fragment of the 
letter of Pope Stephanus is such a compound 
of hypocrisy and blasphemy that I have no patience 
to translate it, though it reads very easily. — Petrus 
vocatus Apostolus a Jesu Christo Dei vivi filio : Pro 
certo confidite memetipsum tamquam in carne vivum. 
coram illis assistere, quia secundum permissionem, 
quam ab eodem Domino Deo et Eedemptore nostro 
accepimus, peculiares inter otnnes gentes, vos omnes 
Francorum populos habemus. Currite, per Deum 
vivum et verum vos adhortor et protestor, Currite 
et subvenite antequam fons vivus unde sacrati et 
renati estis, arescat : conjuro vos ne permittatis 
hanc civitatem meam Eomanam, et in ea habitantem 
populum amplius a gente Longobardorum laniari, 
ne lanientur et'crucientur corpora et animae vestrge 
in aeterno atque inextinguibili igni tartareo cum 
Diabolo et ejus pestiferis Angelis, &c. This is one 
of those specimens of temerarius Apostolic presump- 
tion that never will be excused by any person, and 
even the most vain and miraculously idiotic of 
Frenchmen, though here flattered, would repudiate 
and condemn this demi-god like manner of speaking. 

We now arrive at another point which further 
corroborates the already proved assertions, that the 
Eoman Church invariably profited from the crimes 
of her highest pastors, or of her allies and her 
usurpations, and pocketed something in compensation 
for her connivance and assistance in doing wrong to 
others, whilst she entirely forgot the Christian 
maxim, quod tibi non vis, alteri ne feceris. This was 
an old constitutional disease of the Papacy, which 



239 



spread itself at any season, and at every opportu- 
nity that occurred when something was to be obtained, 
no matter how, or at what risk to themselves, or 
with what consequences to the victim that was to be 
spoliated of his rights and property. I think I have 
already said that Pope Zaccharia, in a conspiracy 
with Pipin, agreed to expel from the Franek throne 
the son and heir of Charles Martel, named Chilperic. 
I will now add what has been stated by Aimonius 
concerning this, viz., that Zaccharias by his author- 
ity ordered that Pipinus should be proclaimed king, 
according to his sanction as a Roman Pontiff ; and 
he was proclaimed King of the French, and conse- 
crated with the honours due to the royal dignity. 
(Aimoinus, lib. 4, anno 75.) Zaccharias sua author- 
itate, jussit Pipinum Regem institui, secundum 
Romani Pontificis sanctionem, Rex Francorum appel- 
latus est, et ad hujus dignitatem honoris unctus 
sacra unctione. Sigonius clearly states that Zaccharia 
issued a decree imposing his pompous power, &c, 
and even Sigonius did not admire this indelicate 
Papal success, though it was advantageous to the 
prosperity of the Papal See, and served to propagate 
its ambition. 

This affair was settled so comfortably, and so 
agreeably to the honour and interest of Pipin, that 
he became highly indebted to the Pope who had 
managed it so cleverly for him, and he was watching 
the opportunity of repaying with gratitude his share 
of the stipulated bargain. It is evident that Pipin, 
in conspiring with the Pope to obtain the French 
kingdom, must have promised the Pope that he 
would do something else for him ; as the Pope, or 
indeed any other Prelate, never did a favour for 
nothing. But what could have been that promise ? 
I know that soon after this Zaccharia died, and that 
his place was filled by Stephanus the Second; that at 
this time Aistulfus, King of Lombarby, had invaded 
Ravenna, that he took possession of it, and that the 



240 



Exarch ran away to Greece. Here ended that 
Exarchate which had lasted for 200 years. Pope 
Stephanus the Second was afraid of the Lombard King, 
or pretended to be so, and went to Prance to seek 
protection from Pipin, and there, by promises and 
exhortations, induced Pipin to send an armed ex- 
pedition in Italy to subjugate the Lombards, and to 
consummate that conspiracy which had been hatched 
by the former Popes Constantine, the Gregorys, and 
Zacharia. Though the Exarchate belonged to the 
Greek Emperor, and not to the Pope, yet the 
Apostolic Reverend and his confederate thought 
that that was a good motive and opportunity to 
accomplish their scheme, and divide amongst them- 
selves the spoils. Eor this object, and before the 
French army moved for the Alps, Pipin induced the 
Pope to consecrate his sons Charles and Charlemagne 
Kings of France, and Pipin promised to Pope 
Stephen by oath that when he conquered the 
Exarchate and the Pentapolis he would not restore 
it to the Greek Emperor, who had become unworthy 
of it, through his carelessness and his heresy, but 
that he would give it to St Peter and to his succes- 
sors for ever, for the remission of his sins. Nothing 
could be more roguish, nor more blasphemous, than 
this usual pretext for such a swindle. This is the 
cap of hypocrisy which has fitted so many clerical 
and crowned heads, and so long as impudent, sanc- 
timonious, and usurping daring shall go hand-in- 
hand with the impostors who pretend to manage the 
destiny of the Divine will, and find populations 
foolish enough to believe it, I am sorry to say that ' 
it will continue to fit everywhere its use is intended, 
until at last these deluded people will find out the 
imposition, and in their turn, out of despair for their 
salvation, and their manly honour, tear and burn that 
cap that has been the symbol of their degradation 
and misery. 

The great Jesuitic^logician Montalenver, perhaps, 



241 



will attempt to prove that every step that has 
elevated the Apostolic boldness to such a height was 
the work and the will of God for the welfare of his 
Church and of the People ; but I will continue to 
prove that every step so advanced has always been 
by the blackest of crimes that these Antichrists, as 
the heads of the Church, had committed, or had 
induced others to commit, for the better attainment 
of their object; and that they did not satisfy them- 
selves, for instance, by the murder of a King or 
an Emperor, but generally they devised and obtained 
the sacrifice of the whole of the Eoyal or Imperial 
family, for fear that any of them should retaliate. 
There was no excuse for the Franc Kings to inter- 
fere in those Lombards' affairs and in the Exarchate, 
it was for sheer plunder and spoliation, and the only 
palliation that can be produced in extenuation of 
their guilt is the desire of conquest, and of enriching 
their families with the spoils of their victims. Of 
glory there was none, because the difference between 
the Lombard and the French King was as great as 
that between a modern notorious German Elector (the 
roulette keeper) and the German Empire. The 
Erench were assisted by the head of Christianity, and 
under the shade and protection of the Greek 
Emperor, who expected that the Erench monarch 
would vindicate his right in that war which he 
partly instigated, and had promised the Erench to 
repay them the expenses incurred in such war ; and 
lastly, he never conceived for a moment that the 
Pope and the Erench King would have swindled him 
out of his property while he was confiding peacefully 
in their friendship and lo} T alty. The Lombard 
family was conquered, and by degrees dethroned, 
the Greek Emperor deluded, and the unblushing 
Popes one after the other, and for whom there were 
no extenuating circumstances — under the pretext of 
religion, of that Christianity which means nothing 
but charity, love, and brotherhood — were robbing and 



242 



murdering the population, as they said, in expiation 
of their sins, to extol the Church of God — as if God 
was an accomplice of robbers and assassins ! Pope 
Stephen was served right by his kind friend Pipin 
after he had conquered Lombardy, the Exarchate, 
and the remainder of the Eoman States, as well as 
Eome ; for in spite of his swearing to Stephen that 
he would give the Exarchate to — Beato Petro et 
successoribus ejus se traditurum in perpetuo possi- 
denda, pro remissione peccatorum suorum impetranda, 
he gave nothing of the kind, not even any power in 
Eome, as we shall see ; and Pipin and his sons 
remained the masters everywhere, although the 
Pope rose a step higher, not in the temporal power, 
as I shall hereafter prove, but in pecuniary means, 
and in the power of making dupes. This was surely a 
most capital instance in which diamond cuts diamond ! 

Now that the Lombard King, Aistulfus, was com- 
pletely defeated and buried in the year 756, the corre- 
spondence between Pipin and the Greek Emperor 
became rather serious, and all the protestations of 
loyal friendship had dropped, as the Greek demanded 
the restitution of his estates from his kind friend 
the French King, and offered the payment of the 
war expenses. The Imperial Legates told Pipin 
that the Pope had no business in the Exarchate or in 
any of the estates, as they belonged to the empire, 
and that he had promised nothing to the Pope ; 
consequently, that he wanted back his provinces, 
without any further obstacle, except paying the war 
expenses. Pipin answered, in the splendid Jesuitic 
modern style, that his pious conscience would not 
permit him to restore him his estates, as (inflamed 
by the Divine grace) he had made a gift of them to 
the Eoman See, for his soul's salvation and for the 
impetration of the atonement of his sins ; and, more- 
over, that he had sworn he would transfer to St 
Peter the Exarchate and the Pentapolis. 

Pipinus respondit, se divinse gratia? prcmerenda? 



243 



studio inflammatum Ecclesiam Romanam In fidem 
recepisse ; quod id ad animae suae salutem et pecca- 
torum rernissionem valiturum sibi persuasisset Exar- 
chatum et Pentapolim Sancto Petro et successoribus 
ejus traditurum jurasse. 

It is very singular that the ancient high ecclesias- 
tics always used very strong language to every one, 
and even to the Emperors, except only when they 
wanted to obtain something to their advantage, then 
they knew how to use flattering, supplicating, and 
even humiliating words ; and in every instance of 
their writing for anything whatsoever, or asking a 
privilege, or advising that any particular thing 
should be done or not done, they argued and per- 
severed usque ad nauseam with a tenacity worthy of 
a mastiff, and the worried and annoyed receivers of 
their epistles, or orders of injunction, or of advice, 
to avoid further nuisance, were obliged to give way 
to the Prelatical whims. A proof of this assertion 
is to be found in the case related by Marianus 
Scotus, when Charles, the son of Pipin, wished to 
marry Bertha, the daughter of Desidery, the last of 
the Lombard kings. In this case there was a little 
bit of political intrigue, perhaps suggested by Pipin 
to his son for the reason that we see here, and 
on the part of the Pope, who could easily foresee 
that the consequence of that matrimonial alliance 
would be fatal to his interests. Here was 
another clero-political intrigue, and an abominable 
ecclesiastic injunction ; therefore Pope Stephanus 
stepped out in the road like the Bravo in Don 
Abbondio, and said, " Questo matrimonio non si 
deve fare; 17 and the reason was that if that 
marriage was consummated by Charles with Bertha 
she would have given as dowry to her husband 
the Erioul, Lombardy, Mantua, Parma, Modena, 
Tuscany, Romagna Spoleto, Benevento, Turin, the 
Liguarian coast, with Genoa, and other places of 
minor importance ; and Don Pirlone would have 



244 



lost the opportunity of taking his share of the 
spoils of the Lombard Kings, whilst Pipin would 
have been exonerated from the Papal blame for not 
keeping his promise to Don Pirlone, the first 
with whom was made the bargain, who would be 
reduced to the condition of picking up the crumbs 
from under the table of the Pranck Monarch, as his 
share of the reward for his political intrigues, and 
conspiracy against the Lombard Kings. However, 
the marriage took place for the policy of the dowry, 
and of settling and excluding the pretences of any 
other party who might have had the intention of 
claiming any right here or there ; and one year after 
the consummation of the marriage Bertha was repu- 
diated, and Charles afterwards married Hildegarda, 
a lady of the Eoyal Family of Sweden, as Eghinard 
said : Hildegardem gente Suevam sibi deligat uxo- 
rem. By this political manoeuvre the pretenders and 
the Pope's expectations were frustrated ; and besides 
that, the Papal injunction was attended to, but only 
too late — for dinner ! 

MarianusScotus inChronico scripsit: Scitu dignum, 
quod cum rescivisset, Carolum de Matrimonio cum 
Bertha Desiderii Eegis filia cogitare anathematis 
poena interdixisse : sed quo tandem prsetextu, ex 
ipsius literis audire juvet. Postquam igitur Carolo 
et Carlomano fratribus proposuit, Protoplastus Adam 
uxoris instinctu in quas aerumnas incident, Satana 
sexus hujus fragilitate ad humanam perniciem abu- 
tente (quasi vero heec ratio non omnes indiscrimi- 
natim foeminas intucatur) ad hoc conjugium accedit 
Diabolicam immissionem esse dicens, et non tarn matri- 
monii conjunctionem, quam consortium nequissime 
adinventionis, 8fc. Marianus Scotus says that the 
Pope, as soon as he heard that Charles thought of 
marrying Bertha, the daughter of Desidery, inter- 
dicted it under penalty of excommunication : But 
here it will be better to know from his letters on 
what pretext he prohibited it. He wrote : " Th e 



245 

first man, Adam, fell in affliction, to which 
he was attracted by the persuasion of his wife, 
who abused with Satanic malignity his sex to 
the detriment of the human race, and this 
matrimony seems to be a demoniacal grafting not 
like matrimony, but much more like an intercourse 
of finely-invented lewdness/ ' Bravo, Pope ! said 
Charles, I suppose. If this is a specimen of your 
logic it does not dissuade me, as I am determined, 
convinced, and persuaded by the Dowry of the Prin- 
cess ; and I must say that such a specimen of lan- 
guage, used, too, by the would-be Vicar of Christ on 
earth, was unbecoming and unfit to be used by any 
gentleman, much less so by an Ecclesiastic, unless he 
condescended to lower himself a step below the Bravo 
of Don Ahbondio. I must not lose time, and will 
now retrace my steps a few years back, at which 
period, as stated by Polydorus Yirgilius, in lib. 3 and 
4, anno 740-745, the English King made himself 
tributary to the Pope, and made a donation of his 
kingdom to the Holy See in expiation of his crimes, 
&c. This contributed much to the importance of 
the Invention of Purgatory y which had just begun to 
aberrate the minds of the ignorant people. (In. 
Anglica Iiistoria anno circa 740.) Occidentalium 
Saxonum Kegem, antequam in monasterium con- 
cederet, Eegnum suum Pontifici tributarium fecisse, 
ea conditione, ut quseque familia annum denarium 
sdlveret : In eadem insula, Offam etiam Septentrio- 
nalium Regem, illius exemplo sub Adriano primo 
idem fecisse, metu poena?, qua propter peccata 
eniciendus erat, et existimans se plena manir 
pro peccatis Deo non satisfecisse, non satis inquam 
sibi donasse visus, bonorum suorum licet decimam 
concessisset, ni et aliena prodigeret, ni et respublica 
scelerum suorum poenas lueret. Ut hinc ambitio, 
illinc purgatorii inventio, mutuas jam sibi operas 
prsestabant. Such things have been done while 
John Bull was asleep, and unfortunately he slept too 

t 2 



246 



long, but when he awoke and found himself deluded 
he redeemed his kingdom and his subjects from the 
impositions of purgatory, and confined in it the Pope 
himself, who has long complained of his situation, 
which he says is like a quicksand that gives way 
under his feet ; and now that he is neck-deep in it, 
and in danger of being asphixiated, although he is 
surrounded by a lot of friends who wish to assist him 
to extricate himself from his dangerous situation, 
yet, with his usual spirit of contradiction, and 
systematic obstinacy, he disdainfully refuses the prof- 
fered assistance, for fear of having to return thanks 
to his liberators, though he knows very well that no 
person will ask such a thing of him, because it would 
be useless and could not be obtained from him, nor 
has ever been obtained from any of his predecessors, 
who have invariably ignored the words gratitudine 
and riconoscenza for any received benefit. There- 
fore I leave him in his perdition-pit with his holy 
obstinacy, like the Eabbi, now proverbial, who fell 
into the Cloaca maxima, and for fear of breaking the 
Sabbath, he refused assistance to get out of it, 
saying— 

" Sabbatha sancta colo, de stercore surgere nolo." 

Post scriptum. — Since the above was written, the 
Italian Minister has offered the Pope most ample and 
liberal terms, but the Pope having refused to comply 
with them by his usual " non possumus quia noji 
volumus," I think, ad rem, to add the answer of the 
Christian who offered his assistance to the Hebrew 
Solomon who fell into the Cloaca — 

6i Sabbata sancta quidem f Salmon., celebrabis 
ibidem 

and apply the parable to the Pope, that he should 
remain there until a French Imperial Jesuit comes to 
liberate him; but I hope before then the Italian 
nation, tired of his monstrous obstinacy, will see him 
out of his troubles — quod Deus faxit. 



247 



Continuation of Episcopal, Papal, and 
Chaelemagne's Elections. 

I can find the testimony of many historical and 
diplomatic writers concerning the Papal and Epis- 
copal elections ; I have chosen only a few, however, 
to quote from, among them the MS. of Cardinal 
Jfavagero. I could not help making a digression, in 
order to show that the old Eoman people, though 
they were now and then burked by the Popes and 
by the Princes, yet occasionally they would show 
that they were the masters of Pome and something 
else ; for instance, they were the same Eoman people 
who named and proclaimed Charlemagne Emperor of 
the Holy Roman Empire, and compelled Leo to 
crown him as such ; and we shall have the sicut erat 
again in the case of the coronation of Napoleon the 
Third, malgre the veto of the defeated kaizer Franz, and 
the spite and opposition of Antonelli and Dupanloup. 
The Italian Senatus populasque, in token of gratitude 
for his kindness and noble efforts, demand and claim 
his coronation alta voce plaudentes, as a reward to his 
illustrious brow, as a mark of respectful gratitude, 
and as a tie of indelelile riconoscenza, strengthened 
by consanguinity, and by the glorious baptism .of 
blood in the Lombard plains, as well as by the recip- 
rocal interest and sympathy that the two nations 
would enjoy, with a positive mutual, sincere, offen- 
sive and defensive alliance. 

With so much liberty of the Press it is really 
astonishing to see that no one dares to say the whole 
truth with regard to the elections of the Popes, and 
other high ecclesiastical dignitaries. It would repay 
any one's trouble to look into the works of the 
ancient Fathers of the Church, and extract from them 
some of those black deeds which have served as the 
foundation of their perpetual frauds, heresies, and 
misdeeds of all kinds, accompanied by the most 



248 



atrocious injustice and unchristian practices, which 
have been perpetrated at the expense of the popula- 
tions whom they have spoliated from the seventh 
century of the Christian era to the present time, by 
one pretext or the other, alone or assisted by the State 
swords, which at any time, under the pretence of 
atonement for their own sins, indefatigably assisted 
the Church to conculcate the rights of the nations, 
for the better spoliation and partition of the 
goods and chattels of the people. The intrigues 
of the Clergy for the elections of the Eishops 
and Patriarchs began in the fourth century, 
and were developed with extraordinary rapidity 
with cabals, treason, murders, and all sorts of 
crimes. The Greek Emperors, in many instances, 
took notice of these things, and quashed the elections 
by their veto, which was put in either through the 
Dukes of Eome presiding in the Senate, or by the 
Exarchs who were delegated ah hoc by the various 
Emperors ; and as the Emperors resided at Constan- 
tinople, and the Exarchs at Ravenna or in Rome, in 
many instances when the election of the Pope took 
place in the absence of the Imperial Commissioner, 
he was deceived by the report of it, and un- 
intentionally deceived the Emperor, who sanc- 
tioned the election, and ordered the Consecration. 
The people were systematically bribed by money, 
and lucrative places, and the priests were the 
corruptors of the people, who concurred with them 
in the elections of the Popes ; and this was one of the 
prerogatives of the Roman people which lasted many 
consecutive centuries, and in many cases they had 
the upper hand of the Clergy — but the Clergy 
profited by the intervention of the Erench, after 
they had deposed the Lombard Kings and absorbed 
their kingdom as well as the various duchies dependent 
on it, and they deprived the people of the privilege 
of having any voice in the Papal elections. After 
the advent to Italy of Charles Martel and of Pipin, 



249 



and of Charlemagne to Rome in 772, the Boinans 
were rendered for a time powerless, and from that 
period to this the people have been played with like 
shuttlecocks, and been constantly beaten from one 
side to the other first by the Church and then by the 
State : at times, too, they have been in the absolute 
power of both. Even when the Ecclesiastical States 
were in the greatest commotion, either through 
the people themselves, or the legitimate or usurping 
Emperor, the people never altogether recovered the 
power of electing the Pope. Sometimes the people 
and the army elected them ; while at others the 
Clergy elected them; and in some instances the 
Emperors elected them at their own choice. In 
other rare instances the Emperor, the clergy, and the 
people unanimously agreed ; but then this state of 
unanimity did not last long, on account of the elected 
lamb turning out shortly after his election an in- 
carnate demon in human shape. This was 
evinced by making an excuse for waging war with 
some Prince, or with the people themselves for the 
want of an actual enemy, and for better carrying on 
unmolested and uncensured their nefarious propen- 
sities, and the achievement of their great object, 
spoliation. Look at the pretence of the Erench 
King, Charles Martel, when he went to Italy ; it was 
not for the sake of arranging the affairs between the 
Greek Emperor, the Pope, the Lombard King, and 
the Exarch — not a bit of it. Pope Gregory the 
Second was a wideawake rogue, with a sprinkling of 
the quintessence of infamy, and followed up the con- 
spiracy originated by his predecessor, Pope Constan- 
tine, that of spoliating the Greek and Lombard 
Monarchs, and the Exarch. Gregory applied to 
King Charles Martel for assistance for the execution 
of this political scheme, and begged of him to send 
him immediately an army to commence the work. 
Gregory died in 716, and was succeeded by Gregory 
the Third. Charles Martel sent an army to Lorn- 



250 

bardj", but could not achieve the enterprise in con- 
sequence of his death, which happened also in the 
same year (741) that the Emperor Leo the Third 
and Gregory the Third died. 

The new Pope, Zaccharia, and Pipin, the new 
French Xing, understood themselves uncommonly 
well together with regard to the above scheme of 
spoliation ; so they again began the war against the 
Lombard King and the Exarch. Pope Zaccharia and 
Pipin were fast friends, and had already had a dirty 
business transaction together ; they secretly managed 
the dethronisation of the real heir to the French 
throne, and his abdication in favour of Pipin. This 
formed the balance of compensation in the affairs of 
the two usurpers, who strengthened their mutual 
friendship by these magnificently interested motives. 

King Chilperic was thus removed with the assist- 
ance of Archbishop Boniface, legate of the Pope 

Aimonius, Zaccharia, who also absolved the people of their 
llb,4 ' c - 61 • broken faith to the king, and proclaimed and con- 

Sigonius, lib. secrated in his place Pipin. This was done with as 
Dec.2 ub.i. mucn modesty and ease as Pope Zaccharia, with 
pompous impudence and perversity, displaj^ed, when 
he styled himself a demigod, or a second Jupiter. 
"Whilst Zaccharia and Pipin were receiving letters 
from the new Greek Emperor, begging them 
to arrange affairs peacefully with the Lombard 
king and to see the Exarch reinstated in his See, 
promising them compensation for the prompt assis- 
tance of the French arms, the Pope was setting the 
Exarch against the Lombards, and the Lombards 
against the Exarch. And so the doom was signed for 
the extinction of both of them, and the partition of 
their spoils agreed upon by the French King and the 
Pope. As I shall show in another place, Pipin's answer 
to the Emperor was that he intended to make a 
donation of the Exarchate to the Holy See. Zaccha- 
ria died, and in the year 757 Stephanus was elected 
Pope by force of arms, and without the sanction of 



251 



the Exarch, whose power had already been usurped 
by the last Pope with the assistance of the army of 
Pipin, who deposed him. Aistulphus, the Lombard 
king, died in 766, and was succeeded by Desiderius, 
who was fully au fait to the intent of the French 
king. Pope Stephanus died in 767. Pope Paul 
was then elected, who soon died, and at his 
death King Desidery induced Toto, the Duke of 
Nepi, to enter the gates of Eome with soldiery and 
proclaim Pope his brother Constantine, after having 
consecrated him the same day as subdeacon and 
deacon, he being a layman. Although this was 
against the rules of the Church, yet they succeeded 
in carrying out their object, as the people were 
rather indifferent, and some of them had been bribed 
with money, while others had taken the oath of 
fidelity without opposition. Put the clergy rose 
up, and a tremendous schisma, seditions, robberies, 
and murders, now ensued ; to allay which another 
election necessarily took place, when a priest named 
Stephanus was chosen, and called Stephanus the 
Third. This Pope wrote directly to Pipin, and sent 
his Legates to him ; but he was like the other 
Popes, and did not care for the welfare of the Church 
or of religion; and fomented and permitted his 
priests to drag and burn alive Pope Constantine 
in the middle of the Presbytery of the Church of St 
Saviour in the Lateran. The election of the bishops 
and archbishops from time immemorial was accom- 
plished by the votes of the people and the clergy. 
Neither the Popes nor the Greek Emperors were 
allowed to interfere in the election, and when Char- 
lemagne thought of changing that system for the 
election of the Archbishop of Eavenna, Pope Adrian 
deemed it prudent to inform him by letter, ~No. 71 
of the Codex Carolinus, which begins with these 
words : — 

Pro honore Yestri Patriciatus nullus homo esse 
videtur in mundo qui plus quam Vestrse Eegalis 



252 



Excellent! ge, &c. Nbs nullo mo do meminimus, neque 
a Prsedecessoribus nostris Sanctis Pontiflcibus neque 
a genitore vestro Pipino, neque a vestra in Eegali 
Victoria, Mission ad electionem Bavennge directum 
esse, &c. In the other letter of Adrian to Charle- 
magne, he again persuades him not to send messen- 
gers to attend the elections of the Bishops, as it was 
the custom to leave their election entirely to the 
people and the clergy, and that the Popes and 
Emperors never interfered in those elections. jNos 
in qualibet election e invenimus, nec invenire habe- 
mus ; sed neque Vestram Excellentiam optamus 
talem rem incumbere. Sed qualis a Clero et Plebe 
cunctoque Populo electus fuerit canonice ordinamus. 

Though the Popes were elected in the same man- 
ner as the Bishops of Italy, yet in Prance the Kings, 
and Charlemagne himself, used to elect the Bishops 
without the concurrence of the people and clergy. 
A book written by the learned Monsignor Ciampini, 
called — Ciampini Examen, lib. Pontine, in sect. 6, 
analyzes the lives of the Popes, written by 
Anasthasius, the Bibliothecary of the Holy Boman 
See. This Beverend Prelate did not hesitate to 
write and declare that those lives were apocryphal, 
and that no person could prove that they had been 
written by Anasthasius. The lives of Adrian and 
of Pope Leo he criticized very severely, saying that 
they had been written by an ignorant peasant, and 
that they were full of frivolous digressions, and of 
nauseating superstitions. Of course Anasthasius, 
who was such a great scholar, and so learned, could 
not have been the author of such faulty composition. 
Anasthasius says that Charlemagne was elected 
Emperor by the whole of the Boman people ; and 
this fact is confirmed by the author of the Chronica 
of Ildeseim, Marianus Scotus, Vincent. Belluacensis, 
Albericus Monacus, Blondus, Secretary to Pope 
Eugenius the Fourth, Sabellicus, tineas Silvius 
(Pope Pius the Second), Platina, Bibliothecary of the 



* 

253 

Vatican, Nauclerus, Panvinus, and many other 
writers, who state positively that the Eoman people 
contributed much to his election. 

Godfrey, of Viterbo, in Chron. part 17, wrote of 
the year 776 that the Pope, by letters, was asking the 
protection of Charles, King of the French, from the 
attacks of the Lombard King. Charles and his sub- 
jects demanded that the Eoman Empire should be 
transferred to them, alleging that it would be more 
advantageous even to Rome. 

" Sit Eex Francorum Romse Dominus Divorum ; 
Imperium ten eat, terram premat Italicorum, &c. 
Non valet Italica sine Principe terra teneri. 
Si requiem Cleri cupitis sine Eege tueri, 

Quis fuit error heri, eras quoque major erit. 
Nee valet Imperium, nisi Ceesaris ense regatur. 
Eoma potens viguit, dum Csesar in Urbe resedit. 
Tempora, quae memini, si Eoma cupit reparari, 

Expedit Imperii, quae peto, jura dari." 

A New Scene in an Old Play enacted at the 
New Pharisaical Hall in Paeis. 

Enter Monseigneur Haelot to Monseigneur Bonnet 
de Coton. 

Haelot. — Sit Eex Francorum Eomas Dominus 
Divorum. 

Bonnet de Coton. — J'accepte, optime dixisti, sed 
fateor— 

Haelot. — Ne timeas, nummos et ensem, miracula 
et excommunicationes habemus, omniaque neces- 
saria ad Eegnum erroris et terroris, quas fuerunt, 
sunt hodie nobis, Csesaremque ex nostris unum hebe- 
mus, qui populum conculcabit, libertatemque omni- 
aque sub suo jure rediget. 

The Chorus of Pharisees enter, and having over- 
heard what was spoken, sing " Tres Hen, tres 
hien, tout pour nous, tout pour nous J 9 

z 



4, 



254 



An honesf Prince who was present replied, " Yes, 
yes, even the maledictions of the century." 

[Exeunt omnes. 

Except a new member of the pharisaical tribe, who 
remained behind solus, and who is much accustomed to 
censure the proceedings of his brothers, in expecta- 
tion of another slice of good fortune at the expense of 
the honest folk, as he can talk until the columns of 
the temple turn green — he himself being utterly 
incapable of blushing, and to show himself a worthy 
recipient of his thirty sous per day — undertook to 
lecture some distant people upon their want of gra- 
titude. But there was a slight discrepancy in this 
speech, for he entirely forgot that he was himself quite 
ignorant upon the subject he had the assurance to 
dilate upon. Therefore I leave him soliloquising. 

I need not here state my opinion about the result 
of all these various foreign dominations in Italy. 
Italian history, since Christianity, has been written 
page by page with the point of the sword, dipped in 
the blood of the people. I shall not repeat the words of 
Pope Leo the Fourth, when he proposed to expel the 
French and call in again the Greek Emperors. 
Nothing of the kind ; I am grateful for what they 
have done now, but I shall raise my voice to the 
highest note, and as long as I live cry out against 
any foreign occupation of Italy, however small a part 
it may be, because history has left us examples, and 
taught us that when the strangers have got a foot 
upon our land, what with intrigues, cabalistic pre- 
texts, and coalitions with other powers, they have 
soon after occupied all the best parts of the kingdom, 
and trampled under foot the rights of the people, and 
swindled them of their property. Therefore, the 
general cry now ought to be, perpetual war to the 
stranger's domination in Italy. 

This Godfrey of Viterbo also states that when 
Charlemagne first came to Italy, in 776, he refused 



255 



to accept the Roman Imperial Crown ; and further 
he says : 

" Caesaris aquilis nomen onusque tulit. 
Clems eicecinit, Populus Sua Jura subegit." 

Charlemagne soon after ordered that those persons 
who had illtreated, blinded, beaten, and expelled 
from Bome Leo the Third, should be tried of criminis 
Icesce Majestatis, Having re-established order in 
Rome, not only so far as regarded secular and 
ecclesiastic affairs, but also those of the people in 
general, the same order of things was also attended 
to in France. He went to Spoleto, u ordinatis 
Romanee Urbis, et Pontificis, totius Italiae non tantum 
publicis, sed etiani Ecclesiasticis, et privatis rebus, 
Roma profectus Spoletum venit." Godfrey cannot 
be suspected of any other partiality except that in 
favour of the Holy See, because in the year 1186 he 
submitted his MS. Chronica to the correction and 
approbation of the Roman See, after which he dedi- 
cated it to Pope Urban the Third. The most ancient 
writer of tiie Chronica Mossiaeensis, introduced in 
the works of Du Chesne (Scripti Franc, t. 3, p. 143), 
says that Pope Leo thought it politic to create 
Charlemagne Emperor, in prejudice of the Greeks, 
because Charles already possessed Rome, and was 
ruling that country, and because the Emperors used 
always to reside there, &c> Carolus ipsam Romara 
tenebat, ubi semper Csesares et Imperatores sedere 
soliti fuerant, seu reliquas sedes, quas ipse in Italia, 
et Gallia, nec non et Germania tenebat. Quia Deus 
omnipotens has omnes Sedes in Potestate ejus con- 
cessit, Eginard, the celebrated author of the Annales 
Lauresanes, said: Leo Papa coronam capiti ejus 
imposuit, cuncto Romanorum populo acclamante : 
Karolo Augusto a Deo coronato, magno et pacifico 
Imperatori Romanorum, vita et victoria. Post quas 
laudes a Pontifi.ce More " Antiquorum Principum 
adoratus est, ac deinde omisso patricii nomine 



256 



Imperator et Augustus appellatus. This has been 
confirmed in almost similar terms by Marianus Scotus, 
Sigebert, and many other subsequent historians ; I 
will therefore not repeat or add anything further 
upon this subject. 

I will now report the words of Eginard, who tells 
usihat Charlemagne, in the last years of his life, 
disposed of the Eoman Empire in favour of his son, 
Ludovicus Pius, on whose head he placed the 
Imperial Crown, in the presence of all the convocated 
Primates of Prance, and ordered them to obey him 
and call him Emperor, he having constituted him his 
partner in ruling the empire, and heir to the throne. 
Extremo vita) tempore Ludovicum Aquitaniae Eegem^ 
congregatis solemniter de toto regno Prancorum 
Primoribus, Cunctorum consilio, consortem sibi totius 
Eegni, et Imperialis nominis hseredem eonstituit, 
impositoque capiti ejus diademate, Imperatorem et 
Augustum jussit appellari. Eginard was a witness 
of this fact, and having been Arch-Chancellor, 
Chaplain, and Secretary of Charlemagne, his words 
must be the best authority, and they were corrobo- 
rated by the astronomer who wrote Ihe life of 
Ludovicus Pius. The historical evidences of 
Teganus and Luitprand of Pavia, as well as several 
other ancient historical writers, are quite superfluous. 

I regret that I have slightly digressed in these 
elections. "With the assistance of Cardinal Nava- 
gero's MS. and other historians, I will now resume 
them. I will also give here some examples of Car- 
dinal "Navagero's opinion upon the Papal Elections. 
He tells us that Pipin and Charlemagne made rules 
and regulations which did not exist before them, 
and that the Pope gave them the power to name his 
successors; they also made Charlemagne Patrieius 
Romanus, and crowned him Emperor, to recompense 
him for the destruction of the Lombard Kings, of 
the Exarchate, and other Dukes, who were the 
vassals of the Lombard and the Greek Monarchs. 



257 

Bartholomew Platina (in Vita Paschalis I.) and 
Sabellicus also agreed with Navagero in this fact, 
that Pope Paschal the First was elected by the 
people and the Clergy, and that the Pope sent the 
Legates to Ludowick to notify his election, which 
the Emperor reluctantly approved of, bnt somewhat 
reprimanded them, and reminded them to beware in 
future : Paschalis nulla interposita Imperatoris 
auctoritate, Pontifex creatur. Hanc ob rem ubi 
Pontificatum iniit, statim Legatos ad Ludovicum 
misit, qui ejus rei culpam omnem in Clerum, et 
populum rejicerent, quod ab his vi coactus esset 
Pontificium munus obire. Accepta hac satisfactione, 
Ludovicus respondit Populo et Clero, majorum 
Instituta et Pacta servanda esse ; caverent ne dein- 
ceps Majestatem laederent. According to Baronius, 
Sigonius, and Pagi, it is manifest that in the year 
824, under the reign of Ludowick the First, son of 
Charlemagne, the Eoman people were perfectly free 
and had the concurrence of the minor Clergy to elect 
the new Popes, the Emperors reserving to them- 
selves only the right to give permission for or dis- 
approval of* the consecration, or dismiss them. I 
will here quote what was the order of the day in 
the year 824 : In electione Eomani Pontiflcis nullus 
preesumat aliquod impedimentum fsecere. Solum- 
modo Eomani sibi eligant Pontificem. Quod si quis 
contra hanc nostram Constitutionem facer e prse- 
sumpserit, Exilio tradatur. This seems a clear and 
imperative order to allow the Eomans to elect the 
Pope themselves alone. This order does not even 
name the Clergy's right to interfere in the election. 
I will now return to the MS. of Cardinal JSTavagero, 
although he is discrepant in the epoch with the 
above-cited historians. This may have been on 
account of some innovations which occurred under 
Pope Eugenius the Second in 824, as the year 819 
corresponds with the date of the election of Paschal. 

z 2 



258 



Here we have a law reported by Gratianus, which 
tells the truth regarding the Papal election : 
^stfort^" Q u i a sancta Komana Ecclesia, cui Deo Authore 
dl™ ' ' praBsidemus, a pluribus patitur violentias, Pontifice 
obeunte, quae ab hoc inferuntur, quia absque Impe- 
riali notitia Pontiticis fit electio et consecratio : nec 
eanonico ritu et consuetudine ab Iniperatore directi 
sunt nuntii, qui vetent scandala fieri, volunius, ut 
cum Instituendus est Pontifex convenientibus Epis- 
copis et universo Clero eligatur, prassente Senatu et 
Populo, qui ordinandus est, et sic ab omnibus eleetus, 
prsesentibus legatis imperialibus consecretur. 

The above law was revived by the Emperor 
Ludowick the First, son of Charlemagne, in the 
year 816, because Pope Paschal, during his Ponti- 
fical election, had frustrated and set aside all other 
anterior laws. It is true that, after his election, 
Paschal wrote letters of apology to the Emperor, 
and threw the blame upon the people to excuse his 
infraction of the Imperial laws ; nevertheless, 
Ludowick knew well enough that it was merely an 
attempt to emancipate himself from the rules and 
regulations established and sanctioned by many 
Emperors in past centuries, and to prevent for the 
future the repetition of Papal insubordination, he 
revived, framed, and enacted the above law. 

It will not be out of place to state here what was 
written about the Episcopal investitures of Erance 
by the old Bishop of Nuremberg, "Waltramus. (De 
Investituris Episcoporum, anno 1100.) According to 
this Bishop's writings it appears that, for several 
centuries before Charlemagne, the Erench Kings 
used to invest their Bishops without ever dreaming 
of saying a word about it to the Roman Bishops. 
Erom this quotation it is clear also that they did not 
require their permission. — Waltramus Episc. Naum- 
burgensis de hisce investituris; Gregorius Magnus 
Theodorico, Theodoberto, et Brunichildi scripsit, ut 



259 



absque simonia investituras Episcoporum faciant. 
The following clearly demonstrates that the Eranck 
Kings used to maintain their privileges in the elec- 
tions and investitures : — Longe ante Decretum 
Adriani Papse ejusque successorum Beges, qui 
erant uncti, et Majores domus, investituras Episco- 
porum fecerunt, Dagobertus, Sigibertus, Theodoricus, 
Hildericus, Pipinus filius Beggao major domus, 
Theodobertus. Ab his intronisati sunt, Bemaches, 
Amandus, Andomarus, Antpertus, Eligius, Lam- 
pertus, aliique sanctissimi praesules. Postquam 
autem Eomani, ingruentibus vicinis et gravibus 
bellis, desciverunt a Graecis Imperatoribus, Papa 
Stephanus ob infestationem Longobardorum venit 
Parisios, et assensu Eomanorum et Erancorum in 
Eegem et Imperatorem unxit Pipinum : Legitur 
etiam de Episcopis Hispaniae, Scotiae, Angliae, 
Ungariae, quomodo ex antiqua institutione usque ad 
modernam novitatem per Eeges introjerint. The 
Pamphleteering Bishops will learn from the above 
extract how long they have been in the Eoyal and 
v Imperial net, and I hope they may keep in it for ever 
and a day. 

Erederick the Eirst was also considered by his 
Imperial Yicars the special advocate of the Eoman 
See, when they intimated to the Erench King that 
they should take care that his Bishops did not inter- 
fere in the Papal elections. Baronius (ad an. 1162) 
reports this fact in these words : 

" Mandat vobis Dominus noster Eredericus Impe- 
rator Eomanorum, et Specialis Eomanas EcclesiaB 
Advocatus, quod ad nullos Ecclesiarum Praelatos de 
causa electionis Eomani Pontificis facere pertinet, 
nisi ad eos tantum, qui sub Eomano Imperio 
existunt," &c. 

This evidently shows that the Emperor was the 
protector, the fidei defender, and, at the same time, 
the master of Eome, as well as of any other States 
of the Holy Eoman Empire, 



260 



By Otho Erisingensis, Gunterus, and the Eev. 
Monsigneur Fontanini, it is clearly stated that the 
Emperors had at this period their fiscal offices in 
Rome, Bavenna, and other places, &c. 

" "When Frederick had already passed the triumphal 
arches on his way to be crowned at Borne, the Pope 
again sought to allure him by means of his eloquence : 
' The first city of the universe beseeches you to revive 
its former time, that is to say, its former privileges, 
and to grant it the government of the whole world. 
You know that Eome, by the wisdom of the Senate 
and by the valour of the order of knights, has ex- 
tended its dominion from one sea to the other, and 
even over the most distant islands. In a word, in- 
vincible herself, Eome has vanquished everybody, 
and subjected everything to her rule. You, yourself, 
oh Prince, when you were but her guest, she created 
you a citizen ; when you were but a foreigner she 
established you as her Prince ; she only gave you 
what belonged to her/ 

" ' You greatly vaunt the antiquity of your city, 
and the former splendour of your republic/ replied 
the Emperor, ' 1 am ignorant of nothing of all this ; 
I am also aware that formerly there was some worth 
in your Eepublic. I would that I could say the 
same to-day. But your Eome, or rather our Eome, 
has been like everything subject to human vicissi- 
tudes — she has passed under the rule of the Greeks 
and of the Erench ; she now belongs exclusively to 
me, with all her dependencies. When I took the 
reins of the empire I was put in possession of all; 
the empire was not given to me naked. Thus the 
consuls, the Senate, the soldiers, all are in my power. 
Eome is proud of having created me her citizen and 
her prince, and even of having given me that which 
belonged to her. "We have only to read the history 
of my predecessors, Charlemagne and Otho, to be 
convinced of the contrary, We shall learn that 
Eome was never yielded up to the Popes as a gift since 



261 



they dispossessed the Greeks. The Eomans were 
not only subjected to the French, but they even grew* 
old, and ended their lives in this subjection. It * 
does not belong to the people to prescribe laws to 
their sovereigns, but to the sovereigns to prescribe to 
their people. , " 

Cardinal Navagero wrote that Ludowick the 
Second, pro-nephew of Charlemagne, renounced 
the authority of electing the Pontifices. Under 
the reign of Pope Paschal the First, in 819, 
it was ordered that the Eoman people should in 
future elect the Popes, entirely omitting to mention 
the Cardinals or Clergy. In the year 1059, Nicolaus 
the Second, in one of his Constitutions, registered in 
the Decree distinction, xiu, orders that on the death 
of the Popes, — Cardinales, Episcopi diligentissime 
simul de electione tractent. Mox Christi Clericos 
Cardinales adhibeant, sicque reliquus clerus et 
Populus ad consensum more electionis accedat. 
Later, in 1268, Pope Gregory the Tenth instituted 
the Conclave, giving the care of the election solely 
to the Cardinals. Then follows a long description 
explaining that the election of the Pope could be 
made in three various manners : first, by the People 
and Clergy ; second, by the Conclave ; and third, by 
adoration. The latter was a capital farce, which had 
been played by several Cardinals on various occa- 
sions, when it suited the purpose of the most impu- 
dent of them to grasp the Papal power. I shall 
spare the mention here of the names of several of 
them, and, continuing to use the name of Cardinal 
2sTavagero, I shall mention that sometimes the Popes 
used to name their successors, and sometimes they 
used to note in their memoranda charges of heresy 
against those who were their political enemies, and 
mo6t likely to be elected as their successors. By 
these means they were excluded from succession ; 
consequently, the dissipations, the squandering, and 
the abuses of the former Popes were not made known, 
but allowed to pass in oblivion. Navagero gives an 



262 



instance of these bad practices, and quotes, as an 
exceptional case, that of Alexander the Sixth, 
who noted the Cardinal of Siena and Cardinal St 
Peter in Vincula, but, nevertheless, Pius and Julius 
the Second both succeeded him. There are many- 
pretty things in this volume scored to the account 
of this Spanish monster in the shape of a Lamb of 
God. I doubt whether he was even a man, by 
reason of his monstrous ingratitude to the Spanish 
Monarchy, to which he owed means, favours, blood, 
and everything, and by way of recompense he 
betrayed and robbed them, and assisted their enemies 
to dethrone them with savage and ferocious violence. 
I will cease to animadvert upon this monarch for 
the present, but may remark that I have reserved a 
dish for him, the compounds for which cost me more 
than six months' labour to collect. If I did not 
fear that it would abuse the patience of my readers, 
I could furnish them with a couple of days of pain- 
ful and sorrowful pastime ; however, I refrain from 
doing so at present, but as the abundance of material 
is too great to do justice to the subject in this work, 
I shall on a future occasion again take it up, when I 
will contrive to show some of the most Holy, 
Eminent, and Eeverend faces under various aspects 
as they were reflected by their contemporary Eccle- 
siastical mirrors. 

I will here take notice of what I saw the other 
day in the Gloie, condensed from the fertile and 
imaginary vision of a Belgian paper, viz., that the 
present Pope has already named his successor in 
case he should abdicate or retire into a convent. 
Eor myself I really wonder why he don't go to 
Palestine to supplant the Patriarch in the very first 
See, " the Promised Land," " the Holy Land," not 
far from which he could have a good supply of 
manna. This place is nearly vacated by the Turks 
now, and it is said that they have left behind them 
a good flock of sheep without a shepherd, and that 
they will stand a good shearing and yield a good 



263 



produce in milk and wool ; besides, the people are 
tired of Mahomet, and want a new infusion of 
superstition and blunders. This is a capital oppor- 
tunity, Mr Antonelli ; do not lose it, I pray you ; 
or Mr Me-herode, you go. There you will find 
plenty of fields to exercise the Cavallieri di Cristo 
of the present time; there you will be quite at 
home to do as you like. You will not find another 
Perugia, but I dare say any other town would serve 
you. You would not be far from the Red Sea, nor 
a great distance from the Jordan; and you could 
make miracles with or without machinery, provided 
you had an assistant. You could have an excursion 
to the Eed Sea, and cross it and recross it, only you 
would have to mind the tide. If the Sun should 
have taken a chair and sat down and refused to 
move, you would have no need to trouble yourself 
about it; but try the Moon instead, for that would 
be just the same thing. You would find there also 
greater rivers than the Rubicon or the Tiber, and 
you could stop to contemplate them, to apostrophise 
them if you chose, and as the summer approached 
you could take a bath in which of them you liked, 
and not study the distance from your new abode ; 
only you would have to beware of certain in- 
dividuals who practise in those places ; but I dare 
say you would soon make acquaintance with them, 
and very likely become good friends in no time, 
particularly if you reminded them that you and 
your master have got something in common with 
them, with regard to disposition of mind and body. 
As they are rather hard of understanding, you might 
also explain that you have had an extra long lease 
of an amphibious power; and if you should not 
have the proof ready you might forge an old deed, 
ad instar of those that are in the Vatican, and show 
them that all your leases expired anno Domini 1860, 
and that since then vou have been a tenant-at-will, 
and merely on sufferance. To increase the scenic 
effect, you might show them that you can shed 



264 



crocodile tears like them at your pleasure ; you 
might also hash up for them a kindred mytho- 
logically divine story, flattering to their and your 
own origin ; and I am quite sure they would * in- 
stantly recognise you, your master, and followers, as 
individuals of the same family or tribe, and sign 
with you a treaty of perpetual alliance, and let you 
settle and live as you liked for the future. If you 
take the advice I have given you, and really go, 
surely the Italians will give you their best thanks, 
though you do not deserve them ; but to get rid of 
you this time, in the hope that it would be for ever, 
they could afford to sing in chorus of your Fuga 9 
the celebrated Amen. Eeaders, I must beg your 
pardon, as I have not jei concluded my argument. 
I have to state here that after the death of Alex- 
ander the Sixth the Clergy agreed to insert in their 
Canonic Laws a decree forbidding for the future any 
foreign Cardinal to become Pope, or even to exercise 
that power ad interim. If I do not mistake, there 
is also some mention of this in the first Session of 
the Council of -Trent. That law was agreed and 
passed to avoid for the future the grassation and 
spoliation of the Italian nobles and rich families by 
the Popes, which they effected with the assistance 
of the armies of their foreign friends. Therefore, 
the story of the Belgian papers is a silly invention, 
thrown out as a feeler from that Jesuitical Eookery, 
and their candidate, the Hibernio - Spanish Erisich- 
thon, must continue where he is, to exercise his 
mouth in vain, and to tire his ever-grinding teeth, 
deluding his throat with imaginary meats cooked at 
the shades of the Westminster soup-kitchens instead 
of those at the Vatican. 

Note. — In allusion to that candidate, Cardinal 
Worldly Wiseman, of diabetical propensities, as Ovid 
says of Erisichthon, in lib. 8, Metamorph. : 

" . . . . . cibus omnis in illo 
Causa cibi est, semperque locus fit inanis edendo." 



265 



DIPLOMATIC, HISTOEICAL, AND ECCLESI- 
ASTICAL NEGATIVE PEOOES OE THE 
PAPAL TEMPORAL POWER. 

Malgre the industry of the Popes, they never had 
the temporal power in any of the Ecclesiastical States, 
not even in Rome itself, because the Greek Emperors, 
or their delegates, always exercised it, and after them 
the Carlovingian Monarchs ; then the Austro and 
German Emperors succeeded in always retaining 
under their sway the temporal power or supreme 
dominion, despite the schisms, depositions, revolu- 
tions, and spoliations which opened the doors to the 
Popes to secure the victim so much desired and so 
long premeditated. In these short intervals of in- 
ternal commotion, they have often grasped momen- 
tarily at the temporal power, but their malversations 
and misadministrations compelled them to give it up 
as forfeit to the real owner ; it was, therefore, as 
useless for Adrian to invent the Donation of Constan- 
tine, as it was some century after to forge deeds of 
Donations by Pipin, by Ludovicus Pius, by Otto the 
Eirst, and by Arrrigus or Henricus the Second, as 
we shall find by and by. Let us see how Pope 
Adrian's invention can stand, and permit me to ask 
Antonelli and Co. how it was that the Popes Constan- 
tine, Gregory the Second and Third, the Stephens, 
and the succeeding Popes down to Adrian (such deter- 
mined enemies of the Greek Empire, of the Lombard 
Kings, and of the Exarchs, that they leagued them- 
selves together in a conspiracy with Charles Martel 
and his successors to spoliate and dethrone the Lom- 
bards and the Greek Emperors of their Italian States), 
should have ignored the Donation of Constantine, 
which would have been the best motive for a war of 
spoliation ? 

How was it that Pope Constantine and the Grego- 
ries, Zaeharia, &c, who were such audacious enemies, 

A A 



266 



and so malignant and so fraudulent — did not claim 
Constan tine's Donation ? Mr Antonelli cannot answer 
and say that they had probably forgotten all about 
it, nor can he plead their ignorance of it, because it 
was their business to know what belonged to the 
Church and what to the Emperors and Kings. There 
was, in fact, no excuse whatever for those Popes, and 
there is. none now for Antonelli. The gigantic 
swindle of Adrian was still in nuhibus, and this dodge 
first came out after the coronation of Charlemagne, 
when Adrian saw that the lion took for himself the 
whole of the prey, and left the skin only as the share 
of his companion and abettor. It was then, and not 
before, that this fraud was invented. So Constan- 
tine and the Gregories, though rogues enough, did 
not invent gunpowder, nor the Donation of St Peter's 
Patrimony. While the mountain was giving birth, 
to this ridiculous mouse, Adrian was so inebriated 
with his expectations, that he never even thought of 
preparing any documents, real or forged, to support 
his invention. When Charlemagne, astonished at 
his demand, asked him to show his title to it, the 
Pope of course could not produce any. He thus 
found himself much deluded in his calculation of the 
French monarch's credulity. Though this invention 
failed then, yet subsequent Popes thought it a good 
scheme, and had a fine deed prepared for the ominous 
gift ; but when it was produced, it was found out 
to be so elaborately drawn up, and so fresh in gold, 
and so like a new work of art — added to which the 
signature of Constantine, as well as that of the Im- 
perial notary, was still wanting— that, as a matter of 
course, the diploma and St Peter's Patrimony made 
a second fiasco. 

The Popes likewise pretended that there was a 
Donation of the Exarchate by Pipinus ; but this is 
also proved a fictitious donation, because Charle- 
magne, who succeeded Pipin, can be proved to have 
been master of the Exarchate, and also of Eome, 



267 



before and after his coronation. This fact is also 
traced by Baronius, anno 726, who reports the letter 
of Pope Gregory the Second to the Doge of Venice, 
entreating him to recover the Exarchate from the 
Lombard King, and to restore it to the Greek Em- 
peror, the master of Rome, and of the other States 
belonging to the holy Imperial Republic. 

This letter was still preserved in the Venetian 
Archives at the beginning of the present century, 
and was printed in the Italian Histories, &c. The 
Doge complied with the request, and took Ravenna 
from the Lombards : u Gregory, bishop, servant of 
the servants of God, to TJrsus, his dearest son, Duke 
of Venice. — The city of Ravenna, the first of all, 
having been taken because of our sins by the wicked 
nation of Lombardy, and our dearest son and excel- 
lent master the Exarch, residing at Venice, we 
entreat your Highness to join yourself to him and 
to labour together in order to reduce the city of 
Ravenna to the Imperial dominion, so that full of 
zeal and love for our holy faith, we may, with the 
help of the Lord, remain inviolably attached to the 
service of our masters and dearest sons, the great 
Emperors Leo and Constantine." 

Quia Ravennatium Civitas, quae caput ex tat 
omnium, a nec dicenda gente Longobardorum capta 
est, et Eilius noster eximius Dominus Exarchus apud 
Venetias moratur ; Debeat nobilitas tua ei adheerere, 
et cum eo nostra vice pariter decertare, et ad pris- 
tinum statum Sanctse Reipublicae in Imperiali Ser- 
vitio Dominorum Imperatorum ipsa revocetur Civitas, 
ut in statu Reipublicae, et Imperiali Servitio firmi 
persistere valeamus. 

In this letter it is candidly acknowledged by 
Pope Gregory the Second that Rome and the Eccle- 
siastical States were under the temporal rule of the 
Emperors, and that they remained so up till the time 
of tbe Erench kings. In another place I shall show 
that the Popes passed from the subordination of the 



268 



Greek to that of the French Emperors. "Without 
travelling very far to ratify this assertion, it will be 
sufficient for the moment to quote letter 84 of 
Adrian the First to Charlemagne, inserted in the 
Codex Carolinus, in which occurs this passage : 
Vestra Eegalis in Triumphis victoria Prsecipiendum 
emisit, ut a partibus Ravennae, seu Pentapoleos ex- 
pellerentur Venetici. Nos illico in partibus illis 
emisimus, Yestram adimplentem Regalem Yoluntatem. 
"We see here most distinctly that Adrian obeyed the 
orders sent to him by Charlemagne, whom you see, 
Mr Antonelli, was the master. The Popes never 
could prove that Pipin and Charlemagne made the 
donation of the Roman States to the Holy See as a 
real and valid donation de facto ei jure, and such 
thing really could not take place, nor did it have 
effect, because up to the time of Pipin the dominion 
of the Greek Emperors extended itself to Rome and 
to every other part of the States of the Church ; and 
if Pipin had conquered the Lombard King, and taken 
part of those States from his possession, and given 
them to the Pope, such gift must have been null and 
void, because they did not belong to the Lombard 
King, but to the Greek Emperor. It is therefore 
clear that the Lombard King usurped what belonged 
to the Greek Emperor, and that he protested against 
it, and besides wrote letters inviting the French King 
to undertake the war on account of the Greek Empire 
for the restoration of the States. The Greek Empe- 
ror also offered to defray the expenses of the war. 
These facts were so notorious that the Popes them- 
selves admitted them on various occasions. Cardinal 
Sfondratus, in Gallia Yindic. Diss, 2, c. 2, wrote : 
Longobardos injusto bello Italiam invasisse. Kon 
ergo ejus Dominium Grsecus Imperator amiserat : 
neque Carolus retinere earn poterat, quippe legitimo 
invitoque Dominio ablatam. According to this 
neither Pipin nor Charlemagne could give to the Pope 
a portion nor the whole of those States, nor to any- 



269 



body else, nor keep them for themselves, because 
they belonged to the Greek Emperor, who was their 
friend, and was not at war with any of them ; con- 
sequently he had not lost those States that Pipin 
conquered from the Lombards. And Monsign. Vin- 
cenzo Pietra Eeferendasio della Signatura, e Luogo- 
tenente della Bev. Camera Apostolica nel Tomo 3, 
Comment, ad Constitut. Apostol. Constit. 7, Alex. 
IV (Stampato in Eoma) said that Charlemagne pos- 
sessed de facto Italy, but not de jure, and he added 
that portions of those States — nam legitimi Inipera- 
tores Occidentis erant tunc Grseci, and he afterwards 
goes on to say that it was only from the time in 
which Charlemagne was crowned Emperor, that is r 
in 800 — accessit Carolo Jus retinendi, quod Longo- 
bardis eripuerat — that he acquired the right of re- 
taining what he took from the Lombards. And so 
he retained himself the temporal power ; and Guic- 
ciardini, Muratori, Maimbourg, and other celebrated 
historians, as well as Eginhard, the Arch- Chaplain of 
Charlemagne, in his Erench Annales, say that the 
Emperor Charlemagne preserved inviolate his autho- 
rity over Eome and the Exarchate ; that he nomi- 
nated the judges and the magistrates to make the 
laws and to administer justice in his own name. 
This is positively shown in the sixth chapter of the 
Eights of the Empire on the Ecclesiastical States, by 
that extraordinarily conscientious and learned histo- 
rian, the Hodonese L. Muratori. I see clearly that 
as there was a political intrigue with the Popes and 
the Erench royal family, very likely many mutual 
promises, written and verbal, were made by both 
parties. The Popes kept faith with Martel, Pipin, 
and Charlemagne. These monarchs, in the transport 
of their victory and joy, promised more than they 
gave, but soon found the means of deluding their 
copartners in the spoliation by retaining possession of 
the gifts, and forgetting the promises. 

It results evidently that in the year anno 

A A 2 



270 



Bom. 800 the Imperial dignity was changed and 
transferred from the Greek to the French Emperor 
Charlemagne, and his Sovereign power was exer- 
cised in Rome with the approbation even of Pope 
Leo the Third, who never thought of raising the 
least opposition or objection to it, as he never had 
nor his predecessor never had dared before Popes 
Constantino and the Gregories to oppose the Greek 
Emperor in any manner with regard to the Temporal 
Power. Leo the Third committed himself on 
various occasions most brutally and despotically 
towards some Roman Nobles, who retaliated about 
that time by giving him a good thrashing in the 
public streets of Eome ; besides which he was well 
tossed by the mob, who treated him with contempt 
and would not obey him. Eor these reasons the 
Pope was glad that Carlo Magno should be invested 
with the high dignity ; so that he would be able to 
screen himself under the Emperor's protection. By 
this means he hoped to recover some influence and 
power. Eginhard, Arch-Chaplain of Carlo Magno, 
speaking of the Will of his August Master, assures 
us that Rome, Ravenna, and Milan were three of 
the twenty-one Metropolitan cities of his Empire, 
and St Theophanus, Confessor, who lived at that 
time, wrote in his Chronographia Hist. Byzant. (p. 
599) ab anno 800 — Romam in Francorum Potes- 
tatem cessisse. 

These two brief quotations from two such cele- 
brated contemporary authors should be quite 
sufficient to establish the fact that in the year 
800 Carlo Magno was really the master of Rome, 
and of the Roman States, as well as of other parts 
of Italy, and that the Donations of Constantine and 
of Pipin were half a dream. If any further proof 
of ancient date is needed to corroborate the above 
statement, Otto Erisingensis, in his Chronica, lib. 5, 
c. 36, states — Francos Mundi caput Romam ad suam 
Ditionem transfudisse. This evidence is quite 



271 



sufficient to settle the point, without quoting any 
other author ; for the present, therefore, I will pass 
on to some other Donation or dream, and may say 
something more on the subject in a future chapter. 

History plainly tells us that the Greek Emperor 
offered to pay Pipin the expenses of his expedition 
and war against the Lombard King for the recovery 
of the Exarchate, and the restitution of it to the 
Caesarean dominion. Eut Pipin was deaf, and would 
not listen to the proposal ; the Emperor wrote to Pope 
Stephen the Second, with the same result ; and Pope 
Paul the Eirst, successor of Pope Stephen the Second, 
wrote to Pipin telling him that King Desidery and the 
Greek Emperor had concocted a scheme to repossess 
the States. In the Carolinian code, the letter 31 
contains this passage : ut utrique dimicantes Bavenna- 
tium civitatem comprehendere queant. The same 
Pope Paul the Eirst, in his letter 31, also in the 
Codex Carolinus, writing to Pipin, says : qui quotidie 
in ipsam Bavennatem ingredi civitatem ; he repeats 
this also in his 33rd and 34th letters. In letters 8, 
20, and 26, of the same Codex Car., it is shown 
that the Greeks pressed Pipin to the restitution, and 
had some warfare with Charlemagne about it, which 
continued for some years, from about 803, till at 
last, in 810, the Greeks and the Erench succeeded 
in making some arrangements ; a treaty of peace 
was concluded by which the Erench remained mas- 
ters of Eome, the Exarchate, and the other Eoman 
provinces, as well as the States of the Lombard Kings, 
already dethroned and extinct. The industry 
of the Popes in the way of pretended donations con- 
tinued prolific, and in the tenth and eleventh cen- 
turies, nay, even before, they claimed these donations 
which they had created by their own wit and 
forgeries. Eirst came the gift of Ludovico Pio, 
secondly that of Otto the Eirst, and thirdly that of 
Henry the Second. The blunders committed by the 
Popes in these forgeries were so inconsistent that 



272 



they served to the overthrow of the claims that they 
made with them. The Popes said that Ludovieus 
Pius gave to the Holy See a donation of the Eccle- 
siastic States, of Calabrias and Sicily, Sardinia and 
Corsica, and had a capital diploma forged to prove it ; 
but, unfortunately for them, as they never did half 
measures, they overstepped the mark, and in this ex- 
treme liberality to themselves took not only all what 
Ludovieus could give them of his own, but (on the 
supposition that a Sovereign can dispose of the States 
in which he has only a life-interest) they took what 
he could not give them, because they belonged to 
somebody else ; in fact, the Calabrias and Silician 
States were the property of the Greek Emperor, and 
were ruled by his Imperial vassals, while Sardinia and 
Corsica was ruled by the Erancks, who never dreamed 
of allowing the Popes to interfere, or dispose of any 
of their properties or affairs. This diploma was 
false or apocryphal, and the Donation null and void, 
because Ludovieus continued to rule as supreme 
master in Home and the Roman States ; because he 
continued to live in peace and harmony with the 
Greek Emperor ; because the Erancks were never dis- 
possessed by him or the Popes of the Islands ; because 
the bibliothecary Anasthasius, who was alive and 
intimate with the Pope and at the Vatican, neither 
registered nor named that diploma or Donation, and 
if such a Donation really had been made, of course 
the Pope would have been bound in duty to sound 
his trumpet and proclaim it to the world. Conse- 
quently, this diploma fell to the ground, and was 
evidently a .forgery, written at about the time of the 
quarrels and schisms of Gregory the VII with the 
Empire. Erom that time, of course, the Pope's 
partizans, and flatterers, and other partial writers, 
who would not take the trouble to investigate the 
truth, as they found that diploma inserted in the 
deeds of the Popes, did not hesitate to insert it also, 
or to name it in their works ; for instance, Ivo, Gra- 



273 



tianus, Cardin. Deusdedit, Dandulus, and others of 
later dates, did so either by ignorance or inadver- 
tence. 

As Anasthasius conld not speak of what did not 
exist at his time, and would have been of such im- 
portance if it had existed, I shall say no more about 
it, but condemn this imaginary Donation to deserved 
oblivion. 

In the diploma of Otto the First, which confirms 
to the Holy See the Donation of privileges granted 
by Ludovicus Pius, there is much discrepancy with 
the pretended original by Ludowick. In truth, this 
time the forger found out the mistake, that Ludowick 
could not dispose of Sardinia and Corsica; conse- 
quently he thought prudent to leave it out, and it was 
left out also in the pretended diploma by Henricus 
the Second. These two diplomas confirm or pretend 
to confirm to the Holy See all the States and privi- 
leges granted to it previously by others, and give 
to the Popes all their patrimonies. Ubicumque in 
partibus Eegni atque Imperii a Deo nobis concessi 
Patrimonia Nostra esse noscuntur. It is impossible 
to swallow such a large piece of incredulity, and the 
historian Pagi remarked that the formulae or style 
of writing of these diplomas were different from the 
others ; that the one of Otto seemed to be a copy 
of that of Henry, which should be posterior to 
it, and other circumstances which persuaded him 
that they were forgeries, without even the authen- 
ticity of the Imperial Notary to certify that they 
were either original or copies of regular deeds. 
Baluzius, Capital., t. 2, p. 1104, andMabillon, De Ee 
Diplom., lib. 2, c. 3, have also thrown many doubts 
upon the originality or the truth of them ; while 
others have not feared to commit an error in stating 
that they were apocryphal. On the supposition that 
these two diplomas were original and true, Otto the 
First reserves to himself the privilege that the Pope, 
before he is consecrated, shall promise, in the presence 



274 



of the Emperor's Envoys, for the satisfaction and 
security of everybody, that he will maintain in 
future everything that was conventionally agreed 
upon by Pope Leo, as it was known he did. In 
another place I shall report the oath of fidelity and 
submission to the Emperor that Leo the Third an- 
nually agreed to take to Charlemagne for the conces- 
sion that he obtained of taking tithes in some places. 
Besides these precautions, in every one of the Impe- 
rial documents occurs the clause, salvo tamen jure 
Imperii, &c. And it is clear that Otto would not 
omit the opportunity of reserving to himself and 
successors the rights of the Empire, which had 
always been exercised by him and by all his succes- 
sors. There is also another passage in these false 
diplomas which shows plainly that the Emperors had 
all the power, even in many things of which they 
had partly disposed, and that they never abandoned 
the privilege of exercising their rights when they 
thought it convenient. It is written in the diploma 
that Otto promised to the Pope : In urbe Eomana 
nullum Placitum, aut ordinationem faciam de om- 
nibus, quae ad te, aut ad Eomam pertinent, sine tuo 
Consilio ; that is, that, when he exercised in Rome 
his Imperial rights and adjudicated upon anything 
belonging to Eome, he would listen to the advice of 
the Pope, and almost submit his authority to him ; 
and this very circumstance proves indisputably that 
he was the absolute master even in that ; and if he 
condescended to declare to the Pope that in future he 
would take his advice upon the affairs that regarded 
Eome, he would do so as a respectful and a vene- 
rable tribute to the nominal representative of Chris- 
tianity, to enhance his dignity in the public opinion, 
by giving an example of respectful obedience to the 
Holy See. With regard to the other towns and pro- 
vinces of the Ecclesiastical States, it was a different 
thing with him, as he never missed an opportunity 
of doing or ordering anything to be done, according 



275 

to his will, without consulting the Pope, or giving 
notice to him of what he intended doing or dis- 
posing ; and truly he never had promised to any 
person that he would take their advice in the exer- 
cise of his Imperial power and judgment in his 
estates. For the present I think I have said enough 
to overthrow the pretended Donations or privileges of 
Otto the First and of Henry the Second ; that of 
Ludovicus Pius is already buried — and as the Holy 
See could not prove the existence of any of these 
Donations six or eight hundred years ago, nor at any 
period previous to that, not even at the very time 
when the people were monoculi, and unable to dis- 
tinguish anything in its proper shape and form, 
through one cause or the other, yet those near- 
sighted persons could not swallow their own 
credulity, in spite of their ignorance and darkness, 
nor could they be induced to believe in the abdi- 
cation of the Imperial power in favour of the Popes, 
nor be persuaded, nor coerced to it, malgre the super 
aspidem ambulans High Priest. What shall we say 
now that people have two eyes, and besides can 
read and write their own opinion, or listen to that 
of others without the prejudices and fears of excom- 
munication ? As for me, I firmly believe that Europe 
is fully persuaded of the nullity of the pretences of 
relationship between the Pope and St Peter, on 
account of the demoralization, degeneration, irre- 
ligious doctrines and practices, and anti- Christian 
principles inculcated by ninety-nine per cent, of all 
the Popes from Pope Silvester to the present day. 
The Emperors used also to style themselves Advo- 
cates, or special Defenders of the Holy See, Eoman 
Patricians, and Pii, Augusti, and sometimes also 
Pontifices Maximi — as seen by the ancient coins and 
medals, and in the various histories and documents. 
Baronius notes (Annal. ad. an. 1162) that Frederick 
the First was also accustomed to call himself Speci- 
alis Eonianae Ecclesise Advocatus, as well as Im- 



276 



perator Bom an or um ; and so the French Emperorg 
called themselves. Before I quit the subject of the 
nullity of the Donations or privileges of Ludowick, 
Otto, and Henry, in confirmation of what I have stated 
already, I must add, — to prove that the former 
Emperors, themselves and their successors, for some 
years never lost a particle of their dignity and 
power, — that it is plainly demonstrated by the 
Emperor's free exercise of the high dominion and the 
advocacy of the Eoman Church ; by their title, and 
the acclamations at their coronations, and by the 
oath of fidelity to them by the Popes and the Eoman 
people ; by the Emperor's authority to send at any 
time and in any towns of their States the Imperial 
Missi etJudices, the Envoys and Judges, to administer 
justice, and particularly in Eome ; by the Imperial 
Legates, who used annually to revise and scrutinize 
the accounts of the Pope's officials (and this practice 
the Emperors used to carry out also in France, and 
in the various Italian Duchies, as well as in any 
other part of their States out of Italy) ; by the full sub- 
mission and obligation that the Popes had of obeying, 
and of causing others to obey and execute, the orders 
and the edicts of the Emperors in all temporal matters. 
The reader may see these details in the decrees of 
Gratianus, Dist. 10, c. 9, and Baluzius, Capital., n. 21. 
By the Pope being compelled to give a yearly 
account to the Emperor of the administered justice, 
as stated by Gratianus at c. 141, 2, 9, 7. By the 
orders forbidding the Eomans to consecrate the newly 
elected Pope before the Imperial consent was given. 
This consent, under the Greek Emperors in former 
times, was always transmitted to Eome by the Ex- 
archs, who were the Imperially appointed persons a& 
hoc, and who had specific orders either to approve or 
give the veto, according to circumstances, and with- 
out which no Pope could be consecrated. The French 
Emperors did almost the same thing, even in the 
remainder of their States. By the coins and medals 



277 

struck in Bonie, on all of which was the effigy of the 
Emperor, though in some few instances there was 
also the effigy of the Pope. For instance, no coin 
has yet been found with the effigy of Charlemagne 
upon it before he was crowned Koman Emperor ; and 
as soon as he was crowned the coins had his effigy 
upon them with the Imperator Bomanorum; and 
these things prove his supreme temporal power, as 
stated by the Anonymous Salernitanus (Hist. Princ. 
Lang., par. 1, p. 27), in Camillo Pellegrino, that 
Charlemagne conferred upon Grimoaldus the Princi- 
pality of Benevento, and imposed upon him, as an 
obligation, that in all legal affairs, and in all diplo- 
mas and deeds, as well as upon the coins, there 
should always be the Imperial effigy : Ut Chartas, 
nummosque sui iNominis charaeteribus superscribi 
semper juberet. And Herempertus, in his History, 
£To. 4, asserts that Grimoaldus : In suis aureis ejus 
nomen aliquandiu figurari placuit, schedas simi- 
liter aliquanto jussit exarari, &c. The Emperors 
sometimes privileged a city or a Bishop to coin 
money with the same obligation. For instance, 
Henry the Second, by some called the Third, in the 
year 1094, privileged the Bishop of Padua to coin — 
as asserted by Sigonius, and by TJghelli (Italia Sacra, 
to. v, p. 413), and other historians. Charlemagne 
appears to have privileged also the city of Pavia to 
coin, with the same obligation of impressing on them 
his effigy; and other Emperors gave to that city a 
similar privilege, as related in the works of Gatti 
(Gymn. Ticin. Hist., c. 1, v. 11). 

In the Pope's Bulls, as well as in the deeds, and 
other official documents stipulated in the Ecclesias- 
tical States, as a sort of veneration to the head of 
the Church, was noted the names and years of reign 
of the Popes ; though, on the other side, or in the 
first place, there was always the years of reign 
of the Imperante Domino Nostro Piissimo Augusto, 
as related in the Bertinian Annales ad an. 868 

B B 



278 



(Concil. T. 8, pp. 103-114), and by Labbe, and as 
found in many ancient documents. Another proof 
of the Imperial dominion is deduced from the de- 
mands made by the Popes to the Emperors, and the 
concessions of the Emperors to the Popes, of the Con- 
firmation to them of the Government of Churches, not 
only in the Eoman States, but in the Imperial States, 
and this was the custom. These Imperial conces- 
sions to the Holy See were called by the Popes 
Privilegia, Another proof is to be found in the 
fact that the Emperors granted Privilegia to the 
Churches in the Ecclesiastical States, in the same 
manner and form as to the Churches of the Erench 
or any other territory, and imposed fines upon the 
transgressors of their Imperial orders. The Greek, 
the Erench, and German Emperors continued to 
maintain in Eome, and in other Italian towns, their 
Eiscal Offices and Courts, as is proved by many 
documents. The Popes, the Dukes, the Marquises, 
and the Bishops, or any other person who had States, 
had their Eiscals in Eome, and in other towns, 
although the Imperial Eiscals resided, adjudicated, 
and transacted their business in the same places. See 
Eiorentini (Mem. di Matild., lib. 3, p. 94), and 
TJghelli in the fifth volume, appendix to Ital. Sacr., 
p. 1487, who relates a deed in which the Imperial 
and the Papal Fiseals appeared against a third party, 
though separately, in the year 1056. 

The temporal power was constantly maintained 
in Eome and in the Ecclesiastical States by the 
consecutive exercise of it by the Emperors, the 
descendants of Charlemagne, and Eginhard says 
that Pope Paschal the Eirst, in the year 823, gave 
to Lotharius — Potestatem quam prisci Imperatores 
habuere, super Populum Eomanum. Pope Leo the 
Third, in the year 815, was compelled to make an 
apology, and plead many excuses to Ludowick Pius, 
who had sent Bernardt, King of Italy, to Eome, 
to express to the Pope his anger and sorrow at 



279 



having heard that he had condemned to death some 
Eoman nobles. 

Pope Leo was compelled to send to the Emperor 
Ludowick messengers to justify himself in having 
ordered the execution of the murdered nobles, and 
of the usurped authority ; and this would be suffi- 
cient to prove that up to that time, at least, the 
Pope had not a shred of temporal power, and that 
he was accountable for his actions, and for the 
administration of justice, to the supreme master the 
Emperor. 

In the year 855 it was related by Anasthasius that 
the election of Pope Benedict the Third was 
announced to the Invictissimis Lothario et Ludovico 
Augustis, and that the Emperors directly sent their 
messengers to Eome to intimate to the whole clergy,* 
to the Senate, and to the people that they should 
come to meet them on the other side of the Milvian 
Bridge by order of the Emperor, and to let them 
understand that they would be punished if they 
disobeyed. — " Omni clero, cunctoque Senatu, et 
universo Populo maxdaverunt, ut obviam illis trans 
Milvium pontem Imperatoris jussionibus irent," &c. 
Anasthasius relates also that in the same year, 855, 
Ludowick the Second ordered that several gentlemen 
should be severely tried in Eome for attempting to 
restore to the Greeks the temporal power of Eome 
and of the Italian States. 

Eeginone and Marianus Scotus wrote that Lotha- 
rius the First, father of Ludowick the Second, in the 
division which he made with his brothers, obtained 
the whole of the Italian kingdoms, and Eome itself. 
" Omnia Eegna Italiae cum ipsa Eomana TIrbe 
obtinuit," and in his Epitaph, reported by Duchesne, 
Script. Eranc, t. 2, p. 398, occurs this :— " Qui 
Erancis, Italis, Eomanis prsefuit ipsis." And the 
Epitaph of the Emperor Ludowick the Second, re- 
ported by Baronius, anno 844, reads thus : 

" Hie ubi flrma virum mundo produxerat setas 

M Imperii nomen Subdita Eoma dedit." 



280 



Moreover, Baronius reports a letter of Ludowick 
the Second to the Greek Emperor, anno 871, in 
•which he attempts to palliate his pretext for the 
assumption of the title of Emperor, and the dignity 
of Defender of the Holy See, — the mother of all the 
Christian churches, and in this way he proved to 
us that he was not only the depositary of the Ce- 
sarean dominion, but the only temporal Sovereign 
in Home, and in all his States, as well as the 
Advocate and Defender of the Holy Roman See. 

Miraris, quod non Erancorum, sed Eomanorum 
Imperator appellemur, &c. A Eomanis hoc nomen, 
et Dignitatem assumpsimus, apud quos profecto 
primo tan tad culmen sublimitatis et appellationis 
effulsit, Quorum que Gentem et TJrbem divinitus 
Gubernandam, et Matrem omnium Ecclesiarum Dei 
Defendendam atque sublimandam assumpsimus. 

Carolus Calvus, and after him the Emperor 
Charles le Gros, exercised temporal power in Eome y 
in the Exarchate, and the other Eoman States, in 
the same manner as their ancestors, without any 
restraints or impediments of the Popes or of the 
Prelates, who would have been uncommonly happy 
to find an opportunity to emancipate themselves 
from the supremacy of the Erench Emperors ; but, 
fortunately for the Italians, the French Caesars were 
not so bigoted as to permit the Popes to overstep 
their mark and their duty ; and they were strong 
enough, vigilant enough, and prompt enough, to 
repress any transgression of the laws, and to re- 
pristinate in its proper order the social and moral 
condition and the welfare of the nation. As long 
as the line of the Erench Caesars lasted, not only in 
Eome but in the other Italian provinces, the 
religio-political affairs and the administration of 
justice went on smoothly enough, though now and 
then occurred the necessity for Imperial interference 
to moderate the priestly efforts at innovations, or 
their pretexts for innovations, and the attempt at 
revolution and usurpation by the Pope and Clergy. 



281 



To balance the wrong that the French did by 
destroying the Lombard Kings and their Royal and 
Imperial vassals, there is to be found a compensation 
in the sparing of those victims which the priestly craft 
would have continued to make if the nation had 
continued under the rule of the Lombard Kings and 
the Greek Emperors, who were always wanting in 
energy and promptitude in enforcing the Bishops 
and the Popes to respect the laws of humanity and 
religion. For this reason only I regret that French 
domination ended; but I regret also the substitu- 
tion of the Austro-German power, which proved 
incompetent in most instances to restore law and 
order, and permitted the monstrosities that polluted 
not only Italy itself but spread soon after in every 
corner of Europe, and after Columbus and Vespucci's 
discoveries infected and stained the whole of the 
world with its crimes, Papistic blasphemies, vices, 
and anti- Christian immoralities. There are other 
important political facts which occurred at the time 
of Pipin and Charlemagne which I might state, but 
for the sake of order I must go back again and 
resume the thread, and come up again to the suc- 
session of the Austro-German Emperors to the Holy 
Eoman Empire. 

I have said that the JExarcha of Eavenna was 
the alter ego of the Greek Emperors in Italy, well 
informed of the will of his master, and learned 
enough to control the Pope. His duty was to 
restore everything to its proper equilibrium, to keep 
order in all the Eoman States, to inform his master 
of everything of political or of religious importance, 
and to confirm or prohibit the consecration of the 
Pope, if the election had been irregular, or if it had 
fallen on an enemy of the Greek Empire. The 
Exarcha was always Archbishop of Eavenna, with 
temporal and spiritual power, and a small army at 
his disposition, and the Popes considered them like 
their own nightmare, and were exceedingly jealous 

B B 2 



282 



of those rivals who had more power than they had 
themselves. I could state here that the Popes did 
all they could to have them abolished or brought 
under their own submission, but the French Emperors 
preferred the suppression to the degradation of the 
dignity. However, the Exarchs received the news 
of the elections of the Popes, or assisted at them ; 
and regularly received also the letters signed by 
the Roman clergy and people, as stated by Girolamo 
Rossi in his History of Ravenna, and as most dis- 
tinctly expressed also by the historian Anasthasius. 
These letters to the Exarch were — Supplicantes 
celsse ejus Dominationi, ut nos famulos voti compotes 
celeriter fieri praecipiat, &c, ut celerius Apostolicam 
sedem de perfecta ejusdem nostri Patris atque Pas- 
toris ordinatione adornare praecipiatis, utpote minis- 
terium Imperialis fastigii feliciter, atque fideliter 
peragentes, &c. 

A monumental document of the temporal power 
of Charlemagne in Rome was still extant a few 
years ago. " In the famous hall constructed by Leo 
in the palace of the Lateran (says an historian) is to 
be found an immense mosaic, which is still in 
existence." M. de Saint Marc gives the following 
description of this piece of antiquity : — " This 
mosaic represents Jesus Christ giving with his right 
hand the keys to St Peter, and with the left hand a 
standard to a prince wearing a crown. The inscrip- 
tion ' Constantino V./ shows that the prince is 
Constantine, the son of Irene. A frame placed 
behind the head of the figure indicates, according to 
the antiquarians, that this prince was still in 
existence and in power at the time the mosaic was 
constructed. This representation is a proof that the 
power of the Emperor was still respected at Rome, 
and that he was the supreme lord. On the other 
side of the mosaic is a Pope kneeling, to whom St 
Peter is giving, with his right hand, the Pallium, 
while a prince, also kneeling, with moustaches, the 



283 

sword, the mantle, and bands of divers colours 
round his legs, such as Charlemagne was accustomed 
to wear, is receiving a standard from the left hand 
of the same Apostle. The frames placed behind 
the heads of the kneeling persons show that they 
represent living people, whom the following inscrip- 
tions, ' Sacratum D. N". Leo et D. 5T. Carolo regi,' 
announce to be Leo III and Charlemagne." 

Before quitting the subject of Charlemagne's 
supremacy in the temporal power in Rome and the 
Ecclesiastical States, I think it will not be inoppor- 
tune to insert his last will and testament, by which 
it will be seen that he gave no temporal power what- 
ever to the Pope, and that he invested his son 
Ludovicus Pius with the disposition of that power 
and the Empire, &c. 

Disposition de l'Emperettr Charlemagne, pour 

ETABLIR, ET CONSERVES LA PaIX ENTRE SES 
ENEANS, ET LETJR DIVISER SES ETAT3. EaITE 

atjx Etats tentjs a Thionville : 

In nomine Patris, et Eilii et Spiritus Sancti. Goiaast, 1. 1 3 

. *» p. 145. 

Imperator Caesar Carolus, Rex Erancorum invictissi- Fauchet 
mus, et Romani Eector Imperii, Pius, Eelix, Yictor Ansae jfai 
ac Triumphator, semper Augustus, omnibus fidelibus so6. 
sanctas Dei Ecclesise et cuncto populo Christiano, 
presenti et futuro, gentium ac nationum, quaa sub (*) 
imperio ac regimine constitute sunt. 

1. Sicut omnibus vobis notum esse, et neminem 
vestrum latere credimus, quomodo nos divina 
dementia, cujus nutu ad occasum tendentia sascula 
per successiones (a) generationum reparantur, tres 
nobis dando filios, magno nos miserationis ac benedic- 
tionis suae ditavit munere, quia per eos secundum 
vota nostra et spem nostram de Regno confirmavit, 
et curam oblivioni obnoxiae posteritatis leviorem 
fecit. Ita et hoc vobis notum fieri volumus, quod 
eosdem per Dei gratiam filios nostros Regni a Deo 



284 



nobis (5) concessi, donee in corpore sumus, et post 
nostrum ab hac mortalitate discessum hujus a Deo 
conservandi Begm vel Imperii Kostri hseredes 
relinquere, si sic Divina Majestas annuerit, optamus. 
3Son ut confuse atque inordinate, aut sub totius 
Eegni dominatione jurgii controversiam eis relin- 
quamus ; sed trina partitione totum Eegni corpus 
dividentes, quam quisquis illorum tueri vel regere 
debeat, portione (e) distribuere et designare voluimus, 
eo videlicet modo, ut sua quisquis portione contentus 
juxta ordinationem nostram et fines Eegni sui, qui 
ad alienigenas extenduntur, cum Dei adjutorio nitatur 
defend ere, et pacem atque caritatem cum fratre 
custodire. 

2. Divisiones vero a Deo conservati et conservandi 
Imperii vel Eegni nostri tales facere placuit, ut 
Aquitaniam totam (d) et Yuasconiam (excepto pago 
Turonico), et quicquid inde ad Occidentem atque 
Hispaniam respicit, et de civitate Mvernis, quse sita . 
est super fluvium Ligerim cum ipso pago Mvernense, 
pagum (e) Avalensem, atque Alsensem, Cabillionen- 
sem, Matisconensem, Lugdunensem (/) Gabojam, 
Moriennam, Tarentasium Montem Cinisium, Vallem 
Gegusinam usque ad Clusas, (g) et inde per terminos 
Italorum montium usque ad mare, vel usque ad 
Hispanias continetur, hoc est, illam portionem Bur- 
gundias et Provinciam ac Septimaniam, vel Gothiara, 
Ludovico dilecto filio nostro consignavimus. 

3. Italiam vero, qua3 et Longobardia dicitur, et 
(h) Bojoariam, sicut Tassilo tenuit, exceptis duabus 
villis, quarum nomina sunt Ingoldestat, et Lutra- 
hahof, (i) quas nos quondam Tassiloni beneficavimus, 
et pertinent ad pagum, qui dicitur ISTortgouve, et de 
Alemannia partem, quae in Australi ripa Danubii 
fluminis est, et de ipso fonte Danubii, currente 
limite, usque ad Ehenum fluvium in confinio pagorum 
Clergouve et Hegouve in locum quo dicitur Auge : 
et inde per Ehenum fluvium sursum versus usque 
ad Alpes, quicquid intra hos terminos fuerit, et ad 



285 



Meridiem vel Orientem respicit una cum Ducatu 
Curiensi et Pago Burgove, \h) Pipino dilecto filio 
nostro ordiuamus. 

4. Quicquid autem de Eegno Nostro extra hos 
terminos fuerit, id est Pranciain et Burgundiam, 
excerpta ilia post quam Ludovico dedimus, atque 
Alamaniam, excepta ilia portione quam Pipino (T) 
adscripsimus, Austriam, Neustriam, Thuringiam, 
Saxoniam, Prisiam et partem Bojoariae, quae dicitus 
iforthgouve, dilecto filio nostro Carolo (m) concessi- 
mus, ita ut Carolus et Ludovicus viam habere possint 
in Italiam ad auxilium (n) faciendum fratri suo, si 
ita necessitas extiterit, Carolus per yallem Augus- 
tanam, quae ad Eegnum ejus pertinet, et Ludovicus 
per vallem Segusianam. Pipinus vero et exitum et 
ingressum per Alpes JSoricas atque curiam. 

5. Haec autem tali ordine disposuimus, ut si Carolus, 
qui major est natus, priusquam ceteri fratres diem 

. obierit, pars Eegni quam habebat, dividatur inter 
Pipinum et Ludovicum, sicut quondam divisum est 
Eegnum inter nos et fratrem nostrum Carlomannum, 
eo modo ut Pipinus illam portionem habeat, quam 
frater noster Carlomannum habuit, Ludovicus vero 
illam partem, quam nos in ilia partitione suscepimus. 
Si vero Carolo et Ludovico viventibus, Pipinus 
debitum humanae (o) naturae compleverit, Carolus et 
Ludovicus dividant inter se Eegnum, quod ille 
habuit. Et base divisio tali modo fiat, ut ab 
Ingressu Italiae per Augustam civitatem accipiat 
Carolus Eboreiam, Yercellas, Papiam, et inde per 
Padum fiuvium termino currente usque ad fines 
Eegiensium et Ipsum Eegium, et civitatem £fovam 
atque Mutinam usque ad terminos Sancti Petri. 
Has civitates cum suburbanis, et territoriis suis, 
atque Comitatibus, quae ab ipsas pertinent, et quic- 
quid inde Eomam (p) pergenti ad laevam respicit de 
regno quod Pipinus habuit, una cum Ducatu Spole- 
tano, hanc portionem, sicut praediximus accipiat 
Carolus 



286 



6. Quicquid autem a praedictis civitatibus vel 
Comitatibus Eomam eunti ad dexteram jacet de 
prasdicto Eegno, id est portionem quae remansit de 
(q) regione Transpadana, una cum Ducatu Tuscano 
usque ad mare Australe, et usque ad Provinciam, (r) 
Ludovicus ad augmentum sui Eegni sortiatur. 
Quod si ceteris superstitibus Ludovicus fuerit de- 
funetus earn partem Burgundiae, quam Eegno ejus 
adjunxirnus, cum Provincia, et Septimania sive 
Gothia usque ad HispaniamPipinus accipiat, Carolus 
yero Aquitaniam atque Vasconiam. 

7. Quod si talis nlius cujuslibet istorum trium 
fratrum natus fuerit, quern populus eligere velit, 
ut patri suo succedat in Eegni hsereditate, volumus 
ut in hoc consentiant patrui ipsius pueri, et regnare 
permittant fllium fratris sui in portione Eegni, quam 
Pater ejus eorum frater habuit. 

8. Post hanc nostras auctoritatis dispositionem, 
placuit inter praedictos filios nostros statuere atque 
praecipere propter pacem, quam inter eos perpetuo 
manere desideramus, ut nullus eorum fratris sui 
terminos vel regni limites invadere praesumat, neque 
fraudulenter ingredi ad conturbandum regnum ejus, 
vel mareas minuendas, sed adjuvet unusquisque 
illorum fratrem suum, et auxilium ei ferat contra 
inimicos ejus juxta rationem et possibilitatem, sive 
intra patriam, sive contra exteras nationes. 

9. JSTeque aliquis illorum homineni fratris sui pro 
quibuslibet causis, sive culpis ad se confugientem 
suscipiat ad intercessionem pro eo faciendam : quia 
volumus, ut quilibet homo peccans et intercessione 
indigens intra Eegnum Domini sui, vel ad loca 
sancta, vel ad honoratos homines confugiat, et inde 
justam intercessionem mereatur. 

10. Similiter praecipimus, ut quemlibet liberum 
hominem ; qui Dominum suum contra ejus volunta- 
tem dimiserit, et de uno regno in aliud profectus 
fuerit, neque ipse Eex suscipiat, neque hominibus 
suis consentiat, ut talem hominem recipiant, vel 



287 



juste retinere praesumant : hoc non solum de liberis, 
sed etiani de servis fugitivis statuimus ordinandum, 
ut nulla discordiis relinquatur occasio. 

11. Quapropter praecipiendum nobis videtur, ut 
post nostrum ab hac mortalitate discessum, homines 
uniuscuj usque eorum accipiant beneficia unusquisque 
in regno Domini sui, et non in altero, ne forte per 
hoc, si aliter fecerit scandalum aliquod accidere pos- 
sit. Haereditatem autem suam habeat unusquisque 
illorum hominum absque contradictione in unoquoque 
regno, quam eum legitime habere contigerit. 

12. "Ut unusquisque liber homo post mortem 
Domini sui licentiam habeat se commendandi inter 
haec tria regna ad quodcumque voluerit : similiter et 
ille, qui nondum alicui est commendatus. 

13. De traditionibus autem, et venditionibus, quae 
inter partes fieri solent, praecipimus ut nullus ex his 
tribus fratribus, suscipiat de regno alterius a quolibet 
homine traditionem, yel venditionem a quolibet 
homine, hoc est, terrarum, vinearum, sylvarum, 
atque libertatem, servorumque qui jam casati sunt, 
sive caeterorum, quae haereditatis nomine censentur, 
auro, argento, et gemmis, armis, et his speciebus, 
quae proprie ad negotiatores pertinere noscuntur : 
caeteris vero liberis hominibus hoc minime inter- 
dicendum putamus. 

14. Si quae autem feminae, sicut fieri solet, inter 
partes et regna fuerint ad conjugia postulatae, ne 
denegentur juste poscentibus, sed iiceat eis vicissim 
dare et accipere, et affinitatibus populos inter se 
sociati. Ipsae vero feminae potestatem habeant 
rerum suarum in regno, unde exierant, quando in 
alio propter mariti societatem habitant. 

15. De obsidibus autem, qui propter credentias dati 
sunt, et a nobis per diversa loca ad custodiendum 
destinati sunt, volumus ut ille Rex, in cujus regno 
sunt, absque voluntate fratris sui de cujus regno 
sunt sublati, in patriam eos redire non permittat, 
sed potius in futurum in suscipiendis obsidibus alter 



288 



alteri mutuum ferat auxilium, si f rater fratrem hoc 
facere rationabiliter postuiaverit. Idem jubemus de 
his, qui pro suis facinoribus in exilium missi vel 
mittendi sunt. 

16. Si causa vel intentio controversiae talis inter 
partes propter terminos et confinis regnorum ortse 
fuerint, quae hominum testimonio declarari vel 
definiri non possint : tunc volumus ut ad declara- 
tionem rei dubiae, judicio crucis, Dei voluntas et 
rerum Veritas (s) exquiratur, nec unquam pro tali 
causa cujuslibet generis pugna vel campus ad exami- 
nationem (t) judicetur. Si vero quilibet homo de 
uno regno hominem de altero regno de infidelitate, 
contra (u) Dominum suum accusaverit, mittat eum 
Dominus suus ad fratrem suum, ut ibi eomprobet, 
quod de homine illius dixit. 

17. Super omnia autem jubemus, ut ipsi tres 
fratres curam et Defensionem Ecclesiae Sancti Petri 
simul suscipiant, sicut quondam ab avo nostro Carolo 
et beatae memorise geiritore Pipino Eege, et a nobis 
postea suscepta est, ut earn cum Dei adjutorio ab 
hostibus defendere nitantur, et justitiam suam quan- 
tum ad ipsos pertinet et ratio postulat, habere 
faciant. Similiter et de ceteris Ecclesiis, quae sub 
illorum fuerint potestate, precipimus, et justitiam 
suam et locorum habeant potestatem rerum, quae ad 
ipsa loca pertinent, in quocumque de his tribus 
regnis illarum Ecciesiarum possessiones fuerint. 

18. Quod de his statutis atque convenientiis aliquid 
casu quolibet vel ignorantia (quod non optamus) 
fuerit irruptum, praecipimus ut quam citissime se- 
cundum justitiam emendare studeant, ne forte propter 
dilationem majus damnum possit accidere. De 
Eiliabus autem nostris, sororibus silicet praedictorum 
nliorum nostrorum, jubemus ut post nostrum ab hoc 
corpore discessum, licentiam habeant eligendi, sub 
cujus fratris tutela et defensione se conferre velint. 
Et qualiscumque ex illis monasticam vitam elegerit, 
liceat ei honorifi.ee vivere sub defensione fratris sui, 



289 



in cujus regno degere voluerit. Quae autem juste et 
rationaliter a condigno viro ad conjugium quaesita 
fuerit, et ei conjugalis vita placuerit, non ei denegatur 
a fratribus suis, si et viri postulantis et fceminae 
consentientis honesta et rationabilis fuerit voluntas. 

19. De Nepotibus vero nostris, silicet filiis prae- 
dictorum filiorum qui eis vel jam nati sunt, vel adhuc 
noscituri sunt, placuit nobis praecipere, ut nullus 
eorum per quaslibet occasiones, quemlibet ex illis 
apud se accusatum sine justa discussione at que exami- 
natione aut membris mancare aut excaecare, aut in- 
vitum tondere faciat : sed volumus ut honorati sint 
apud patres vel patruos suos, et obedientes sint cum 
omni subjectione, quam decet in tali consanguini- 
tate esse. 

20. Hoc postremo statuendum nobis videtur, ut 
quicquid adhuc de rebus et constitutionibus, quae ad 
profectum et utilitatem eorum pertinent, his nostris 
decretis atque praeceptis addere voluerimus, sic a 
praedictis dilectis filiis nostris observatur atque cus- 
todiatur, sicut ea quae de his jam statuta et descripta 
sint, custodire et observare praecipimus. 

21. Haec autem omnia ita disposuimus, atque ex 
ordine firmare decrevimus, ut quam diu divinae 
Majestati placuerit nos hanc corporalem agere vitam, 
potestas nostra sit super a Deo conservatum regnum 
atque Imperium istud, sicut actenus fuit in regimine 
atque ordinatione, et omni dominatu Regali atque 
Imperiali, ut obedientes habeamus praedictos filios 
nostros, atque Deo amabilem populum nostrum cum 
omni subjectione, quae patri a filiis, et Imperatori ac 
Eegi a suis populis exhibetur. — Amen. 

Notes to Chablemag-ne's Will. 
(*) Al. ejus. 

(a) Generationum reparationes generantur. 
(&) Al. conservati. 
(c) Al. describere. 

c c 



290 



(d) AL usque Vascon. 

(e) Al. ananen. 
(/) Sanbandia. 

(g) Al. et inter ternis. 

(h) Al. Bajone. 

(i) Al. quas quondam Tassilo nostro Beneficio 

tenuit. 

(Jc) Pepin mourut avant son pere en 810 n'ayant 
laisse qu'un fils natural nomme Bernard 
qui lui succeda au Eoyaume d' Italic 

(J) Al. dedinus. 

(m) Charles mourut avant son pere en 811 sans 

avoir laisse d'enfans. 
(n) Al. ferendum. 
(o) AL sortis. 
(p) Al. genuam. 
(q) AL Eegno transpadano. 
(r) Al. Ludovico cedat. 
(s) AL inquiratur. 

(f) AL indicatur. 

(u) Al. fratrem Dominis sui. 

This is a capital document, but as I do not see 
where are the donations of Rome, of the Exarchate, 
and of the other Eoman States made by Charlemagne 
to the Holy See, and as this document is of great 
importance, by which a fair division of the Eoman 
Empire was made, and distributed accordingly to his 
three sons only, and as those States are not even named, 
I presume I am at liberty to inquire who had them by 
right, or who pretended to annex them to the Eoman 
See, or how it happened that the Pope never had 
them ? For certain, he was not named in this will, 
or in any other memorandum. Perhaps Mr Anto- 
nelli or Dupanloup can throw some light upon this 
fact, and if they persist in stating that Charlemagne 
gave them to the Holy See without producing the 
deed of gift or donation, then they will compel me 
to tell them a trifling fact, which consists in this 



291 



little bit of narrative, — that Charlemagne gave to 
the Holy See those States as truly and really as Con- 
stantine did before him, exactly in the same manner ; 
and to corroborate that fact, Charlemagne made a 
Postscriptum of Confirmation upon the very same 
parchment upon which was forged the donation of 
Constantine to the Holy See. If this story does not 
satisfy the pretentious Bishops, then I will refer 
them to the Secretary, Arch-Chaplain, and Chancellor 
of Charlemagne, Eginhard, who recorded all those 
affairs, and other political facts that are purposely 
ignored by the upper clergy, and there they will 
read that Charlemagne, in the year 813, convoked a 
great assembly of the notability, and, while living, 
resigned and crowned his son Ludovicus Pius as Em- 
peror of the Eomans, renouncing to him Eome and 
the States, as I have written in another chapter. 

There is also another Testament of the Emperor 
Charlemagne, by which he disposes of his treasures^ 
money, habiliments, books, furniture, and any other 
things belonging to him, for the benefit of his chil- 
dren, his servants, and the poor, made in the year 
811. I have read it, and I have it in full; but as 
there is nothing for the Pope, I think it time lost to 
copy it or to translate it, this last being in Erench. 

Pipin and Charlemagne were Fatrizi of Eome, and 
that title not only conferred the citizenship of Eome, 
but the jurisdiction and dominion of Eome, as also 
the duty of defending and protecting the Eoman 
Church, as is asserted by the historian De Marca 
(De Concord. Sac. et Imp., lib. 1, c. 12). Anas- 
thasius says that Pope Adrian the First sent to meet 
Charlemagne : Universos Judices ad fere triginta 
milia ab hac urbe Eomana, et venerandas cruces, 
idest signa, sicut mos est ad Exarcham seu Patricium 
suscipiendum ; — that is, that the Pope sent all the 
Judges nearly thirty miles from Eome to meet 
Charlemagne, as was the custom to receive the Ex- 
archs or Patricians. And when Leo the Third was 



292 



created Pope in 796, Eginhard (seu Adelm.) says, 
in Annal. Franc, ad an. 776 : Per Legatos suos 
claves Confessionis S. Petri, ac vexillum Romanse 
Urbis, cum aliis muneribus Eegi misit ; et rogavit 
ut aliquem de suis Optimatibus Bomarn rnitteret, qui 
populum Romanum ad suam fidem, atque subjec- 
tion em per sacramenta firmaret. — What do you think 
of that, Mr Antonelli ? Paulus Diaconus, who was 
almost a contemporary author, wrote in lib. de Me ten. 
Episc. that : Caroius Magnus Romanos, ipsamque 
Urbem Romuleam quae aliquando Mundi totius I)o- 
mina fuerat, et tunc a Longobardis oppressa gemebat 
duris angustiis eximens Suis addidit Sceptris. Egin- 
hard, in the life of Charlemagne, says that that great 
Prince extended the kingdom of Prance beyond — 
Aquitaniam et Vasconiam, deinde Totam Italiam, 
turn Saxoniam, &c. (Here I beg to state that a 
blunder occurs, because the States of Naples and 
Sicily were under the Greek Emperor still, and re- 
mained so for some time after.) Histriam quoque, 
&c, et ita perdomuit, ut eas tributarias effecerit. 
And by the testimony of the said monk Adelmo, in 
the said Erench Annals, in the year 786, Charle- 
magne made Benevento and its lands also tributary : 
conveniens esse arbitratus, ut illius Regni residuam 
portion em suae Potest ati subjiceret. As I have already 
stated that Pipinus and Charlemagne made dona- 
tions, and confirmed them by diplomas to the Popes, 
it occurs to me that I may state here what these 
donations consisted of. Erom the Epist. 96 of the 
Codex Carolinusy written by the Pope to Charle- 
magne, to thank him for the donation of some cities 
in the territory of Benevento, it resulted that the 
King's Commissioners or Governors gave him only 
the monasteries, the convents, the churches, and the 
keys, and not the towns and populations of them, 
as appears from that letter, and from the subsequent 
letter, STo. 90, of the said Adrian to Charlemagne, in 
which he begs that he would not give the Duchy of 



293 



Benevento to Grimoaldus. As Adrian does not state 
what keys they were, and as the King's Commis- 
sioners retained the temporal power in Benevento, 
the keys alluded to by Adrian must have been the 
keys of the wine-cellars of the convents and monas- 
teries, because soon after Charlemagne gave the 
Duchy of Benevento (already disposed of to Adrian) 
to Duke Grimoaldus, in spite of the begging-letter of 
Adrian, and of the already-named donation to the 
Holy See. I should not be at all surprised at the 
truth of my supposition, as I see the Primitive 
Bishops were particularly fond of the bottle, and 
flasks of every sort of colour and size, as I shall 
show when I have occasion to speak of a miraculous 
flask hereafter. 

The Greek Emperor wrote to Pipinus to restore 
to the Greek Empire Ravenna, and the other cities 
of the Exarchate, usurped by Astolphus, and it is 
clearly evident that up to the coronation of Charle- 
magne the Exarchate was the absolute property of 
the Greek Emperors, and after that they lost the' 
dominion of those States and of Rome. The 
Popes pretended that Pipin and Charlemagne had 
given them the Exarchate, &c. ; but these assertions 
were false under various aspects, because the Ex- 
archate and other cities in Italy were still under the 
dominion of the Greek Emperors, who were the de jure 
masters when Pipin and Charlemagne made the promise 
of those donations to the Popes, and common sense will 
not admit that they should have made a donation of 
what belonged to others ; legally speaking they 
could not even detain those States for their own use 
and purposes unless they aspired to the dignitoso 
titolo of Usurpers ; and to become the de facto masters 
of those States, it was necessary to be crowned as 
Roman Emperors. In presence of such facts, the 
donations made by them previous to their coronation 
were perfectly ridiculous, as only after their coro- 
nation they could acquire any rights for themselves* 

c c 2 



294 



and not before, as they had not a legal right, having 
conquered those States from the Lombards, at the 
instance of their friend the Greek Emperor, as I 
have stated. In proof that Pipin and Charlemagne 
made no such donation of those States, and that the 
assertion is false, it is enough to say that Charle- 
magne used to send to Eome, Eavenna, and the 
other Italian towns the Judges, the Chancellors, 
the Governors, and other dignitaries to arrange 
and conduct affairs with regard to the temporal 
power : the only privilege that he gave to the 
Pope was full and ample permission to act freely 
in the administration of ecclesiastical affairs, 
which privilege has been swelled into a donation of 
the Ecclesiastical States. This is corroborated by 
the Ecclesiastical admissions, as affirmed by Egin- 
hard, that Charlemagne after his coronation invested 
the Popes with the power of the Exarchs. Admit- 
ting this to be the real fact, the conclusion which 
will naturally be drawn is that the Popes were then 
nothing more than the Imperial Vicars, administering 
a part of the Imperial secular affairs during the 
absence of the Imperial master. But the Popes have 
not had any opportunities of exercisiDg,^ro tempore, 
the power of the Exarchs, as can be proved by the 
various investitures of the following Emperors to the 
Princes, Dukes, and Vicars of the Empire. About 
the year 800 the Eoman people, the Senate, and the 
Pope proclaimed and invested Charlemagne with the 
authority and supremacy which the Greek Emperor 
exercised in the cities of the Exarchate and of Eome 
itself. Pope Leo the Third supported this investi- 
ture because the Greek Emperor was indolent, and 
neglected to support his Jus, and by such neglect 
the nobility and the Papisme had fallen into such 
contempt, that the people not only refused obedience 
to the laws and the orders of the Pope, but mocked 
and ill-treated him most barbarously, and nearly 
blinded him. 



295 



Charlemagne was crowned Emperor in Eome in 
the year 801, so says Albericus Monacus in Chronic, 
ad an. 801 : Uno omnium consensu, Carolo Eegi 
Imperatorias laudes acclamant. eumque per manus 
Leonis Papaa Coronant, Cassarem Augustum appel- 
lant. Eginhard also confirms this (Annal. Eranc. 
ad An. 801) adding, that soon after the Emperor 
administered public justice in Eome against the 
sacrilegious offenders of Pope Leo, and that the 
Judges of the Emperor were called Missi Domini 
Imperatoris, and were engaged — ad Uherandas liti- 
giosas contentiones — and that they had full power 
from the Emperor ad Justicias factendas, exequendas, 
ad recta judicia deter minanda 1 ad oppressiones popu- 
lorum relevandas, &c. And so it was after Leo's 
death ; when Pope Stephanus was elected he ordered 
the Eoman people to take oath of fidelity to the 
Emperor Ludowick, as stated by Teganus : Jussit, 
Stephanus, omnem Populum Romanium jidelitatem 
cum Jwamento promittere Ludovico. In the year 
815 Ludovicus Pius was informed of many dissen- 
sions that had happened in Eome with Pope Leo 
the Third, who had ordered and had several Eoman 
nobles executed. As soon as the Emperor heard of 
this he sent to Eome his nephew (Bernard, King 
of Italy) — ad cognoscendum quod nunciabatur. 
Paulus Diaconus notes also that Ludovicus Pius 
went to Eome in company with his son Lotharius, 
that he had him crowned by Paschal as a partner in 
ruling the Empire, and that "Paschalis quoque 
Apostolicus Potestatem, quam prisci Imperatores 
habuere, ei super populum Eomanum concessit." 

In the same year, 815, as soon as the Emperor 
learnt that by order of the Pope two nobles of the 
Eoman Clergy had been decapitated, he sent his 
Judges to Eome, and the Pope was privately tried, 
when he exculpated himself. Eginhard, or Adel- 
mus, evidently demonstrated with the above facts 
that the temporal power, or high supremacy, and the 



296 



full jurisdiction of the Emperors was extended and 
maintained, not only in Kome, but also in every 
town of the Exarchate. All the Carlovingian 
Emperors maintained the same sovereign power in 
Italy ; and Anasthasius, in his Life of Pope Sergius 
the Second, in the year 844, notes that, 11 omnes 
Primates Romanorum Fidelitatem Lothario magno 
Imperatori promiserunt." 

In the Life of Leo the Fourth Anasthasius certi- 
fied that that Pope was accused of various crimes to 
the Emperor Lotharius ; and he named, for instance, 
what he had privately said of the French Emperors : 
" The French never do any good for us, nor give us 
any assistance, but they prefer to take what belongs 
to us. Why do we not call again the Greeks, and 
expel the King of the French and his people from 
our kingdom, and get rid of their domination?" 
Franci nihil nobis boni faciunt, neque adjutorium 
prssbent; sed magis quae nostra sunt, tollunt. 
Quare non advocamus Grsecos, et Francorum de 
nostro Eegno et Dominatione expellimus ? Pope 
Leo the Fourth was tried for this and other accusa- 
tions by the Judges of Lotharius ; he defended him- 
self, and was exonerated from the charges brought 
against him. Soon after, Leo wrote to Lotharius, 
and concluded his letter as follows : " De Capitulis, 
vel Praeceptis Imperialibus, Vestris, Vestrorumque 
Prasdecessorum irrefragabiliter custodiendis et con- 
servandis, quantum valuimus, et valemus, Christo 
propitio, et nunc, et in aevum conservaturos modis 
omnibus profitemur. Et si fortasse quilibet aliter 
vobis dixerit, vel dicturus fuerit sciatis eum pro cer- 
tum mendacem." JSTow, Mr Antonelli, I shall not 
let you sleep upon these fine quotations. You evi- 
dently see that I have got a good nose, and that I 
have really found out what is required to put you in 
a corner, with all your false documents of Donations 
and possessions since Constantine. 

You know very well that I have not made any 



297 



remarks upon the trial of Leo the Third, nor even 
named his Imperial Judges, who were sent by Ludo- 
vicus Pius ; that I leave to you to find out, as it was 
reported by Gratianus, Decrees, c. 141. You see 
also that I only name the trial of Leo the Eourth, 
and his finely humble epistle in which he promised 
most faithfully to obey for the future and for ever 
the Imperial orders and commandments as much as he 
could, with the assistance of God ; and it seems that 
the presence of the Imperial Judges had made a strong 
impression upon that Pope's mind, because he took 
care to attempt to persuade Lotharius, that in case 
any one had reported to him, or should report any- 
thing against him, he was not to believe them, that 
they were liars. These statements are so clear that 
it is hardly necessary to mention that the Popes, 
under the French Kings and Emperors, never exer- 
cised the temporal power; the fact having been 
attested and proved by the whole of the contem- 
porary historians, lay and ecclesiastical, that the 
elected Popes could not be consecrated unless they 
took oath of fidelity to the Emperor : coram missis 
Imperatoris — that is the Imperial Vicars and the 
Judges — Canonico ritu et consuetudine ab Imperatore 
diriguntur. 

Such being the case, it requires very little intelli- 
gence to decide who were the masters of Eome, the 
Exarchate, and all the other Provinces which are 
now under the Purgatorial abomination of the so- 
called Holy See. 

By-the-bye, pray, most miraculously Eeverend 
Loup d' Orleans, tell me of what avail to the Holy 
See were the Donations of Constantine, of Arripert, 
of Pipin, of Charlemagne, and of Ludovico Pio, if 
under Lotharius' reign they required so much sub- 
mission ? But I think I must spare you yet for the 
best dish, which was cooked long ago by the Imperial 
Maitre de Cuisine of the son of Charlemagne, the 
illustrious Emperor Ludovicus Pius. Though I have 
momentarily passed its chronologic place, yet I have 



298 



not forgotten it, and I will give it here in full, and 
with a cur rente calamo translation — the Pope's 
trial by jury before the Imperial Judges, Juries, and 
Imperial Vicars of Ludowick in the Lateran Palace 
of Eome in the year of our Lord 827. The Com- 
pendium of this trial is to be found in Duchesne, 
to. 2, page 656, and in the Capitulares by Balusius. 
This celebrated trial is the real Philosopher's 
Stone, the real jewel that will silence all the unruly 
Bishops, because these little States, lands, towns, and 
cities for which Pope Gregory the Fourth was tried 
are situated in the territory of Sabina, which com- 
prises or composes the so-called Patrimony of St Peter. 

Pope Gbegoby the Fourth's Trial foe 
Usurpations, &c. 

Dum a pietate Domini et a Deo coronati Hludovici 
(sic) Magni Imperatoris (it should be Ludovici) a 
finibus Spoletanis, seu Eomania directi fuissemus nos 
Joseph Episcopus et Leo Comes, Missi ipsius Augusti 
singulorum hominum causas audiendas et deliberan- 
das et conjunxissemus Eomas, residentibus nobis 
ibidem in judicio in Palatio Later anensi in presentia 
Domini Gregorii Papas et una simul nobiscum ad- 
erant Leo Episcopus et Bibliotecarius Sanctse Eo- 
manse Ecciesias, Theodoras, Episcopus, Cirinus Pri- 
micerius, Theophilactus Mumiculator, Gregorius 
filius Mercurii, PetrusDuxde Eavenna, Ingobaldus, 
et Aceris Abbates, AlboiD, Lanfrid, Emmo, et Max- 
imus, Vassi domini Imperatoris, Aldo, Odo, Argeris, 
Joseph, Abbo, et Sigefrit Castaldus, Omnipert, et 
Madelpert germani, Joannes de Eunsova, Traregio, 
Constantinus et Helpianus germani, Goldelprant 
Clericus, Teudipert, Johannes, Campo, Statius, Picco, 
Probatus de Eeate, et reliqui plures Vassi Impera- 
toris. — Ibique veniens ipse Ingobaldus Abbas 
Monasterii Sanctse Dei Genitricis Marias, quod situm 
est Sabinis in loco qui nuncupatur Acutianus, cum 
Adulfo Advocato suo, re tulit nobis "(Juod Dominus 
Adrianus, et Leo Pontifices per fortia invasissent res 



299 

ipsius Monasterii,' ' idest Curtem Comianianum, Cur- 
tem Sancti Yiti, quae est in Palmis, seu Curtem Sanc- 
tae Mariae, quae est in Eiconovo, et Curtem in Basili- 
ano, et Curtem quae dicitur Pontiana, cum rebus et 
faniliis, et omnibus ad eas pertinentibus. Unde 
tempore Stejohani, Paschalis, et Eugenii semper g Qf 
reclamavimus, et justitiam, sicutDominus Imperator precedent 
in verbis vobis mandavit. Nos autem qui supra ™P es - 
Missii et Judices talia audientes, presente Domino 
Apostolico interrogavimus Advocatum ipsius Domini 
Apostolici Sanctae Bomanae Ecclesiae nomine Gre- 
gorium, quid inde dicere voluisset. At ubi responde- 
nt ipse dicendo ipsas Curtes praedictas, quas vos 
dicitis, nos tenemus ad partem Sanctae Romanes 
Ecclesiae, sed non contra legem, et ad partem Monas- 
terii Sanctae Mariae nihil pertinuerunt. Nos vero 
qui Missi et Judices talem responsionem audientes, 
interrogavimus jam dictum Ingobaldum Abbatem 
cum Audulfo Advocato suo, si aliqua pertinentia, aut 
testes de ipsis praedictis Curtis haberent. Qui 
respondentes dixerunt : Quia monimina et testes 
exinde habemus, et praesentialiter ostendimus : et 
ipsa monimina pro manibus ostenderunt. Et cum 
ipsa monimina relegi fecissemus, continebatur in eis, 
qualiter Ansilberga Abbatissa Monasterii S. Salva- 
toris de Brixia ipsas Curtes in ipso Monasterio 
Sanctae Mariae per ipsa monimina delegaverat. Et 
ostenderunt monimina, quae Teudicus Dux eidem 
Ansilbergae de ipsis Curtis emiserat. Et monimina 
qualiter Ansa Eegina Curtem Sancti Viti a Teutone 
Episcopo Beatinae Civitatis in concambium acceperat, 
et postea eidem Ansilbergae filiae suae donaverat. Et 
praeceptum Desiderii Eegis, seu Domini Caroli Im- 
peratoris, qualiter ipsas Curtes cum rebus et familiis 
et cum omnibus ad eas pertinentibus in ipso Sancto 
Monasterio confirmaverunt. Ubi respondebat ipse 
Gregorius advocatus jam dicti Pontificis, et dicebat : 
$Ton est verum, quod istas praedictas Curtes ad 
partem Monasterii Sanctae Mariae per ista monimina 



300 



habuissetis, vel tenuissetis. Ad haec respondebat 
prsedictus Ingobaldus Abbas cum Audulfo Advocato 
suo, et dicebat. Quia per ista monimina ipsas 
Curtes ad partem Sanctse Mariae tenuissemus, usque- 
duui praenominati Pontinces per fortia eas tollere 
fecissent, et testimonia exinde habemus, qui sciunt, 
" qualiter ad partem Sanctae Mariae pertinerunt, et 
possessae fuerunt, et qualiter per fortia nobis tultce 
sunt. Nos qui supra Missi, et Indices, dum talem 
altercationem inter eos audissemus, ereguadiare eos 
fecimus, et ndejussores ponere uterque secundum 
suam legem, ut alia die in judicio ante nos parati 
essent. 

Alia vero die dum simui convenissemus in supra- 
dictum Palatium Lateranensem in presentia jam 
Dicti Pontificis, venit praedictus Ingobaldus Abbas 
cum Audulfo advocato suo, et dixit : Domini ecce 
nos parati in vestris presentiis cum ipsis testimoniis, 
sicut inter nos guadiare fecistis. Et cum ipsa testi- 
monia ante nos venire fecissemus, interrogavimus, 
quae sunt nomina eorum Qui dixerunt : Itto, Gradol- 
phus, Gauspertus de Reate, — Iterum interrogavimus 
eos, si voluissent de ipsa causa testimonium reddere, 
aut non, aut si aliquid de ea scirent. Illi vero 
dixerunt : istam causam bene scimus, et testimonium 
reddimus. Deinde interrogavimus Gregorium Advo- 
catum ipsius Pontificis, si aliquid contra ipsa testi- 
monia dicere voluisset. Ipse vero respondit : contra 
ipsa testimonia nihil contrarium dicere volo, nec 
possum, quia boni homines mihi esse videntur. 

Iterum fecimus venire Joseph Castaldus ipsius 
Civitatis Keatinas et alios bonos et veraces homines 
in eadem Civitate commorantes, et interrogavimus 
eos per ipsum sacramentum, quod Domino Impera- 
tori factum habebant : si ipsi testes suum testi- 
monium amrmare potuissent, aut non. Qui respon- 
dentes dixerunt : Per ipsum Sacramentum Domino 
Imperatori factum habemus, quia isti homines 
boni, et veraciores sunt, et suum testimonium 



301 

ante. Dominum Imperatorem, et ante vos affirmare 
possunt. Tunc nos jam dicti Missi et Judices 
talia audientes, fecimus eos secundum legem sepa- 
rare, et Evangeliis positis juraverunt. Primus ita 
dixit. Quia ego scio, et bene memoror, quoniam 
tempore Longobardorum, et postea tempore Domini 
Karoli Imperatoris, ipsas praedictas Gurtes ad par- - 
tern Monasterii Sanctae Mariae tenere ; et memoror 
ibi praepositos Johannem et Petrum et Christianum 
Monachum de ipso Monasterio, usque dum per fortia 
AdrianusPapa, et Leo ipsas Curtes de ipso Monasterio 
tollere fecerunt. Gradolphus similiter dixit. Gaus- 
pertus similiter dixit. Deinde fecimus venire homines 
bonos et veraciores xn, et haec sunt nomina eorum : 
Johannes, Clarissimus, Musio, Teuto, Castinus, Auda- 
ceus, Alboin Medicus, Qualipertus, Constantinus 
Notarius, Petrus Eratellus, Hildericus, Tarvinus. 
Et fecimus eos jurare, et interrogavimus eos, quid 
de ipsa causa scirent. Et ipsi similiter dixerunt. 
Postea Andolphus Advocatus ipsius Monasterii jura- 
vit dicens : per ista sancta quatuor Evangelia, quia 
sicut isti testes dixerunt, sic fuit verum. Nos qui 
supra Missi et Judices talia audientes, rectum com- 
paravit et judicavimus, ut ipse Gregorius Advoca- 
tus Domini Apostolici, seu Sanctae Eomanae Ecclesiao, 
retradere debuisset ipsas Curtes Adulfo Advocato ad 
partem ipsius Monasterii Sanctae Marias. Quod 
facere noluit. Verum etiam et ipse Dominus Apos- 
tolicus dixit, nostro judicio se minime credere, usque 
dum in presentia Domini Imperatoris nobiscum 
simul veniret. Cum talia nobis Dominus Apostoli- 
cus renuntiasset, pro firmitate jam dicti Monasterii 
Breve exinde facere jussimus, ut in futuris tempori- 
bus ipsum Monasterium easdem Curtes minime per- 
dere debuisset. 

Haec autem inquisitio facta est per Joseph Episco- 
cum, et Leonem Comitem Missos Imperiales. Quam 
quidem et ego Paulus Notarius scripsi, Anno Im- 
perii Domini Hludovici xvi. Mense Januario per 

D D 



302 



Indictionem vii, Eomse feliciter. X Ego Joseph Epis- 
copus Missus Domini Imperatoris in his actis in- 
terfui et me subscripsi. X Ego Leo Missus Domini 
Imperatoris coneordans subscripsi. X Ego Heleute- 
rius Vassus Domini Imperatoris ibi fui. X Ego Pro- 
batus ibi fui. X Ego Immo Yassus Domini Impera- 
toris ibi fui. X Ego Lanfrid Yassus Domini Eegis ibi 
fui. xEgo Acerisius Abbas interfui. XEgo Omniper- 
tus ibi fui. XEgo Maximus ibi fui. XEgo Statius ibi 
fui. XEgo Lampo ibi fui. XEgo Lantbertus Saligus 
ibi fui. X Ego Alboinus Castaldus ibi fui. . . . 

Translation of Pope Gbegoby's Teial by the 
Imperial Judges eoe Spoliation and Bobberies 
(the murders in those cases were not con- 
templated) oe Estates, Lands, and Cities 
committed to the detriment of the real pro- 
prietors, the Abbots of Santa Maria, &c. 

While we had been directed to the borders or 
confines of the Duchy of Spoleto, that is near 
Eomagna, by the Great Ludovick, by the Grace of 
God, Crowned Emperor and our Lord — We, Joseph 
Bishop and Count Leo, Envoys of the said Majesty, 
sent to hear, and to deliberate on the Law- suits of each 
person ; having met together in Eome, and residing 
here in the Lateran Palace, in the presence of Pope 
Gregory, and being present with us the Bishop Leo, 
and the Bibliothecary of the Holy Eoman Church, 
and Bishop Theodor, and the Torchbearer Cirinus, 
Theophilactus the Treasurer, or Minister of Finance, 
Gregory, the son of Mercury, Peter, Duke of 
Eavenna, the Abbots Ingobald and Aceris, Alboin, 
Lanfrid, Emmo and Maximus, vassals of the 
Emperor, Aldo, Odo, Argeris, Joseph, Abbo, and 
Sigefrit, Governor of the Eorts or Chastelain, and 
the brothers Omnipert and Madelpert, John de 



303 



Funsova, Traregio, Constantinus et Helpianus 
brothers, Hildeprant, Otenpert, Otteramus, and 
Sinteramus germani, the Ecclesiastic Goldelprant, 
Teudipert, John, Campo, Statius, Picco, Probatus, of 
Eieti, and many others. And there having come to 
the same Ingobaldus, the Abbot of the Monastery of 
Santa Maria, the mother of God, which is situated in' 
the territory of Sabina and is called Acutianus, 
having with him his Advocate Adolphe, he told us, 
that both the Popes Adrian and then Leo, by force 
invaded the properties of the said Monastery, that is 
the Courts of or territory of Comianianum and 
the Court of or territory of St Yitus, which is 
situated in Palmis, and the Court of Santa Maria, which 
is in Kiconovo, and the Court in Basiliano, and the 
Court which is called Pontiana, taking all the pro- 
perties, and all the families, and everything belonging 
to them; for which usurpations at the time of 
Popes Stephen, Paschal, and of Eugenius we have 
always made reclamations, and we never could obtain 
justice or restitution. Now, if you please, try our 
case, and from this time make prompt justice as our 
Lord the Emperor has ordered you verbally. We, 
the above-named Envoys and Judges, having heard 
these expositions, being present the Apostolic Lord, 
we interrogated the Advocate of the said Lord 
Apostolic of the Holy Roman Church, named 
Gregory, and asked him what he had to say about 
it. And he then answered saying, that those 
Courts or territories of which you speak we hold on 
behalf of the Holy Eoman Church, but not against 
the law, as they do not belong to the Monastery of 
the Holy Mary. But we, the above Envoys and 
J udges, hearing such answer, interrogated the ab ove- 
named Abbot Ingobaldus, and his Advocate Adolphe, 
if any other things appertained to them, and if they 
had witnesses that such Courts belonged to 
them. In auswering they said : — " Because we have 
the documents, and we have also personal witnesses 



304 



to produce and they showed the documents which 
they had in their hands. Having been ordered to 
read these documents, which contained that : "Ansil- 
berga, Abbess of the Monastery of St Saviour of 
Brescia, had assigned the above-named Courts to the 
said Monastery of Santa Maria with these documents. " 
Then they showed the Document by which the Duke 
Teudicus had given those Courts to Ansilberga ; and 
another document with which the Queen Ansa 
proved that she had received in exchange the Court 
of St Vitus from Teuton, the Bishop of the city of 
Eieti, and the Queen afterwards made a gift of it 
to her daughter Ansilberga. Then they showed 
the Prsecept or Diploma of King Desidery, and of the 
Lord Emperor Charles, to prove in what manner 
he had confirmed to the above holy Monastery 
those Courts or Territories, with all the property, 
and all the families, and everything that belonged 
to them. To which Gregory, the Advocate of the 
already-named Pontiff, answered, saying : " It is 
not true, that you have had, or that you have held, 
the above-named Courts on the part of the Mo- 
nastery of the Holy Mary by the power of those 
Documents." To this denegation the already-named 
Abbot Ingobaldus, with his Advocate, answered and 
said: "Precisely by these Documents we held the 
above-named Courts per part of the Monastery of Saint 
Mary, until the above-named Popes ordered them to 
be taken from us by force of arms, and we have, 
not far off, living witnesses, who know that those 
Courts, or Territories, belonged to Saint Mary, and 
how they w r ere possessed, and when they were taken 
from us by force." We, the Envoys and Judges, 
hearing such contention amongst themselves, com- 
pelled them to separate on bail, and each party 
to give surety, according to law, for their re- 
appearance before us on the next day ready to be 
judged. The next day, whilst we were meeting in 
the named Lateran Palace, being already in the 



305 



presence of the Pontiff, the Abbot Ingobaldus, with 
his Advocate Adolphe, arrived, and said : " My 
Lords, here we are ready in your presence with these 
our witnesses, as you did order us to appear by the 
bail." Having ordered these witnesses to stand 
before us, we interrogated them and inquired their 
names. They answered : " Itto, Gradolphus, Gaus- 
pertus of Rieti." 

Again we interrogated them " if they wished to 
offer any testimony, or to be witnesses in this case 
or not, or if they knew anything about this law-suit. " 
" Truly (they said) we know all about this law-suit, 
and we are here as witnesses.' 9 Then we interro- 
gated Gregory, the advocate of the Pontiff, if he had 
anything to say against these witnesses. He an- 
swered, " Indeed, against such witnesses I will not 
say anything contrary, nor can I, because they seem 
to me to be good, honest men." Again we ordered 
to appear the Chastelain, or Governor Joseph, of the 
said city of Rieti, and the other good, honest, and 
truthful men residing in the said city, and we inter- 
rogated them, by virtue of the oath that they made 
to our Lord the Emperor, if as witnesses they could 
affirm anything on their solemn testimony, or not. 
In answer, they said : "By the solemn oath that we 
made to the Emperor we affirm, because these are 
good and most truthful men, and they can confirm 
their testimony before our Lord the Emperor and 
before you." Then we, the above-named Envoys and 
Judges, hearing such assertions, ordered them ac- 
cording to the law to separate, and the Evangels 
being placed before them, they swore. The first 
said as follows: " Because I know and remember 
well that at the time of the Lombard Kings, and 
after, at the time of the Emperor Charles, these 
above-named Courts or Territories belonged to the 
Monastery of St Mary ; and I remember the Provosts, 
or Governors, John and Peter, and the Monk Chris- 
tian, of the said monastery there, until, by force of 

dd 2 



306 



arms, Popes Adrian and Leo forcibly took posses- 
sion of those said Courts from the said monastery." 
Gradolphus stated the same thing, and so said 
Gauspertus. Then we ordered to appear before us 
twelve honest and most truthful men, and these are 
their names : 

John, Clarissimus, Musio, Teuto, Castinus, Auda- 
ceus, Alboin the Physician, Qualipertus, the Notary 
Constantin, Peter his brother, Hildericus, Travinus. 
And we made them take oath, and we interrogated 
them, asking what they knew of this law-suit ; and 
they in like manner said as the others. After that 
Adolphe, the Advocate of the said Monastery, took 
oath saying : " Upon these four Evangels, I swear 
that it is true, what these witnesses have stated." 
"We, the above Envoys and Judges, having heard all 
these declarations, and they appearing to us just and 
correct, we gave sentence, " that the said Gregory, the 
Advocate of the Apostolic Lord, or of the Holy 
Roman Church, shall give up or transfer by deed the 
above-named Courts or Territories to Adolphe, the 
Advocate on the part of the Monastery of St Mary. 
Gregory said that he would not do it. And truly the 
Apostolic Lord said that he would not comply with 
our sentence, until he had come with us in the pre- 
sence of the Lord Emperor. While the Apostolic 
Lord renounced those States to us, for the conserva- 
tion or stability of the already-named Monastery, 
we ordered to be made directly a Brief securing for 
the future these named Courts or Territories to the 
Monastery in a manner that they shall not lose 
them. However, this inquisition was made by 
Bishop Joseph and Count Leo, Imperial Envoys, and 
I also, Peter, Notary, wrote it, in the happy year 
xvi of Our Lord the Emperor Ludowick, in the 
month of January, per Indictionem vu, Eomse. 
X I, Joseph, Bishop Envoy of the Lord Emperor, 
was present at these proceedings, and I subscribed. 
X I, Leo, Envoy of the Lord Emperor, agreeing with 



307 



the above subscribed. X I, Heleuterius, vassal of 
the Lord Emperor, was present. X I, Probatus, 
was present. X I, Immo, vassal of the Lord 
Emperor, was present. X I, Lanfrid, vassal of the 
Emperor, was present. X I, Abbot Acerisius, was 
present. X I, Omnipertus, was present. X I, Maxi- 
mus, was present. X I, Statins, was present. X I, 
Lampo, was present. X I, Lantbertus Saligus, was 
present. X I, A lboinus Castaldus, was present. 

Notes to Obsolete Woeds. 

Alboinus Castaldus, according to my idea, signifies 
Alboin, Governor of the City, or Chastelain, or 
Governor of the Eorts. 

The word germani also occurs several times, and 
I do not know positively when it means brothers, or 
of Germany. 

The word Numiculator I cannot find in two edi- 
tions of the Catholicon which I have in my posses- 
sion, nor can I find it in the Parisian edition of A. 
Calepinus of 1505; therefore, I have translated it 
Treasurer, or Einance Minister. 

Neither can I find Primicerius ; therefore, I take 
it from primus cereus (the first torch), and make a 
dignity of the torchbearer, as it might have been the 
custom at that time, and is so now. — Vassus, si, is 
not to be found, though I fully believe it means 
Yassal, as I have traced it in more than fifty other 
documents of ancient date. 

Monimina is not to be found anywhere, but it 
must mean documents or deeds. 

Per fortia is an Italianism, which shows, with 
other words now entirely obsolete, that at the time 
this trial took place the Latin language was much 
corrupted through ignorance, and for this decadenza 
delle arti e scienze we have to remonstrate with the 
Popes. Per fortia corresponds with the Italian per 
forza, in French wither force ; and even in English 
it is now used as " by force " and the compound per- 



308 



force, and therefore I translate it " by force of arms," 
or u by violence." 

JEreguadiare I cannot find anywhere, but it must 
mean to disperse, to separate, to disappear, to go 
away on bail, or something similar, as it occurs soon 
after the verb guadiare, which must have a contrary 
meaning, that is to appear on bail, or according to bail. 

Curtes-tisj or Curtis-tis is not to be found in the 
Catholicon ; but in the Parisian edition, of 1505, of 
Ambros. Calepini, I find this : Cures tantum pluralis 
numeri Sabinorum Oppidum cui imperabat T. Tacius 
cujus cives Quirites dicebantur— Conveneruntque 
Romulus et Tacius in hanc sententiam : ut a duobus 
populis unus efiicerent : et Sabini Romam nigrarent 
— Eomaque nomen retineret : sed Romani et Sabini 
Quirites appellentur. From this I have every reason to 
believe that Curies is a derivative of Cures — and that 
it means town, or city, or territory, and occasionally 
town and territory, and in other instances the Sabi- 
nian population, but more frequently the city in the 
territory of Sabina. It means also a lance or halberd. 
I think it opportune to take this note from the 
Geogr. of Strabo. lib. 5 : Sabinos quartam Italiam 
Regionem inicolere vix procul a Roma de quibus 
Sabini augustam incolunt regionem in longum ad 
cio stadia porrectam a Tyberi et Momento oppido 
usque ad Yestinos. . De eorum origine Zenodotus 
Trecenius qui Vinbricas gentis historiam conscripsit 
narrat. Indigenas primo in Rheatino habitasse, et 
unde Pelasgonum armis expulsos venisse in terram, 
quam nunc habitant muta toque cum sedibus nomine, 
Sabinos pro Umbris apppellatos. At Plinius, lib. 3, 
c. 12 : Non casu nomen demigrantes immutasse con- 
tendit. Sed potius Religione inquit etenim ex 
plurimorum consensu Sabini (ut quidam existi- 
mavere) a Religione et Deorum cultu Senini appellati 
Vellinos incolunt Lucos roscidis Collibus, Portius 
Cato clarius prendit. Nomen Sabinis impositum 
a Sabo Sanci filio Sancum vero istum fuisse Re- 



309 



gionis Genium, et a nonnullis (Dium Fidium) Greece 
Aia tt'ktiov appellari, quod in Romulo ex Silio Italico, 
et Ovidio firraavi, apud quern Sanctus L Fidius, 
Semipater nuncupatur. 

" Nomina terra fero, sic voluere Cures.' ' 

At Dionysius Hselicarnassaaus de eorum numine 
portentum enarrat dicens. In Rheatino agro, quo 
tempore Aborigines eum tenebant, Yirgo, qusedam 
Indigena primario genere nata Enyalii Secuti Eomani 
Quirinum nominant nondum satis certi, Mars, ne is 
an alius quispiam, cui similes Marti honores defe- 
rantur. Nam quidam uni Deo bellicorum Certami- 
num prsesidi nomen utrumque tributum aiunt, alii 
duo Numina bellica his appellationibus significata 
censent. In hujus Dei Area saltans puella repente 
divino furore correpta Chorum deseruit, et in Dei 
Sanctuarium proripuit. Deinde a loci Genio Com- 
pressa, ut vulgo visum est filium edidit nomine, 
Modium, Fabidium Cognomine, is virilem setatem in- 
gressus, et formam supra hominem fuit, et in re mili- 
tari longe clarissimus evasit. Cumque captus esset 
condendse TJrbis cupidine magna e finitimis agris 
manu collecta intra par breve tempus. Cures con- 
didit imposito TJrbis nomine. TJt quidam putant a 
Genio, cujus dicebatur filius, auj; ab hasta, ut malunt 
alii. Cures enim Sabini hastas nominant. Haec ille 
qui addit. Terentius Yarro scriptum reliquit. Quern 
sequuntur Ovidius in Fastis, Festus Pompeius, Yerrus 
Flaccus, Caeterique quamplures, nec inutilis fuit ob- 
servatio, quam habuit in lectura Eoetii. Is enim 
vero, lib. 4, de Consolatione, c. 2, in quit : Qui Greece 
Curetes sunt appellati, alii Corybantes a Curete Genio 
Nomen TJrbi Modius Fabidius imposuit. De qua 
sic Strabo, Cures nunc Yiculus est, quondam TJrbs 
Illustris, ex qua orti sunt T. Tatius, et Numa Pom- 
pilius, RomaB Regno potiti, unde qui populum Roma- 
num afFantur Quirites appellant, quam aliter sedifi- 



310 



catam Portius Cato apud Dionysium Halicarnass. 
Bcribit. Ait, nam, Sabinorum primam sedem fuisse 
Yicum quemdam Testrinam nomine, non procul Ami- 
terna situm, unde expeditione facta Sabinos Reati- 
num agrum invasisse tunc habitatum Aboriginibus, 
TJrbemque ipsomm nobilissimam Curilias armis occu- 
passe ab Adriatico mari distantem stadiis circiter 280, 
a Thyrreno autem 200 et 40, in Longitudinem 
patere paulo minus cio stadiis. 

I hope these few extracts which I have taken 
from the classic authors will be quite sufficient to 
establish various points of great importance, and de- 
termine the exact geographic locality of the Sabinian 
territory, in which the Popes* great invention of the 
Donation of Constantine, alias the Patrimony of St 
Peter, was built, and that the named Curtes in the 
Act d? Accusation contre le Pape, that is, the towns 
and lands named at the time of the trial, were part 
and parcel of the Imperial and Royal Patrimony of 
the Greek Emperors and of the Lombard Kings, ille- 
gally usurped by the violence of the Papal arms, and 
partly supported by the French Kingly and Imperial 
arms, to the detriment of the feudal abbots and popu- 
lations. 

Note. — In the treaty of peace between the Empe- 
ror Henry the Eifth and Pope Paschal the Second, 
anno 1111, the latter, swore to maintain inviolate to 
the former the whole of — Advocationes Imperii, Cen- 
turionum jura, Curtesque essent Imperii cum pertinen- 
tiis suis, et militaria Imperii castra. I have found 
this word employed in other documents with almost 
the same meaning. By-the-bye, Monsieur le Cure, 
vous et votre Cure etez-aussi derivatives de ce mot, and 
that accounts for it why you fatten whether you 
are in the Cure or in the Ecurie. 

I doubt if any of the reverend belligerent Bishops 
can deny or quash this trial ; though with their sub- 
tility they might succeed in mystifying some persons 
with the value of the word Curtem. To better ex- 



311 * 



plain and confirm my statement, I will now take 
another quotation from a MS. in my library. It is 
the copy of Historiarum Heremperti viri lllust 1 - ex 
Prosapia Principum Longobardorum. At the end of 
this volume in folio, there are the details of a treaty of 
Peace between Sicardi, Duke of Benevento, and 
John, Bishop of Naples, and Andrew, Duke and 
General of Naples, and the people of Naples, and of 
the Duchy of Sorrento, and of the Duchy of Amalfi. 
I have read this treaty, and find it very equitable and 
good, but, as it is too long to quote entire, I shall 
extract only the exordium and the conclusion, where 
occur two of the obsolete words that are employed 
in the Pope's trial — Curt em and Munimina. In the 
meantime I am uncommonly pleased to record and pay 
here a tribute of admiration to the liberal genius and 
wisdom of the illustrious Count Sicardi, who brought 
out, in the year 1850 (when I was still at Turin, 
attached to the Questura, as a Medico* Chirurgo), 
that great beneficent law which has been the touch- 
stone to correct so many ecclesiastical abuses in 
Italy. 

In nomine Dom 1 - Dei et Salvat s - Nostri Jesu X ti - ^^tor Lon 
et Beatas et Gloriosae Dei Genitricis semper Virginia gobard'.MS., 
Marise. Dumeaque Dei precepta sunt partes obaudiunt, ™rca an - 
tuncipsius adimplere probantur mandata, et pacis con- 
cordiam pro salute Christianorum animarum perve- 
nisse monstrantur, pro quo promittimus nos Dominus 
vir gloriosissimus Sicardus Longobardorum Gentis 
Princeps vobis Johanni electo Sanctae Ecclesise Nea~ 
politanae et Andreaa magistro militum, vel populo 
vobis subjecto Ducatus Neapol. et Sorrento, et 
Amalfi, et ceteris Castellis vel locis in quibus Domi- 
nium tenetis terra marique pacem veram et gratiam 
nostram vobis daturos ab hoc quarta die mensis Julii 
Indictione, &c. Towards the end of this treaty, and 
after the above few lines, comes the enumeration of 
the towns and castles of his States, to the number of 
sixty-four. 



$ 312 



Ego Petrus de Curtis et vetus subditantiae mese 
quas mihi nunc pertinere videntur inde notitiam 
facimus vobis filiisque nepotibusque meis de hiis 
curtis nostris quae per singula loca habuimus. 

In primis Curtem in Terra. Curtem in Perticata. 
Curtem in Casaie Joannis. Curtem ad Bubianum. 
Curtem in Butteclari. Curtem in Potesanu. Curtem 
in Campo famelico ad Sanctum Dominicum vocatur. 
Curtem ad Bivalvini. Curtem in Pitilianu. Curtem 
ad Lunatri. Curtem ad Buinianum. Curtem in 
Padule. Item suprascripte curtse. Puerunt Causi- 
lioni datse. Puerunt nobis per actulum Jurifieum. 
Curtem ad Marmani. Curtem in Molia Eimou. 
Curtem in Criti qui dicitur de criverissi, quern per 
Donatum et Joannem eruptam habuimus, &c. 

After the enumeration of these and others, the 
treaty ends with the following words : Hsec omnia 
superscripts curtis quae habuimus in finibus Bene- 
ventaneis, excepto ipso Curti quas habuimus in 
Latinianum quae non sunt hie abbreviate. Usee 
omnia superscripts Curti quando vobis opportune 
fient, inquirite ipsa Munimina et invenietis ibidem 
quod vobis necesse erit facere et orate pro me potiore 
genitore vestro. I have copied the errors in this 
specimen of old Latinity without correcting either 
the original MS. or this extract, and I have done so 
to prove its authenticity and my good faith. 

I have no doubt that the institution of trial by 
jury was originated in the manner specified in this 
trial, and that this custom was in vogue a long time 
before the arraignment of Pope Gregory the Pourth. 
This is clear from the fact that the Judge at this 
trial ordered the disputing party to retire and give 
surety — in the usual manner as established by law — 
for their reappearance on the following day. 

The progress of time and civilization has improved 
this custom ; but there are still some incongruities 
that require revision now-a-days; for I recollect 
some time since that a distinguished English judge 



313 



stated that, in the event of a jury, after being locked 
up some hours, coming into court and saying they 
could not agree, it would be in his power, on dis» 
charging them, to treat them in a less gracious 
manner than he would be disposed to do ; that he 
could have them locked up for the whole of the night 
—that if, after having set up all night without eat- 
ing or drinking and without fire, candle-light ex- 
cepted, they came into court the next morning, pale 
and ghastly, still saying they could not agree, he 
could then, according to the rigour of the law, order 
them to be locked up again as before till the close of 
the assizes, and then sentence them to be put in a 
cart to accompany him in his progress towards the 
next assize town, and to be shot into a ditch on the 
confines of the county ! 

Antonio Pagi, the celebrated Franciscan monk, 
wrote in his Critic. Annales, anno 817, s. 7 : Donatio 
quae a Gratiano dieitur facta Ecclesiae Eomanae a 
Ludovico Pio, non minus commentitia, quam quae a 
Constantino Magno affingitur, ut jam aliqui viri 
eruditi viderunt, qui hoc tamen omnibus persuadere 
non potuere. 

You see, my most eminent and reverend friends, 
that I have not abandoned the ground yet, and that 
with this short quotation I intend to persevere and 
endeavour to destroy the pretended Donation by 
Ludovicus Pius. The above learned right reverend 
monk clearly tells us that the pretended Donation of 
Ludowick is as fabulous as was that of Constantine, 
and it was believed to be so by every one of the 
ancient learned writers. In the name of reason and 
of common sense I ask by what logical argument can 
the Roman See support that pretension when the 
result of the trial by the Judges of Ludowick for the 
restoration of the cities and lands which the Popes 
Adrian, Leo, and Gregory had usurped, compelled 
the last-named Pope to transfer them again by legal 
documents to their proper owners ? Those estates 

E E 



814 



and lands are immediately situate in the proximity 
of Eome, and of course would have been in the 
so-called St Peter's Patrimony ! The whole of the 
witnesses and the jury at the trial clearly proved 
by legal documents, and by personal testimony, that 
for three generations at least those States had been 
the legal possessions of the monks of Farfa and 
Santa Mary to whom they had been bequeathed, as 
stated in the trial, &c. Besides, the trial itself com- 
pletely denies the donations of Ludovico Pio of the 
Patrimony to the Holy See. The forged Papal 
Diploma of the Donations by Ludovico Pio was 
dated sixteen years before the trial, and this blunder 
was not pardoned by any one of the critical writers, 
who detected the fraud, and used it to stamp that 
diploma with the lie. These Donations are the 
foundation-stone upon which so many Popes, and 
Jesuitic writers, and lately the French bishops, as 
well as the bishops of other countries, have built 
their Spanish castles, protesting that the actual Pope 
is the absolute master, and the Spiritual and Tem- 
poral Dominator of all the so-called Ecclesiastical 
States ; that, like his predecessors, he enjoys an in- 
alienable dominion, and that he is bound to transmit 
it intact to his successors, and other trash of the like 
sort, &c. 

If the Pope and his confederates desire to know 
what the Donations by Pipin, Charlemagne, and 
Ludovicus Pius really consisted of, I can easily tell 
them, and without loss of time. They consisted in 
the power of levying the Tithes upon the lands of 
the Convents and Monasteries, and of the Churches. 
Some Ecclesiastical writers have stated that this 
power extended to other lands of the Empire in 
several cities ; but I doubt this much. Besides, we 
must not forget those Magic Keys which Adrian 
received for the Duchy of Benevento, and which 
were the only things it can be proved were given by 
Charlemagne : though that Emperor soon after 



315 



disposed of the temporal power of that Duchy in 
favour of the Norman Duke Grimoaldus, in spite of 
the entreaty of Adrian, who wrote to him begging 
that he would not give the Norman Duke that 
Duchy. It may be remarked also, that in those 
lands and towns, monasteries and convents where 
the Popes took the Dime or tithes, the Emperors, 
and occasionally the Imperial Vicars, also levied 
theirs upon the same people and upon the same 
property, the owners of which paid tithes to the 
Popes. This is a splendid proof of the sovereign 
power that was invariably maintained by the 
Emperors in every part of the Imperial States. 
I shall return to this subject in another chapter, 
when I will give proofs in confirmation of my 
statements. I should say that the Imperial 
Vicars could not levy the money tribute for the 
fodrum and telonem on the property where the Popes 
took the tithes as an Imperial gift to the Papal See, 
but only on the private property of the lay people. 
The Eegalia, or Imperial Investitures to the Popes 
and Bishops, of the Episcopates, Abbacies, of 
monasterial and Church properties in various pro- 
vinces, the Bishops, Abbots, and Popes interpreted 
and swelled into donations of States and provinces, 
but they never were such at any time, and the 
proofs are founded on the facts that the following 
Emperors sometimes confirmed, and at others refused 
to confirm the Investiture given by their predeces- 
sors to one or the other Pope or bishop of such town 
or province ; and even after having given it, or con- 
firmed it, the Emperors invested with the useful, or 
temporal power, another person as an Imperial 
feudatory or Vicar. Every history that I have 
read, except those written by the Jesuitical clique, 
demonstrate that the Popes never had on any 
occasion, or at any time, the temporal power, ex- 
cepting when they usurped it ; though in some cases 
they were the alter ego of a few Emperors upon some 



316 



particular points, whilst engaged in the wars in 
Palestine, or from other causes ; and when this was 
the case, it was to afford, in particular, the oppor- 
tunity of doing homage to the Chair of St Peter, 
already honoured by many other privileges. 

Cardinals Deusdedit and Baronius, Holstenius, the 
Franciscan Monk Pagi, and other historians, state 
that the Emperor Lotharius gave and made public 
in Rome a Constitution in 824, in which occurs the 
following : Yolumus etiam, ut Missi constituantur a 
Domino Apostolico, et a Nobis qui annuatim Nobis 
renuncient, qualiter singuli Duces et Judices Justi- 
tiam populo faciant, et quomodo Nostra Constitutio 
servetur. Decrevimus itaque, ut primum omnes 
clamores qui negligentia Ducum, aut Judicum 
fuerint ad notitiam Domini Apostolici referuntur, ut 
statim aut ipse per suos nuncios eosdem emendare 
faciat, ant Nobis notificet, ut Legatione a Nobis 
directa emendentur. And further on it says : Placuit 
etiam Nobis, ut cuncti Duces, et Judices, sive alii 
qui caeteris praeesse debent, in Nostram prsesentiam, 
dum Romae sumus, conveniant ; Volumus enim eum 
numerum, et nomina scire, et singulis de ministerio 
sibi credito admonitionem facere. I really cannot 
help being so impertinent as to ask you, Mr Anto- 
nelli, why the Emperor Lotharius took the liberty 
of giving a Constitution to the Roman people without 
asking the permission of his Beadle of the Vatican ? 
and as you have stated, and constantly repeated, that 
that Beadle was the master, why did he not step out 
and say, non Volumus, non possumus ? Now, Mr 
Cullen, is there any loop-hole here out of which you 
can make your escape ? I think not ; therefore be 
candid, and at once acknowledge yourself to be in a 
" fix." Lotharius said, Volumus quia potebat et 
potuit, being absolute master, not only of the Roman 
States and of Rome, but even invested with the 
power of dismissing or sending away all the drones, 
and the would-be masters of the Vatican. I translate 



317 



the following brief extract from the Constitution 
given to the Romans by the Emperor Lotharius, to 
enable those of my readers who are not acquainted 
with the Latin language to form some idea of the real 
state of things, and to show them who was the tem- 
poral master of Eome and of all the Eoman States, 
anno 824. 

We desire or wish also that our Legates should 
present themselves to the Apostolic Lord, and to us 
in whose hands they shall annually give account 
of their labours, and resign ; the like must be done 
also by the Vicars, or Governors, or Dukes, and by 
the Judges, who administer justice to the people, 
who shall report to us how our constitution is 
observed. "We decree, therefore, that as soon as any 
complaint is raised against the negligence of the 
Governors, or of the Judges, that it should be sent 
to the Pope, that he might redress the wrongs 
immediately with the assistance of his Legates, or 
to give notice to us that we might send other Legates 
to correct the errors, or to re-establish order. It 
will please us also, while we are at Eome, to see all 
the Governors and the Judges, that is all those who 
are delegated to superintend and govern the peo- 
ple, assembled in our presence ; we wish to know 
their number, their names, and give to each of them 
the convenient advice to conduct properly the affairs 
of the States entrusted to their administration. — The 
absolute Imperial power in Eome is perfectly 
established by the above quotation. I will take a 
farther extract from this same Author, Pagi, who 
stated that at the time of the Emperor Ludovicus 
Pius many quarrels happened in Eome, and that 
Lotharius redressed the wrongs that had arisen out 
of the inexplicably blind cupidity and ignorance of 
the Popes and the Judges, who confiscated to their 
own account the people's property, usurping the 
lands, and that the Emperor Lotharius, in compelling 
the Popes and the Judges to restore the confiscated 

e e 2 



318 



predial properties, caused a great rejoicing to the 
Pagi in yita Roman population : Quare tantae querelas adversus 
Lotharu. R omarioram Pontifices, judicesque sonarent. Beper- 
tum est quod quorundam Pontificum vel ignorantia, 
vel desidia, sed et Judicum coeca, et inexplicabili 
cupiditate multorum praedia injuste fuerint con- 
fiscata. Ideoque reddendo quae injuste erant sublata, 
Lotharius magnam populo Romano creavit laetitiam. 
Statutum etiam juxta antiquum morem, ut ex latere 
Imperatoris mitterentur, qui Judiciariam exercentes 
potestatem, Justitiam Omni Populo facerent, et 
tempore quo visum foret Imperatori aequa lance 
penderent. I will take another quotation from the 
same historian Pagi in reference to the same 
Imperial power in Rome and the Exarchate in the 
year 875. He wrote thus : Summos Pontifices supre- 
mum Urbis et Exarchatus Ravennat. Dominium in 
Imperatores contulisse tot sparsim rationibus com- 
probavi, ut tantum supersit demonstrare, Carolum 
Calvum huic juri non renunciasse. 

Are not these Diplomatic, Ecclesiastic, and His- 
torical extracts sufficiently argumentative to con- 
vince any or every one of you, my most reverendly 
obstinate Bishops, supporters of the non possumus, 
non volumus f I leave you to translate and distort 
them as you like. I have merely taken the sense 
of them myself for the sake of brevity, and to be 
enabled to give other extracts equally forcible and 
expressive of the Imperial power in Eome. Now, 
Mr Pie, of Herodian origin, if only for once be kind 
and candid if you can, and confess that up to the 
year 875 the Eoman Bishops were the servi servorum 
Dei, and particularly of the Emperors, who made 
the laws, and kept in check and invariably adminis- 
tered to the Ecclesiastics the emetic suitable to cause 
their disgorgement of the swallowed robberies of 
States, Churches, and Monasteries. Such being the 
case, up to that time the temporal power of the 
Pope, I must repeat, was still looming in the future. 



319 



In the MS. Chronica of Andrea Dandolo occurs a 
chapter written in the following terms : Leo Octavus 
in Concilio tradidit Ottoni, ej usque successoribus 
Italicum Regnum, &c, et Donationes factas a Justi- 
niano Arriperto, Pipino et Carolo Ecclesiae Romanse 
in Regno Italico, de consensu Cardinalium, Cleri et 
Populi Komani Ottoni remisit. 

The above quotation is also inserted in the history- 
called Magnum Chronicum Belgium, Some Eccle- 
siastic partisans might suppose from this, that the 
Popes had at about that time such dominion and 
absolute power, and I intend to disillusion them, 
because it was a mistaken zeal of Leo on account of 
Otho's welfare, who was de facto Emperor and 
needed no Pontifical concession or cession, being ab- 
solute master with or without the Papal concurrence. 
Otho had all the jus y authority, and supreme 
dominion in all and every part of the Ecclesias- 
tical States, like all his predecessors. It ^appears 
that at every Imperial coronation the Emperors 
made Donations or confirmed the Regalia to the 
Roman See of towns and lands. How is it that 
such Donations, or Regalia, required confirmation 
by every succeeding Emperor ? Was it because 
those Donations were revocable, and did not convey 
the useful dominion, much less the temporal power ? 
and in spite of such Donations the Emperors main- 
tained over them, and exercised in them, the sove- 
reign authority at their pleasure. Or was it be- 
cause the Emperors, after having invested the Pope 
with such towns and provinces as a Regalia, after- 
wards gave the temporal and useful dominion to other 
persons, investing the Pope with a vicarial and sub- 
ordinate authority over them, with the limited power 
only of levying money tributes upon them for the 
maintenance of the Church dignity and decorum. 
It is notorious tbat the Emperors, in spite of the 
Donations to the Roman See, disposed invariably of 
the Exarchate and of the Romagna. In Rome these 



320 



were the Imperial Dukes. In other parts of Italy 
they acted as they pleased, it being considered by 
themselves that they were the absolute masters, and 
that they could do as they liked with their own pro- 
perty. For instance, the Emperors Otho the First 
and Second, and Arrigus or Henricus the Second, 
made Donations or Eegalia to the Holy See, with 
this reservation clause in every document of dona- 
tion, and this formula was adopted by other Em- 
perors : Salva in omnibus Potestate nostra, Poste- 
rumque Nostrorum. 

It is recorded by the historians that Otho the 
Second frequently resided at Ravenna in the same 
manner as if he had been in his own native town. 
Ravenna and its province was the dowry of his 
mother the Empress Adelaide, who lived there many 
years ; and Sigonius, in lib. vii, De Regno Italico, 
anno 972, certifies that at that time — Pontifex 
Romam Ravennamque, et ditiones reliquas tenebat 
auctoritate magis, quam Imperio, quod Civitates 
Pontificem, ut Reipublice Principem, Regem vero ut 
summum Dominium intuerentur, atque ei tributa 
obsequiaque prseberunt. Sigonius tells us that the 
Pope ruled in Rome, at Ravenna, and at other places 
with the authority of a Prince of the Roman 
Republic, while the Emperor exercised the real 
Temporal Power of those States, and that t<5 him 
was paid the tribute-money, and the obsequious 
obedience due to the supreme ruler. The farther I 
advance the more I am convinced that the Popes 
were constantly playing second part to the Emperors, 
and that, though some of them were well disposed 
in favour of the Popes, yet they never gave them 
absolute temporal power in any town or province, 
though the Emperors had given it to several secular 
Imperial Vicars in various provinces of Italy, and 
particularly in some of the States which are now 
comprised in the so-called Ecclesiastical dominions. 

In the year 916 Pope John the Tenth crowned 



321 



Emperor Berengarias the First, who continued in the 
track of his Eranck predecessors, confirming the 
Privilegia to the Popes, that is the usual gifts of 
pomp and the ostentatious presents, which did not 
prevent other people from enjoying the real revenue 
of the town or province ceded to the Pope by anterior 
gifts, with the right of levying the tithes in some 
towns and monasteries, at the usual rate, on con- 
dition that the Popes obeyed the Imperial orders, 
rules, and regulations, and took the usual oath of 
fidelity to the Supreme Master. Of course such 
donations always reserved the rights and privileges 
of the Empire, and of that particular epoch. I 
shall quote only a few lines from the Panegyric 
written in honour of this Emperor by Adrianus 
Yalesius — 

" .... Yaleat tuus Aurea Princeps 
Roma diu Imperiumque gravi sub pondere pressum 
Erigat, et supera Sternat virtute rebelles." 

Prom Peregrinus Priscianus (Collectan. Bereng. 
MSS.) I will also take this fact, that at the time of 
Pope John and of the Emperor Berengarius, the 
Archbishop of Eavenna appeared before Odelricus 
Wilpertus, Egiturfus, and Lanfrancus, the Yassals 
and Envoys of the Emperor, and demanded that 
justice should be done to him against the people of 
Massa Fiscalia who refused to serve and obey the 
Church of Eavenna. The Judges having heard both 
sides, pronounced in favour of Eavenna. About this 
time Pope John and the Emperor were at Eavenna, 
and took part in a Council which took place in their 
presence, as referred to by the historian Eossi (Hist. 
Eaven. lib. 5), and by it this decree was issued : — 
Si quis Eomanus, cujuscumque sit ordinis, sive Clero, 
sive de Senatu, ad nostram majestatem venire 
voluerit, aut necessitate compulsus nostrum auxilium 
implorarit, nemo ei impedimentum afferat, et lieeat 
Imperatori, aut per se, aut per Legatos suos causam 



322 



ejus cognoscere. Qui secus fecerit, ab Imperatore 
puniatur. At this Council was confirmed the 
ancient rule and regulation that the Pope elected 
could not be consecrated without the consent and in 
the presence of the Imperial Legates —presentibus 
Legatis Tmperialibus : which custom and regulation 
lasted until the beginning of the Schisma between 
the Church and the Empire, as noted and proved by 
Baluzius in the 3rd Vol. Miscellanea. The same 
Baluzius also says that Berengarius the Second, in 
the year 950 — Begnum una cum Adelberto fitio iniit, 
illique titulum Bavennatis Dominatus peculiarem 
adjungit. It is also confirmed by the historian 
Blondus, that Adalbert governed the people of 
Bavenna exactly as he did his other subjects. 

As I have already gone too far, I must retrace my 
steps and put forth other facts of importance in sub- 
stantiation of what I have already advanced. The 
Emperor Ludowick the Second, in one of his 
Privileges or Diplomas dated 861, and which is 
reported in the Bollasius Cossinen., to. 2, Constit. 
36, says : Omnibus fidelibus Nostris in partibus 
Lombardise Bomanise sive Benevento, atque Tuscia, 
necnon Venetia consistentibus, notum sit. It is 
evident from this that all these States belonged to 
Ludowick, and were parts of his Empire. I must say 
here that I do not understand why he named Venice 
in this diploma, unless he meant the province near 
Venice, as I am fully persuaded he did. Besides I 
have been unable to trace any statement or proof by 
any of the historians that Venice belonged to any 
other power than the Venetian citizens. In addition 
to this I shall also show that Pipin dared to attempt 
intrusion there, and that his army and navy were 
severelj r thrashed and destroyed and never landed in 
the Bialto, and Pipin was one of the first to save 
himself in Bavenna. As I shall also prove, after this 
Pipin, and after him Charlemagne, went to Venice 
as friends, not as enemies ; they went there to 



323 



witness and to admire the Venetians, not to con- 
quer them, but to make treaties of alliance and 
friendship for the mutual protection of the popula- 
tions, and of the commercial interests. The Popes 
likewise pretended that Yenice belonged to them, as 
indeed they pretended that all the world did, but the 
solution of their pretences must be reduced to this 
interrogation — Did they ever get it ? and when, and 
who did get it? Perhaps some of the modern 
saints, the latest Ecclesiastic pamphleteers, will 
undertake to prove that Yenice belonged to Peter, 
though Peter, according to tradition, was very poor, 
and Venice was not yet built, nor at the time of 
Constantine. Venice was built in the year 481 of 
the Christian era, so says Sabellicus. We can 
readily find in history that Pipin constituted Ravenna 
the metropolis of his Italian Kingdom, that he 
resided in it, and that Charles le Gros, in the year 
877, wrote to Pope John the Eighth, asking him to 
take* care of his Italian Regnum during his absence. 
We see that Charles le Gros renewed the 'pacta with 
the Venetian Republic, in which are named the 
Comaclenses and the Ravennenses as his subjects. 
We see also that TJgo, Lotharius, Berengarius, 
Adalbert, and other Kings, confirmed their alliances 
with the Venetians, and were Sovereign masters of 
Ravenna, Romagna, and other Italian States ; that 
they occasionally resided in Rome, Ravenna, 
and in Erance. We may besides quote the 
Emperor Lotharius the Eirst, anno 840, who con- 
firmed the Pacta with Peter, Doge of Yenice, and 
nominated amongst his Imperial subjects the Arimi- 
nenses, Forojulienses, et Comaclenses, Ravennates, &c. 
Andreas Dandolo, in his Chronica MS., takes notice 
of this fact, and draws a distinction between the 
feudal lands and the Duchies, and the lands of the 
Italian Kingdom. His remarks have much en- 
lightened posterity, and helped to solve many 
diplomatic questions that the astute Roman See 



824 



have occasionally initiated ; but this sentence~Lo* 
tharius Pactum inter Venetos, et vicinos eorum 
Subjectos Imperii, per quinquennium confirmavit, 
Terrasque Ducatus distinxit a Terris Italici Regni 
— is powerful enough to stifle the insinuations in the 
very mouths of the reverend Roman prelates. In 
addition to this, there is the close of Charlemagne's 
will, by which he bequeathed to his son Charles, not 
only Torea, Vercelli, Pa via, Eeggio, and Modena, 
up to the confines of St Peter, but also everything 
that was situate there on the left hand on the road 
to Rome, as belonging to the Italian Kingdom, and 
which also had belonged to his father, Pipin, with 
the Duchy of Spoleto. (Even Baronius admits this.) 

There is another trifling proof in the Diploma 
given by King Lotharius to Guidus, Bishop of 
Modena, dated 947, in which he gave him, as a 
Donation, the Salinas Comaclenses. I am pleased 
to take note of the above fact, because at the begin- 
ning of the sixteenth century Julius the Second,* the 
Pope- warrior, sought a pretext for war, and fought 
against Alphonso the First, Duke of Ferrara. And 
so did Pope Leo the Tenth, under the same pretext 
of right and jurisdiction upon that which evidently 
belonged to others, that is to the Empire, and to the 
Imperial Yassal, the Duke Alfonso. This reverend 
blackguard's quarrel is much too long to be detailed 
here ; it will therefore suffice to say that by the 
Papal intrigues and influence with the whole of the 
Franck Clergy assembled at the Turonensis Council 
in the year 1510, the pretended rights of the Pope to 
make salt at Comacchio, and to supersede the rights 
of the Duke and of the Empire, were introduced 
and discussed. With all this Papal influence, how- 
ever, the opinion given by the Council was contrary 
to the Pope's expectations, as reported by Labbe, 
to. 13, p. 1482. This article is written in these 
words : Si quod jus tale Pontifex ad se pertinere 
^ontendat ut Patrimonii S. Rom. Eccl. partem : 



325 



Contra Princeps Imperii juris sui esse dicat, et de ea 
controversia paratus sit, et offerat stare orbitrio, vel 
judicio bonorum virorum et, &c. 

The celebrated historian, Mezeray, in his Trench 
History, p. 330, after narrating the controversy of 
the Salt, says that Alphonso still possessed the town 
of Comachio, which was an Imperial feud. He 
likewise reports the Articles V and VI of the Coun- 
cil of Tours, which ruled : Art. V. S'il estoit per- 
mis au Prince de proteger un autre Prince son allie, 
dont il auroit a bon droit entrepris la defense, &c. 
Art. YI. Si ce Prince allie se defendant d'une Pre- 
scription de cent ans pour la chose contested, la 
quelle d'aillieur est de droit de l'Empire, et non de 
l'Eglise : et de plus ay ant offer t de s'en remettre a 
F arbitrage, &c. The historian, Jean Serres, in his 
French History, to. 2, anno 1510, also wrote : Le 
Roy ne se veut deporter de la protection qu'il a prise 
du Due de Eerrare ; et Jules convoite extremement 
la possession de sa Duche, fonde, bien que la directe 
seigneurie de Comacchie, d'ou Alphonse tiroit le 
sel, appartinst a l'Empire, sur le differend des 
salines, et gabelles, &c. Certes c' estoit bien 
grossierement pallier sa convoitise. Moreover, 
Varillas dans l'Hist. de Louis the Twelfth, to. 4, 
p. 94, says that the Pope had no right at all to 
what belonged to the Empire, and that Maximilian 
alone was the Supreme Judge and possessor, and 
had the right to invest the Dukes of Eerrara, or any 
other Imperial vassal whom he pleased, with the 
administration of that feud. However, Alphonso, 
who had been excommunicated, to avoid a long war 
with the Holy See, gave up his rights of Imperial 
Eeudatory with regard to making Salt at Comacchio 
in this manner, protesting and reserving the right 
and privileges of the Empire. " The Illustrious 
Duke of Ferrara, Alphonso the First, gives and 
renounces all his rights to Pope Leo the Tenth, and 
every faculty in regard only to making Salt in 



326 



Comacchio, with this declaration and modification, 
reserving all the chapters, and protesting that he 
does not intend to prejudice the rights of the 
Empire, and of the Cesarean Majesty," &c. This 
convention was drawn in Italian and in Latin, 
because Alphonso was not acquainted with Latin, 
by Cardinal d'Este and Cardinal de Medici, and 
signed on the 15th of June, 1514. 

The historian Guicciardini, who was in the ser- 
vice of the Holy Eoman See, and most acutely pene- 
trated the designs of many Popes, and wrote faith- 
fully about everything concerning Italian history, 
has also related this quarrel, and says that Alphonso 
did not like, nor could he give up the privilege 
which was asked, and that in 1510 he answered the 
Pope, saying : " that he could not cease to make salt 
at Comacchio because he did not wish to prejudice the 
reasons and rights of the Empire, to which belonged 
the direct dominion of Comacchio, of which he was 
the Imperial Eeudal Lord, &c." The Pope pre- 
tended that in the year 967 Otho the Eirst gave to 
Pope John the principalities of Benevento and Capua, 
as stated by Luitprandus, the historian and Papal 
Legate at the Court of the Greek Emperor ; but they 
omit to state that Luitprandus asserted and wrote 
that the — Principes Capuanus et Beneventonus ap- 
prime nobiles et Domini mei (Othonis) sunt milites ; 
that is, that these " Dukes are vassals of my master, 
Emperor Otho;" ergo, this Donation is another 
fausse conche ; as usual, it was a Donation of Pomp, 
which did not convey any right of dominion to the 
receiver. At this time Ravenna was a considerable 
eity, and the Emperors frequently resided there, and 
it seems that the neighbouring peoples of Comac- 
chio rebelled, and Peter, Doge of Venice, in the year 
970, as stated by the historian ITicholaus Crassus, 
in his Annales, p. 464, went there with a great 
fleet, &c. Magna cymbarum classem armavit, Comac- 
lum cito recipit, ibique arcem sedificandam curavit. 



327 



As Peter consigned Comacchio to the Imperial au- 
thorities of Eavenna, this also proves that Eavenna 
was still independent of the Popes. The Emperors 
still continued to reside there occasionally, and to 
maintain there their Fiscal Officers, as already stated 
by Eossi, in his History of Eavenna. In the Bulla- 
rium Cassinensis it is also affirmed that at that epoch 
all the public deeds made at Eavenna, Eomagna, 
Tuscany, Eome, Lombardy, &c, were headed with 
this anti-Antonellian motto, "Imperante Domino 
Othone Secundo which appears to have been pretty 
well understood in all the Imperial villages, towns, 
and provinces, without the assistance of a single in- 
terpreter. "We have seen that the Emperor Otho the 
Third made the exchange of the Badia of Poniposa, 
and made it Imperial property by his Sovereign 
Power, which was confirmed by diplomas by the fol- 
lowing Emperors, Henry the Third, in 1045, Henry 
the Fourth, Eifth, and Sixth, and Erederic the Eirst 
and Second, who confirmed also, with their diplomas, 
what had been done by Otho. 

In the Tabularium, alias the Eoman Archives, there 
were many documents which proved the absolute 
Temporal Power of the Otho's in the Exarchate in 
Eomagna, in Eome, and other Italian provinces ; for 
instance, a Privilegium Othonis III de Moneta cu- 
denda, given to the Archbishop of Eavenna in the year 
993 ; another diploma given to him — Ejusdemlmp. de 
fundamentis Salinarum inComado, dated 994 ; another 
diploma — Ejusdem Imp. super concessiones Caesenae 
Cerviae, dated 995 ; and another — Idem concedit 
Eavennatibus, quod nullus audeat sedificare Castrum 
a Civitate Eaventiae, Eoroliv. Populien. ac Caesenat, 
usque Eavennam ; and this was also dated the year 
995. Many public acts of this Emperor are registered 
in the history of Eavenna by Eossi, and in the 
Bullarius Cassinensis. Labbe, in his work, likewise 
speaks of a Council which was held at Eavenna in 
the year 995 — sub Clementissimo Imperio memorati 



328 



Principis Ottonis 3*a, &c. All these facts or state- 
ments are quite sufficient to establish, with the acts of 
the Emperor Otho, that he was the supreme indepen- 
dent Potentate who reigned, excluding the Pope in 
the Exarchate, Ro magna, and all other Italian States 
except Rome, which had rebelled at that time, but 
which was soon subdued by the Imperial Arms. I 
will confirm this assertion by the attestation of 
Bishop Ditmarus, a contemporary historian, who 
said of Otho the Third, that he — Imperium Suorum 
Priorum More gubernavit. He also says that Rome 
was in rebellion, and that the remainder of the 
Italian towns and states were quietly subjected and 
governed by him — Omnes Regiones quae Eomanos et 
Longobardos respiciebant suae Dominationi fideliter 
subditas habebat. Another great contemporary 
testimony of the Emperor Otho the Third's supreme 
power, in every part of Italy, and in Eome itself, 
in spite of the Papal dissensions and their sturdy 
attempts at usurpation, is given by subsequent Popes 
who canonised as a Saint, Heribertus, the Chancellor 
and Secretary of Otho the Third, and this Arch- 
bishop Heribertus in all his works prized his master's 
mild disposition and government. I now pass on to 
the period of Henry the Second. This Emperor was 
also considered a Saint, and almost honoured as such, 
by the Clergy; and in the year 1017 he invested 
with a diploma the Archbishop of Ravenna, with the 
feudal power of many towns of the Exarchate and 
Romagna. Henry the Second was crowned Emperor 
in the } 7 ear 1014. Ditmarus, lib. 5, and Bishop 
Adelboldus, in his Life of the Holy Emperor Henry, 
states that Federicus, Archbishop of Ravenna, was 
one of the vassals of the Emperor — inter ceteros 
fideles Heinrici Regis— -and that the Imperial Officers, 
in the presence of a great number of noblemen, 
invested him with the counties of Bologna, of Imola, 
of Eaenza, &c, de comitatu Bononiense et de 
Comitatu Corneliense, et Comitatu Eaventino, &c. 



329 



And this is a first-class specific certificate of the 
supreme temporal power of that Emperor in those 
States, and of the uselessness of the pretended rights 
of the Roman See in any of those places. Take notice 
too, reader, that at that time Church and State were at 
peace, though at Rome then, and for many years be fore, 
the Pope faisait le (liable a quattre; It was for this 
reason that the Emperors resided so long and so fre- 
quently at Eavenna, and avoided being present in 
' Rome from disgust at the Pope's debaucheries, de- 
moralizations, and crimes. Besides, at Ravenna, in 
case of need, or the Popes proclaiming themselves 
independent of the Empire, they were ready, at the 
shortest notice, to proceed to Rome to reinstate 
themselves and retake the town, if such a course had 
been necessary. This is the reason why these 
Emperors were praised as good men by the Eccle- 
siastics, because they would not witness their crimes, 
nor reside in Rome, nor stop the current of their 
demoralizations, which, through habit, had become 
the fashion and the laws of the epoch. As there are 
so many facts to state regarding that time, as well as 
of the deeds of the Johns, the Gregories, Silvester 
and Gerbert, Hildebrand, their criminal paramours, 
and the other atrocious amenities of the Popes' 
repertoire, I shall pass them all in silence now, as 
well as the Marozie, the great Countess llathilde, 
and the rest of them. I shall therefore devote a 
special chapter to them in its proper chronological 
order, and not associate them with the foregoing 
diplomatic proofs of the Imperial power in the Holy 
States, and of the nonentity of the Papal rights and 
pretended Donations. I will now return to the 
Saint Emperor, Henry the Second, who had invested 
the Archbishop of Ravenna with the States that I 
have named, and show that in the year 1022 he> 
freely disposed of the Principality of Capua and of 
the County of Teanum, and of other States, now 
belonging to the kingdom of Naples; though the 

F F 2 



330 



Popes, many years after his reign, pretended that 
Henry had confirmed to the Holy See Teanum and 
Capuam with a Diploma dated the year 1014. About 
this contradiction see the Hostiensis, in his Chron. 
Cassinensis, lib. 2, c. 41, and Glabms Eudolphus, in 
his History, lib, 3, c. 1 . 

Of Conradus, the Salicns, it is stated by Wippo, a 
contemporary historian, that he entered Ravenna and 
reigned there as the supreme authority, after which 
he adds that he went to Eome, and subjected Home 
entirely to his power : Eavennam intravit, et cum 
magna Potestate ibi regnavit. 

" Eoma subjecit se primum a summo usque ad imum. 
Experti sunt Eavennates in bello suo primates/ ' &c. 

In connection with this Emperor, Conrad, is men- 
tioned an authentic document given in the year 1032 
to the Marquis Boniface, father of the great Countess 
Mathilda, in that Placet to Boniface juxta ripam Padi 
in loco qui dicitur Caput de Eeda, in the State of 
Eerrara, that Prince decided a civil affair, and im- 
posed a penalty payable, one half to the Chamerse 
Imperatoris, and the other half to the Chamerae 
Archiepiscopi. There was nothing for the Pope, 
which surely proves that he had no business there. 
In the year 1052 Henry the Third confirmed the 
Pacta with the Eepublic of Venice, as seen in the 
Chronica of Dandolo, and named in it all the States 
subject to him. Henry theEourth, in the year 1063, 
before he entered upon his wars with the Pope, gave 
to Henry, Archbishop of Eavenna, a diploma con- 
firming to him the Counties of the Exarchate and all 
its States of Eavenna, as well as the Comitatum 
Comaclensem, and other Regalia— sicut nostri ante- 
cessors Eeges et Imperatores constituerunt. The 
Pope kept very quiet, and said nothing about this, 
and never dreamt of interfering in what belonged to 
the Empire. But in the year 1106, that is, fifty- 
four years afterwards, the Pope complained at the 



331 



Council of Guastalla that the Archbishop of Ravenna 
had usurped the spiritual jurisdiction upon some of 
the Bishoprics, and a few Prsedia of the Holy See. 
At this time (1106) the Popes attempted to usurp, 
invade, and destroy the Temporal Imperial Power by 
every means in their power ; no calumny or crime 
was sufficient for their wicked purposes, and they 
invented the greatest rascalities. They prompted 
the sons of princes to dethrone their fathers ; they 
dragged the Imperial authorities and their dignity in 
the mud. All these crimes were just cause for the 
Emperors to retaliate upon the Popes as soon as the 
opportunity presented itself. Consequently war and 
devastation became the order of the day for many 
years, and once, twice, and three times in each cen- 
tury the Popes were invariably the aggressors upon 
the Emperors or their vassals. Thus the populations 
had to endure the capricious and unbounded inso- 
lence and violence of the priests, and expose and 
forfeit by their provocation substance, honour, and 
life. In another chapter will be found ample con- 
firmation of the violence of the priesthood against the 
Emperor Henry the Eourth, and against Conrad his 
son, the young Emperor Henry the Eifth, by some 
historians called the Sixth. 

If the Bishops, Abbots, Counts, or Yicars had 
been invested with the Governments of towns or of 
provinces by the Exarchs, or by the Emperors, 
these invested gentlemen would have been perfectly 
independent of the Popes ; although the city or 
province of which they had received the inves- 
titure belonged to the so-called Boman Estates, 
they were bound only to recognise and pay 
homage to the Emperors, and were independent of 
the Popes. Labbe Collect. ConciL, to. 9, p. 774, 
anno 998. 

In the year 998, the Emperor Otho the Third 
issued an Edict directed to the Boman Senate, and 
to all the Archbishops, Bishops, Abbots, Marquises, 
Counts, and to the Judges of Italy, prohibiting the 



332 



Bishops and Abbots to alienate the Church property, 
saying — quia status Ecclesiarum Dei annullantur, 
Nostraque Iniperialis Majestas non minus patitur 
detrimental, durn Subditi Nobis debita non possunt 
exhibere obsequium. This confirms the fact that 
some of these Mitred Yicars were not satisfied with 
the exercise of the Spiritual and Temporal Power, 
with which they had been invested by the Emperors, 
but several of them actually converted the lands of 
the Estates that they were to administer in the 
interest of the Empire into money, thus defrauding 
the Church of God, and the Imperial Majesty of the 
Eaith, and of the honest servitude due from them 
as subjects. I have said that the Empress Adelaide 
lived at Eavenna, and I must add that she resided 
also for some time at Comacchio, and in other cities 
of the Exarchate, and that she exercised there the 
Imperial Dominion, which fact is diplomatically and 
historically authenticated by the Imperial Document 
of Donation which she made to the Monastery of Saint 
Saviour of Pavia of the following, as noted in the 
Pull. Cassin., t. 2, ConstL 32 : Monasterium construc- 
tum in loco, qui dicitur Pomposa, et omnia, que in 
Comaclio sunt, quaa intra Castrum sunt, quae vel 
extra cernuntur, &c, et omnes Salinas, &c. This 
Diploma was inserted in the Bollario Cassinese, and 
Puricelli introduced it in the Chronica della Badia 
Elorentina, p. 18, and it proves that the Empress 
and the Emperor had the power to invest a3 their 
Feudatories, in the Exarchate, at Comacchio and in 
other cities, whom they liked, and from that time it 
will be seen that the Archbishops of Ravenna were 
invested with the Exarchate and Comacchio by the 
Emperors as Imperial Eeudatories. The Empress 
Eieanora died at Ravenna, in the year 999. 

Pope Benedict the Twelfth, in the year 1339, 
whilst residing at Avignon, caused to be collected 
from the secret archives of the Vatican all the Docu- 
ments that were preserved there, and had them 
registered for the sake of proving the Privileges of 



333 



the Holy See ; and at that time was forged there a 
Diploma of a pretended Donation made by Otho the 
Third, in the year 999, giving to the Pope eight 
counties (idest), Pisaurum, Panum, Senogaliam, An- 
conam, Possambrum, Callium, Hesium, et Ausimum. 
Of this famous forged document Cardinal Baronius 
did not dare to say a word or take any notice about 
it, he beicg persuaded that it was a forgery. This 
assertion is supported by the following remarks, 
attested by Ditmarus in lib. 4 of his History. That 
the Emperor Otho the Third, in the year 1001, 
visited the Italian towns of the Eoman Empire, and 
found out that all the towns and provinces belonging 
to Lombardy and the Eoman States were faithfully 
submitted to his Imperial domination, except only 
Rome, where the clergy and citizens were preparing 
for him insidias. The above Latin word was 
uttered by Otho himself when he arrived at Pome. 
In the same year, 1001, Otho the Third donavit 
Sanctse Eavennati Ecclesise omnia placita, et dis- 
trictus, et bannum de omni terra S. Apollinaris, et 
de omnibus Episcopatibus, sive comitatibus de quibus 
prsecepta habentur in Sancta Eavennate Ecclesia ; 
and then he transferred the Badia of Pomposa, which 
was in the district of Comacchio, already subject to 
the Archbishop of Eavenna, and made it entirely 
subject to himself and the succeeding Emperors : ut 
Eegalis sit, nulli Dominantium personarum subjecta. 
These positive facts are related in the Bullarium 
Cassinensem, which contains the Diplomas, and also 
in the Italia Sacra of Ughelli. The untramelled, 
absolute Imperial dominion is patently shown not 
only in the Exarchate but also in Eome, in spite of 
the Papal pretenders, who were not able to show, 
even at that period, any trace of dominion or juris- 
diction of any kind whatever. "With all this Im- 
perial domineering in Eome and the Eoman States, 
yet at that time Pope St Eomoaldus never com- 
plained either of pressure or of Imperial usurpations 



334 



of the goods, chattels, and States of the Holy See, 
nor did he ever call upon Emperor Otho to make 
penance or restitution. I now return to Emperor 
Arrigus, or Henricus the Second, named the Holy, 
who succeeded Otho. It is said that this Emperor 
confirmed the Donations to the Apostolic See, with 
a document bearing no date, as stated by some Papal 
writers. As he was a very good man and a Saint, 
according to the Church of Eome, to which he gave 
a Diploma without date, I will suppose that it was 
out of pomp and veneration, according to the usual 
formalities, to the Holy See, and nothing more, 
because I find that the said good Saint Emperor soon 
after, precisely in the year 1017, as stated by Giro- 
lamo Eossi, in his History of Eavenna, lib. 5, p. 275, 
issued an Imperial Document, which contained the 
following Investitures : 

Pellegrinus Missus Henrici Imperatoris, et Tatho 
Comes item Missus Imperialis— they were sent to 
Eavenna to decide — lites et altercationes — and an 
Imperial officer, in the presence of all the assembled 
nobility, giving into the hands of these Imperial 
Commissioners or Legates — apprehendens in manibus 
illoram virgam, et misit earn in manibus suprascripto 
Harnaldo gratia Dei Sanctissimo et coangelico 
Archiepiscopo et" Investivit ipsum et Ecclesiam 
Eavennatem ex parte Henrici Imperatoris de omni 
Pisco, et de omni publica re Eavennate, sive ripse 

aut portae et de Comitatu Bononiense, et 

de Comitatu Corneliense, et Comitatu Faventino et 

Comitatu et Comitatu Picolense cum omni 

Pisci, et publicis Comitatibus, &c. (ETota. — The 
points denote the word to be illegible in the original 
Diploma copied by Eossi.) How is it that in this 
dated Diploma we see the whole of the Eomagna 
and the Exarchate given by this regular investiture 
to the Archbishop of Eavenna, reserving nothing for 
the Pope ? Why did not the Pope come forward 
with the false Diploma of Donation of those States 



335 

by the previous Emperor ? And if Henry had con- 
firmed to the Pope the Donations in a Diploma 
without date, why did he not claim the precedence 
of the same Donation ? Further, if the Pope was 
ashamed to claim those States as the Donation of 
Constantine, why did he not claim them as Donations 
by Pipin, Charlemagne, Ludovicus, or Lotharius ? 
The reason is clear enough : the documents of the 
Investitures were not yet forged, and if they had 
already been prepared the Pope and his partisans 
would not have dared to produce them as it was too 
early : living historians would have disavowed them, 
and the Imperial Chancellors, the Imperial Vicars, 
and the other Italian Princes could have easily con- 
futed and annihilated all such pretences by produc- 
ing their own and their forefathers' regular Imperial 
Investitures of the same lands, towns, and provinces, 
and the Pope would have made a regular fiasco. 
The conclusion of this affair was that Henry the 
Second confirmed nothing to the Pope in his 
Diploma dated 1014, or not dated, as some said, for 
the grand reason that he gave to the Archbishop of 
Havenna what he should have given to the Pope. 

To Henry the Second a contemporary writer 
dedicated the Life of S. Matilda, Queen of Germany; 
it was printed from the MS. by P. P. Euschenius 
and Papebrochius. The author of that Life stated 
that Otho the Great, son of Matilda, was called to 
Rome — a Prsesule Apostolicae sedis, ut gloriam Act. Sanct,, 
Imperialis Coronse preciperet, et Eomanos prseesset ^di^i 
— then he adds that, "Coronam accepit munere Marti 
Christi, et totus Populus Eomanorum se sponte 
subjugavit Ipsius Domini, et Sibi solvebant tributa ; 
et post ilium ceteris Suis Posteris." In this instance, 
even the Jesuits have given evidence against them- 
selves, and without being aware that the above few 
lines are just the very thing to prove that Otho the 
Great was the Master, and that after him his succes- 
sors were also equally so. 



336 



From the author of Queen Matilda's life, a con- 
temporary of her son, and of the Emperor Henry 
the Second, we see that he was the Supreme Master 
of Rome, of the Exarchate, and of every town of 
the Roman Empire, and that he could dispose of the 
Provinces as he liked, and that even Rome paid 
him tributes of money and obedience. Under the 
mild rule of this Saint Emperor, may I ask what 
power had the Pope in Rome or in any other town 
of the Roman States, what was he doing, and where 
was he ? Was he using those magic keys given to 
his predecessor by Charlemagne's Vicar at Benevento, 
or was he doing something else r I must refer the 
reader to the collateral part of these historical 
readings, as I could not conveniently keep in step 
with the gigantic Ecclesiastical deeds, on account of 
my inability, from inexperience, to conduct and 
develope the political, together with the Ecclesiastical 
and Secular affairs. In this lengthy chapter I shall 
continue for the present to confine myself to the 
politico-historical or diplomatic Imperial transactions 
with reference to the Papal States, and proceed 
progressively to show the variations and the investi- 
tures ; while in the chapters on the Ecclesiastical 
usurpations the reading will be a progressive historical 
sketch of criminal actions, and other nefarious 
amenities, also proving that they were invariably 
fighting against reason, common sense, honesty, 
justice, honour, and Christianity, that they were 
either scheming plots against the Empire, or were in 
open warfare with it or with its subjects. Lament- 
ing my deficiency of knowledge, I must sincerely 
apologise to the reader, and continue my work. The 
Popes of that century were all necromancers, with 
propensities equal to the habitues of certain saloons, 
and of other places in the Haymarket. I leave 
these to follow the politico-historical part of my 
work. 

After the death of Henry the Second, Conrad the 



337 



First ordered his judges, — Andreas Judex Imperii et 
Gerardus Judex Imperatoris, et Alexander Chuonardi 
Missus Csesaris, — to assemble a Court at Bologna, 
composed of Princes and Bishops, and there, in the 
year 1030, were decided the questions of law, and 
sentences passed and laws made in the name of that 
Emperor. In the year 1034 the said Emperor, 
Conrad the First, gave to the Archbishop of Ravenna 
(Gabeardus) the Diploma of the Investiture of the 
County of Faenza — Imperiali Largitione — Comita- 
tum Faventinum cum omni districtu suo, et Legali 
placito, et Judicio, omnibusque publicis functionibus, 
angariis redhibitionibus, teloncis, fodris ripaticis, 
aquis, &c. Eactenus Juri Regio legaliter attinentibus 
Sanctae Eavennati Ecclesise offerimus et JYostro Jure 
et Dominio in ejus jus in perpetuum Dominiumque 
transfundimus, &c. Eossi, in the History of Ea- 
venna, lib. 5, p. 278, reports this Imperial Diploma, 
which on this occasion is as valuable as the States of 
Eavenna itself, and will close the barking fauces of 
the mitred effrenated dogs. Eead it again, and see 
if there is anything left to be desired in this docu- 
ment. Ponder over these few words : Hactenus Juri 
Eegio legaliter attinentibus. Up to the present, 
1034, not attainable except by legal Imperial juris- 
diction, and from our dominion and jurisdiction we 
transfer it in perpetuity to Gabeardus and his succes- 
sors, &c. This diplomatic act is the real pietra 
losofale that was required, and which proves that 
the Papal possession of those States was nothing more 
or less than an escatnotage, or robbery. Progressing 
we arrive to the year 1047, and find that Henry the 
Third acted as independent and absolute Master in 
the States of Naples, Capua, Benevento, and others, 
as was related by the Historian Hermannus (Con- 
tract. Chron., ad an. 1047.) 

Eoma egressus nonnulla Castella Sibi rebellantia 
cepit, Provincias illas, prout videbatur, disposuit; 
Duces Hordmannis qui in Ulis partibus commorantur 



338 



constituit ; and lie punished the people of Benevento, 
and gave them up to be ruled of the Normans, and 
also subjected the Capuans, and gave their Princi- 
pality to Pandolfo in spite of the anterior pretended 
donation to the Popes. See the account given also 
by Leo Ostiensis in the Chronica Cassinensis, lib. 2, 
c. 81, in the said year, 1047. Pope Benedict the 
Eighth made no protest against the disposal of those 
States by Henry the Third. 

Prom x^imonius, Book 5, or from the Continuator 
of the Chronicles of Regione, and from other ancient 
historians, it will be seen that from Charlemagne 
downwards for several centuries, Benevento and 
Spoleti had their proper Dukes submitted and 
dependent only upon the Emperors to whom they 
used to pay homage and money tribute, without 
having any dependence on the Holy See. And this 
fact proves that the anterior pretended donations to 
the Popes of those States were perfectly chimerical 
with regard to the jurisdiction and its Sovereign 
power ; and if the Popes had any right upon them 
it must have been that of levying some trifling 
tributes upon the lands of the Churches and of the 
Monasteries according to those already named cele- 
brated magic keys. At this time (anno 1055) the 
Imperial Legate and Supreme Judge, Ugo, was 
making assemblies of the Bishops and the nobility 
in the States of Romagna, where he had been sent 
by the Emperor, and decided various political ques- 
tions and quarrels ; amongst them he decided a case 
in favour of the Archbishop of Ravenna. 

The Emperor, Henry the Fourth, in the year 
1063, as it appears from a diploma named and 
inserted by TJghelli in his Italia Sacra, copied from 
the Archives of the Vatican, gave to the Archbishop 
of Ravenna many cities of the Exarchate, and 
amongst them the — Comitatum Comaclensem et 
omnem potestatemin omnibus intra et extra Civitatem 
Ravennatem sicut Nostri Antecessores Reges et Im- 



339 



peratores constituerunt. This diploma disposed 
pretty clearly of these States without the least 
reference to the Pope, who seems to have had no 
jurisdiction over them, and never had any before that 
time, as proved by the consecutive Imperial possession 
and disposal of them by the Emperors to their 
favourites without ever giving them to any Pope. I 
may repeat that Pipin and Charlemagne retained 
those States for themselves and occupied them, and 
when absent delegated their alter ego to prevent the 
Popes installing themselves there as masters. Henry 
the Fifth, Lotharius the Second, Prederick the 
First, Henry the Sixth, Otho the Fourth, and 
Frederick the Second, and all their predecessors, not 
only maintained, but exercised supreme jurisdiction 
and dominion in Eome and the Exarchate and* in the 
other Eoman States so called of the Holy See. The 
whole of the above-named Emperors in their re- 
spective reigns confirmed this diploma of Henry the 
Fourth, dated 1063, which contained the names of 
the cities as follows : — Hi sunt qui ex nostro silicet 
Jure, Papienses, Mediolanenses, Cremonenses, Lucen- 
ses, Pisani, Gennenses, Placentini, Ferrarienses, 
Eavennates, Comaclenses, Florentini, &c, et cuneti 
de Nostro Eegno Italico. Andreas Dandolus, in his 
celebrated Chronica, reported this diploma, and the 
confirmation as usual of the Pacta between Henry 
the Fourth and the Yenetian Eepublic. Henry the 
Fifth and the Sixth did the same in the year 1197, 
confirming the named diploma, and the Pacta cum 
Henrico Dandulo duce Sexto anno 1197, apud 
Castrum Joannis Yenetorum antiqua fcedera cum 
Subjectis Imperii renovavit. — Sansovinus, in the 
Yenetian history, stated and confirmed the above 
facts of the named Emperors in lib. 11, page 322. 
In the named year, 1063, many dissensions and wars 
arose between the Emperor Henry the Fourth and 
the Ecclesiastical party, principally provoked by the 
craftiness of the Popes and the intrigues of the 
Countess Matilda, which lasted many years, and 



340 



continued with the wars brought against the Empire 
by Pope Paschal the Second. 

These diplomatic transactions are too voluminous 
to introduce in this little work, but as I considered 
it was necessary to show the public the contemptible 
rascality of the Ecclesiastics of that time and their 
Chief, I have not spared myself the trouble of copy- 
ing many documents that passed between the Pope and 
the Emperor Henry IV, who was called the Vth by 
other historians. I shall likewise call him the Eifth 
myself, according to the documents that follow here : 

Traite de Paix entre I/Empereur Henry V et le 
Pope Paschal II, to regulate the aflPairs of the Empire 
and of the Church, made in the year 1110. (See 
Golda^, to. 1, p. 252.) Inter Nuncios Imperatoris, 
et Petrum Leonis et caeteros Nuncios Pontificis in 
Porticu Sancti Petri convenit, ut Imperator in die 
Coronationis suae omne male usurpatum Ecclesiasti- 
cum Jus in minibus Pontificis, astante Clero et 
Populo et per scriptum deponeret cum ipsum Papa 
de negociis regalibus faceret, idque Sacramento 
firmaret, dimitteret Ecclesias liberas cum oblationibus 
et possessionibus suis, qua3 ad Regnum non pertinent, 
et absolveret Papa ab juramentis Populos, quae contra 
Episcopos facere compulsi sunt, &c. And the Em- 
peror, in proof of his good faith to the Pope for the 
maintenance of this treaty, would give him as hos- 
tages a number of named gentlemen of his Court and 
some of his relations, &c, and the Pope on his part 
(as stated in the second chapter of this treaty, which 
is not copied in full) would give to the Emperor the 
following : 

2. Quae postquam omnia impleverit Rex, Papa 
juberet Episcopis adstantibus in die Coronationis ejus, 
ut Regalia Imperatori dimitteret, quae a temporibus 
Caroli Ludovici, Henrici, aliorumque praedecessorum 
ad Regnum pertinebant ; scripto firmaret sub anathe- 
matis poena, auctoritate sua, ne quis eorum, vel prae- 
sentium vel absentium vel successores eorum Regni 
se intromitterent juribus, neque invaderent Civitates 



341 



Ducatus, Comitatus, monetas, vectigalia, mercata, 
Advocationes Imperii, Centurionum jura, curtesques 
essent Imperii cum pertinentiis suis, et militaria Im- 
perii castra. Nee ipse Imperatorem nec Romanum 
Imperium, super his alterius inquietaret, et privilegio 
sub anathemate ista confirmaret, ne posted sui ultra 
inquietare prsesumeret. Imperatorem benigne et cum 
honore susciperet, et more prsedecessorum ipsius 
Catholicorum Imperatorum, scienter et non subtracto 
coronaret, et ad tenendum Imperium officii sui 
auxilio juvaret. Hoc si Papa non impleret Petrus 
Leonis cum suis omnibus se ad Imperatorem teneret. 
Obsides, nisi effugerent, altero post Coronationem 
die restitueret : si ex ipsius Papse parte remanserit, 
ut non coronatur, similiter redderet. Hsec ita con- 
stituta jurejurando firmavit Imperator : 

Adalbertus Cancellarius, Herimannus, Pridericus 
et Gothofridus Comites, and five other gentlemen, 
took oath after the Emperor to execute the above, &c. 

A printed note in the margin of the above treaty 
stated the following : " Le Pape ne fit ce Traite que 
pour amuser l'Einpereur qui etoit entre en Italie 
avec une arm.ee de 80,000 pour lereduire a la raison, 
et qui etoit deja fort pres de Rome. II fut conclu 
environ les fetes de Noel, que l'Empereur passa a 
Florence." 

After the Emperor had left for Florence the Pope 
and the Bishops broke faith with him, when he 
returned and made them prisoners, with all their 
adherents. Goldast, in to. 1, page 253, gives the 
second treaty, called — Transaction entre l'Empereur 
Henry V, et Paschal II, par lequel le Pape accorde 
a l'Empereur les Investitures, et l'Empereur promet 
de mettre en liberte le Pape, et tous ses adherens, 
qu'il avait fait prisonier. Eait Tan 1110. 

It commences thus : 

Ex verbo Pontificis juratum est in agro juxta 
Pontem Mammeum, qui Romanos Teutonesque diri- 
mebat, hoc videlicet modo : Quod ulterius non in- 

gg2 



342 



quietaret Imperatorem ejusque Imperium de pre* 
sumpto de temerato Ecclesiarum jure, et de injuria 
sibi suisque irrogata in persona Imperatoris, ac bonis 
malum aliquod sibi vel alicui personae non redderet, 
neque pro hac causa Imperatorem anathemati sub^ 
deret, eidemque Imperatori privilegio sub anathemate 
confirmaret, ut Episcopos, et Abbates libere electos 
absque Symonia, idem Imperator annulo et virga 
investiat, Episcopusque sic investitus libere conse- 
cratione abArchiepiscopo, ad quern pertinuerit, sumat. 
Si quis vero a Populo et Clero eligatur, et non ab 
Imperatore investiatur, a nemine consacretur, et 
Archiepiscopi et Episcopi libertatem habentem si 
curandi ita amissos ab Imperatore, Eegnumque et 
Imperium ac Principatum officii sui auxilio illi con- 
servabit. 

2. Et cum haec sacramento firmasset, Imperator 
demum, quod eundem Pontificem cum Episcopis et 
Cardinalibus, et omnes, qui cum eo vel pro eo capti 
essent, obsidesque et securos perduceret intra portas 
Transtyberinae Civitatis, neque ulterius aut caperet, 
aut capi permitteret, juravit his, qui in fide sedis 
Apostolicas manerent : et Populo Romano tarn per 
se, quam per suos, pacem servaret, eundem Papam 
fideliter juvaret, ut Papatum secure et quiete teneret, 
patrimonia et possessiones Ecclesise Eomanse resti- 
tueret, caetera qusB de jure habere debet, more ante- 
cessorum recuperare ac tenere adjuvaret bona fide, 
et Imperii et Regm, sicuti Catholici Imperatores 
Catholicis Romanis Pontificibus solent. 

(Post hsec) Fredericus Coloniensis Archiepisc. 

COMITES. EPISCOPI. 

Fredericus, Gebehardus Tridentinensis, 

Herimanus, Burchardus Monasteriensis, 

? Albertus, Bruno Spirensis, 

! Fridericus, Albertus Cancellarius. 

Berengarius, 
r Fridericus, 

Gothfridus, 

et Guarnerius, 
ac Bonifacius Marchio in hunc modum juraverunt. 



343 



Another Convention was made by the Emperor, 
Henry the Fifth, and Pope Paschal the Second, 
which is reported by Goldast, to. 1, page 254. It 
was made in the year 1111; and the Emperor begins 
with the following oath : 

Ego Henricus Imperator liberos dimittam quarta 
vel quinta feria Dominum Papam Paschalem, et 
Episcopos, et Cardinales et omnes captivos et obsides, 
qui pro eo et cum eo capti sunt, et liberos secure 
produci faciam intra portam Transtiberynas civitatis : 
nec ulterius capiam, aut capi faciam vel permittam 
eos, qui in fidelitate Domini Papae Paschalis perma- 
nent : et Populo Romano, et Transtiberynae Insulae 
civitati pacem et securitatem servabo tarn per me, 
quam per meos, et in personis et in rebus qui pacem 
mihi servaverint. 

2. Patrimonia et Possessiones Sanctae Romance 
Ecclesiae, quae abstuli, restituam; et cuncta quae 
habere debet, more antecessorum medrum recuperare 
et tenere adjuvabo bona fide. Et Domino Papae 
Paschali obediam (salvo tamen honore Eegni et 
Imperii) sicut Catholici Imperatores Catholicis Pon- 
tificibus Romanis. Haec omnia observabo bona fide, 
sine fraude et malo Ingenio. Et isti sunt juratores 
ex parte Imperatoris Henrici, &c. 

This document is signed by thirteen Archbishops, 
Bishops, and Imperial Vicars. In this document, 
under oath, the Emperor promised to let out of the 
cage the Pope, the Bishops, the Cardinals, and all 
the Pope's partisans, and to restore to the Holy See 
what belonged to it, as in the time of his old Impe- 
rial predecessors. Moreover, the Emperor promised 
to obey the Pope, but he reserved to himself the 
honour of the kingdom and of the Empire, like all 
other Catholic Emperors. 

Then follows the Investitures accorded to the 
Emperor by the Pope. 

Dominus Papa Paschalis concedit Domino Im- 
peratori Henrico, et Regno ejus, privilegio suo sub 



344 



anathemate et confirmabit, et corroboravit, Episcopo 
vel Abbate libere electo sine Symonia assensu Im- 
peratoris, quod Dominus Imperator cum annulo et 
virga investiat. Episcopus autem vel Abbas ab 
Imperatore investitus libere accipiat consecrationem 
ab Episcopo, ad quern pertinuerit. Si quis vero a 
Clero et a Populo eligatur, nisi ab Imperatore in- 
vestiatur, et a nemine consecretur, et Archiepiscopi 
et Episcopi libertatem habeant consecrandi ab Im- 
peratore Investitos. Super his etiam Dominus 
Papa Paschalis non inquietabit Imperatorem Henri- 
cum, nec ejus Eegnuin et Imperium. 
Here is the Papal oath to the Emperor : 
Dominus Papse Paschalis non inquietabit Dominum 
Imperatorem Henricum, nec ejus Eegnum, de Inves- 
titura Episcopatuum et Abbatianum, neque de in- 
juria sibi illata et suis in personis et bonis, neque 
aliquod malum reddet sibi vel alicui personae pro 
hac causa; et penitus in personam Imperatoris 
Henriei nunquam anathema ponet, nec remanebit in 
Domino Papa, quin coronet cum, sicut in Ordine 
continetur, et Eegnum et Imperiium officii sui 
auxilio eum tenere adjuvabit pro posse suo. Et has 
adimplebit Dominus Papa sine fraude et malo 
ingenio. 

Hsec sunt nomina illorum Episcoporum et Car- 
dinalium qui prsecepto Domini Papae Paschalis privi- 
legium et amicitiam Sacramento confirmaverunt 
Domino Imperatori Henrico— 

Petrus Portuensis Episcopus, 
Centius Sabiniensis Episcopus, 
Eobertus Cardinalis Sancti Eusebii, 
Bonifacius Cardinalis Sancti Martini, 
Anasthasius Cardinalis Sancti Clementis, 
and eleven others. 

In this document the Cardinalitian dignity, still 
besmeared with human blood, emerging from its origin, 
exhibits itself in witness to an official document, 



345 



and assumes an importance which it did not possess 
before the ninth century, but is evident in the 
twelfth. 

A printed note in the margin of the above docu- 
ment gives the following valuable information. — In 
spite of this oath, the Lateran Council opened on 
the 28th of May, 1112, when the Emperor was in 
Germany, and ordered the Bull accorded for the 
Investitures to be burned, and excommunicated the 
Emperor. This was confirmed in another Council, 
The Emperor heard of this faithless proceeding, and 
complained that the Pope had violated his oath. 
Paschal answered that he promised him that he 
would not excommunicate him, but that he did not 
promise that he would not order others to excom- 
municate him. This little bit of roguery is a capital 
specimen of priestly, cowardly, political treachery, 
an illustration of their ancient moral character, as 
well as an endorsement of the political faith of the 
modern successors and rulers of the Roman Catholic 
Court and Church. 

I shall continue to copy from the Recueil des 
Traites de Paix de Treve d' Alliance, vol. 1, p. 171, 
&c, the Bref du Pape, Paschal II — qui accorde les 
Investitures a TEmpereur Henri V, donne en 
1111. 

Paschalis Episcopus, servus servorum Dei, caris- 
simo in Christo filio Henrico Teutonicorum Regi, et 
per Dei omnipotentis gratiam Eomanorum Impera- 
tori Augusto, salutem et Apostolicam benedictionem. 

L Regnum vestrum Sanctse Bomanaa Ecclesiaa 
singulariter cohaerere dispositio divina constituit. 
Prsedecessores siquidem vestri probitatis et pru- 
dentise amplioris gratia Bomanae Urbis coronam 
et Imperium consecuti sunt. Ad cujus videlicet 
coronae et Imperii dignitatem, tarn quoque personam 
Filii Carisfiime Henrice, per Nostri Sacerdotii 
ministerium Majestas Divina provexit. Illam igitur 
dignitatis praerogativam, quam praedecessores nostri, 



346 



vestri praedecessoribus Catholicis Imperatoribus con- 
cesserunt, et privilegiorum paginis confirmayerunt, 
nos quoque tuse dilectioni concedimus et presentis 
privilegii pagina confirmamus ut Eegni tui Episcopis 
et Abbatibus libere prseter yiolentiam et Symoniam 
electis, investituram virgse et annuli conferas ; post 
investitionem vero canonice consecrationem accipiant 
ab Episcopo, ad quern pertinuerit. 

2. Si qui autem a Clero, yel a populo prseter 
assensum tuum electus fuerit, nisi a te investiatur, 
a nemine consecretur : (exceptis nimirum illis, qui 
vel in Archiepiscoporum, yel in Eoinani Pontificis 
solent dispositione consistere). 

3. Sane Archiepiscopi et Episcopi libertatem 
habeant a te inyestitos Episcopos et Abbates cano- 
nice consecrandi. 

4. Prsedecessores enim yestri Ecclesias Eegni sui 
tantis regalium suorum beneficiis ampliarunt, ut 
Kegnum ipsum Episcoporum maxime et Abbatum 
prsesidiis oporteat communiri, et populares dissen- 
siones, quse in electionibus ssepe contingunt, regali 
oporteat Maj estate compesci. Quamobrem pru- 
dential yestrse et potestati cura debet sollicitus 
imminere, ut et Eomanse Eeclesise magnitudo, et 
csetera salus, tuis (prsestante Domino) beneficiis 
et servitiis conseryetur. 

5. Si qua igitur Ecclesiastica yel Secularis potentia 
aut persona banc nostrse concessionis paginam sciens 
contra earn temerario ausu yenire tentayerit, anathe- 
matis vinculo, nisi resipuerit, innodetur honorisque 
ac dignitatis suae periculum patiatur. Obseryantes 
autem hoc misericordia Divina custodiat, et personam 
ac Majestatem potestatemque tuam ad honorem 
suum, et gloriam feliciter imperare concedat. 

After this comes another Papal solemn promise 
made before the altar, &c. 



347 



CONFIEMATIO. 

Haec sunt verba quae dixit Dominus Apostolicus 
Domino Imperatori Henrico in communione corporis 
et sanguinis Christi, die Coronationis suae. Domine 
Imperator Henrice, Corpus Domini natum, ex Maria 
Virgine, passum in cruce pro nobis, sicut Sancta 
Catholica tenet Ecclesia damus tibi in confirma- 
tionem verae pacis et concordiae inter me et te, 
Amen. Anno verbi Incarnati mcxi hoc confirmatum 
est in Basilica Sancti Petri xyi Cal. Martii, regnante 
in Coelis Domino nostro Jesu Christo cum Patre 
JEterno et Spiritu sancto, Amen. 

The next document is the Edict de l'Empereur 
Henry V, en consequence de son Accord fait avec le 
Pape Paschal II, anno 1111. 

Henricus Dei gratia Eomanorum Imperator Au- Goidast,to.l, 
gustus, omnibus Christi fidelibus in Ecclesia. P* 355, 

1. No turn esse yolumus dilectioni et discretioni 
vestrae ea, quae inter nos et Domimim ilium Pas- 
chalem erant, quomodo incepta tractata sint : Silicet 
de conventione inter me et ipsum, de traditione 
Eomanorum in me et meos, ud audita intelligatis, 
intellecta examinetis, examinata dijudicetis. 

2. Igitur dum in eo tutus essem, ut me ad Eccle- 
siae utilitatem et ipsius votum si justum esset, com- 
ponerem, coepit exaltationem et dilatationem regni 
super omnes antecessores meos promittere. Studebat 
tamen subdole, quomodo Eegnum et Ecclesiam a 
statu suo discinderet, tractare. Quod sic facere 
aggressus est. Eegno quidem jam a Carolo qua- 
dringentis et amplius annis et sub sexaginta tribus 
Apostolicis investituras Episcopatuum, eorundem 
authoritate et privilegiorum firmitatae tenenti absque 
omni obedientia auferre volebat. 

3. Et quum per Nuncios nostros ab eo quserere- 
mus, quid de Nobis fieret in quo Eegnum nostrum 
constat, quomodo fere omnia antecessores nostri 



348 



Ecclesiis concesserunt et tradiderunt, subjunxit: 
JFratres, Ecclesice decimis et ollationibus suis con- 
tented sint : Hex vero prsedia et regalia, quae a Ca- 
rolo et Ludovico, Ottone et Henrico Ecclesiis col- 
lata sunt, sibi et successioribus suis recipiat et de- 
tineat. Ad hoc quum nostri responderent, Ifos 
quidem nolle violentiam Ecclesiis inferre, nec ista 
subtrahendo tot sacrilegia incurrere, fiducialiter 
promisit et sacramento pro ea firmavit Dominica 
JSsto mihi, se omnia hsec cum justitia et authoritate 
Ecclesiis auferre Nbbisque et Eegno cum justitia et 
authoritate reddere. Nostris itidem firmantibus, si 
hoc, ut prsemissum est, ita complesset, quod tamen 
ullo modo fieri posse sciebat : me quoque, uti quae- 
rebat investituras Ecclesiorum resignaturum : sicut 
in charta conventions plenius poteritis videre. 

The subj oined diplomatic document follows the above, 
and I consider it very important on account of being 
most explicit in determining what belongs to the 
Empire, and what to the Pope* It is taken also 
from Goldast, in the same page, 255. 

Hsec est Charta Conventionis ejus ad me. 

Dominus Papa prsecipiet Episcopis prsesentibus in 
die Coronationis Kegis, ut dimittant Eegalia Eegno, 
quae ad Eegnum pertinebant tempore Caroli, Henrici, 
et aliorum prsedecessorum ejus ; et scripto firmabit 
sub anathemate ne quis eorum vel prsesentium vel 
absentium, vel successorum eorum intromittat se 
ullo modo, vel invadant eadem regalia, id est, Civi- 
tates, Ducatus, Marchias, Comitatus, Monetas, 
Teloneum, Mercatum, Advocatias, omnia jura Cen- 
turionum, id est Villicorum, turres, et Villas, quae 
Eegni erant ; cum omnibus pertinentiis suis, mUitiam 
et castra. Nec ipse Eegem et Eegnum super hiis 
alterius inquietabit, sed privilegio suo sub anathe- 
mate conflrmabit, ne posteri sui inquietare praesu- 
mant : Eegem benigne et honorifice suscipiet, et 
more prsedecessorum suorum Catholicorum scienter 



349 

non subtracto coronabit, et ad tenendum Regnum 
cum hiis omnibus officii sui auxilio adjuvabit. 

Si Dominus Papa hsec Regi non adimpleverit; 
ego Petrus Leonis juro, quod tota potentia mea 
tenebo ad Dominum Regem. Obsides autem, nisi 
effugerint, reddemus altero die post Coronationem 
Regis. Si per Papam remanserit, ut non coronetur, 
similiter reddemus Dominico die quam Rex ad pro- 
cessionem venerit. Obsides dabo Gratianum filium. 
meum, et filium Yizonis filii, et filium Sororis mese, 
si eum habere potero. 

The Pope took the Oath in the following words by 
his alter ego Peter of Leon, or Peter son of Leon — 
Usee sunt Sacramenta ex parte Domini Papse : 
Ego Petrus Leonis juro vobis, quia Dominus Papa 
proximo die Dominico adimplebit Regi, quod in 
Charta conventionis scriptum est. 

I, Peter of Leon, take oath tt^it the Pope will 
fulfil next Sunday everything that is stipulated in 
the agreement. 

This is followed by the Imperial oath in these 
words : 

Usee sunt Sacramenta ex Parte Regis. 
Ego Comes Hermanus. 
Ego Comes Gotfridus. 
Ego Volmarus. 
Ego Adalbertus. 

Juro vobis quia Dominus Rex proxima quarta vel- 
quinta feria ita Principes jurare faciet, et obsides 
dabit, sicut in Charta conventionis scriptum est. Et 
sic observabunt Domino Papse, eo tenore, si Dominus 
Papa proximo die Dominico sic adimpleverit Regi per 
omnia sicut in Charta conventionis scriptum est. 

4c Ego vero ut ostenderem, nullam Ecclesiarum 
Dei disturbationem ex velle nostro procedere, iiu 
cunctorum oculis astantium et auribus hoc Deere turn- 
promulgavi. 

Ego Henricus Dei Gratia Romanorum Imperator 
Augustus, affixmando et beato Petro, omnibus Epis- 

H H 



350 



eopis et Abbatibus ; et omnibus Ecclesiis omnia, 
quae antecessors mei Eeges vel etiam Imperatores 
eis concesserunt vel tradiderunt, et quae illi pro spe 
seternae retributionis obtulerunt, do. Ego peccator 
pro timore terribilis Judicii nullo modo subtrahere 
recuso. 

- 5. Hoc decreto a me lecto et subscripto petii ab eo, 
ut, sicut in Charta conventionis ejus scriptum est, 
mihi adimpleret. Quum ergo supradictse postula- 
tioni insisterem, silicet ut cum justitia et auctori- 
tate, promissa mihi conventione, nrmiter universis 
in faciem ejus resistentibus, et Decreto suo palam 
haeresim inesse clamantibus, silicet, Episcopis, 
Abbatibus, tarn suis quam nostris, et omnfbus 
Ecclesiae filiis : hoc, si salva pace Ecclesise dici potest 
privilegium proferre voluit. 

After the Papal and the Imperial oath, binding 
themselves mutually to the maintenance of the 
peace between Church and State, and the Papal 
renunciation of the Temporal Power, and of the 
Episcopal Investitures, follows as a conclusion the 
Decree of Paschal, which is the proper panacea 
that should be adopted in the present circum- 
stances, which of itself is sufficiently powerful and 
active to cure perfectly and to eradicate the constitu- 
tional distemper which affects the system of Pio 
ISTono. This is the mixture and the lotion for the 
skin disease called non possumus non volumus. 

Paschalis Pap-s: Decretum. 

Paschalis Episcopus, servus servorum Dei, dilecto 
filio Henrico Eegi, et ejus successoribus Impera- 
toribus, &c. Divinaa legis institutionibus sancitum 
est, et Sacris Canonibus interdictum, ne Sacerdotes 
, curis secularibus occupentur. "What do you think 
of that, you Most Eight Eeverend, Most Holy 
eminent, unto e bisunto Iraghiere trovaroba Generale 
in Capo dell'Armata Herodiana. I beg your pardon, I 
must not interrupt this decree with any remarks, 



351 



therefore I resume it: — Neve ad Comitatum, nisi 
pro danmatis eruendis, atque pro aliis qui injuriam 
patiuntur accedant. TJnde et Apostolus Paulus 
inquit : Judicia si habueritis contemptibiles qui sunt Corinth, i, 6. 
in Ecclesia, illos constituite ad judicandum. In 
vestri auteoi Regni partibus Episcopi vei Abbates 
adeo curis secularibus oceupantur, ut Comitatum 
assidue frequentare, et militiam exercere cogantur : 
quae nimirurn aut vix aut nullo modo sine rapinis, 
sacriiegiis, incendiis, aut homicidiis exhibentur. 
Ministri vero altaris, ministri curiae facti sunt : quia 
Civitates, Ducatus, Marchionatus, monetas, turres, et 
caetera ad Eegni servitium pertinentia a Eegibus 
acceperunt. TJnde etiam nos Ecclesiae intolerabilis 
inolevit, ut electi Episcopi nullo modo consecrationem 
acciperent, nisi prius per manum Eegiam investiren- 
tur. (Bravo Don Pasquale.) Aliquando etiam vivis 
Episcopis investiti sunt. Hiis aliis plurimis malis, 
quae per investituram plerumque contigerant, prae- 
decessores nostri Gregorius Octavus et Urbanus 
Secundus, felicis memoriae Pontifices, excitati, col- 
lectis frequenter Episcopalibus Conciliis, investituras 
illas manus Laicae damnaverunt : et si qui Clericorum 
per earn tenuissent Ecclesias, deponendos, datores 
quoque communione privandos percensuerunt, juxta 
illud Apostolicorum Canonum capitulum, quod se ita 
habet. Si quis Episcopus seculi potestatibus usus 
Ecclesiam per ipsos obtineat, deponatur, et segre- 
getur, omnesque qui illi communicant. (Two other 
capital precedents spontaneously given here by 
Paschal.) Quorum vestigia subsequentes et nos 
eorum sententiam Episcopali Concilio confirm amus. 

Tibi itaque, filii charissime Henrice Rex, et nunc 
per officium nostrum Dei gratia Eomanorum Impera- 
tori, et regno regalia ilia dimittenda praecipimus que 
ad Eegnuin manifeste pertinebant tempore Caroli 
Ludovioi, Ottonis, et caeterorum predascessorum 
tuorum. Interdicimus etiam et sub anathematis 
districtione prohibemus, ne quis Episcoporum sive 



352 



Abbatum, praesentium vel fiiturorum, eadem regalia 
invadant, id est Givitates, Ducatus, Marchias, Comi- 
tatus, monetas, teloneum, mercatum, Advocatias, 
jura Centurionum, et turres, quae Regni erant, cum 
pertinentiis suis, militiam et castra : et ne se deinceps, 
nisi per gratiam Regis, de ipsis regalibus intromit- 
tant. Sed nec posteris nostris liceat, qui post nos in 
Apostolica Sede suceessuri erunt, aut Te aut Regem 
super hoc inquietare negocio. Porro Ecclesias cum 
oblationibus, et haereditariis possessionibus, quae ad 
Regnum manifeste pertinebant, liberas manere 
decrevimus, sicut in die coronationis tuae Omnipotenti 
Domino in conspectu totius Ecclesiae promisisti. 
Oportet enim Episcopos curis secularibus expeditos, 
curam suorum agere populorum, nec Ecclesiis suis 
abesse diutius. Ipsi enim, juxta Paulum Apostolum, 
pervigilant, tamquam rationem pro animabus eorum 
reddituri. So at ,last I arrive at the end of this 
most splendid document, which I consider a perfect 
gem, suitable at all times and particularly so now. 
The veneration I have for God, religion, and truth 
gave me the patience to transcribe it, and I feel 
relieved of the anxiety that I had of procuring suffi- 
cient evidence to establish the incongruency and 
the incompatibility of the Ecclesiastical administra- 
tion of the Temporal Power. In this really Golden 
Document the humbled Paschal points out all the 
disorders and detriments brought upon the Church of 
God and upon Christianity by that Ecclesiastical 
abuse, and he forcibly shows the necessity of his 
renunciation of it, and takes care to give a proper 
definition to the Ecclesiastics of their duties to God, 
to the Empire, and to their flocks. I am fully satis- 
fied that the fulfilment of these rules, as laid out by 
Paschal, would re-establish the necessary peace and 
tranquillity of Europe, and I take the liberty of 
addressing myself and of pointing out this document 
to the Illuminated Senate and Italian House of 
Commons, proposing to them that, at the first opening 



353 

of the Legislative Houses, they should propose and 
pass, purely and simply, this Paschal Decree as the 
order of the day. I will not profane with any 
remarks of my own the above document, which in 
itself contains all and everything that is at stake 
now ; I shall say only that at the end of the decree 
there is a post scriptum which says that as soon as 
it was signed and sealed an Episcocal semi-revolu- 
tion took place, in which many persons were 
wounded and killed; and this proves that San 
Chiavone has had many predecessors as great 
brigands as he is himself, and that the Popes, 
Cardinals, Abbots, and Prelates have always had 
some ready at hand for their dirty jobs, when they 
themselves abstained for the moment from executing 
the office of San Chiavone. 

Conrad, the son of the dethroned Henry theEifth, be- 
came Emperor, and was called Henry the tSixth, after 
his many political vicissitudes with Paschal, as already 
related ; in the year 1118, through the influence of 
his wife, Queen Matilda, he reacquired all his 
Imperial States, and exercised his Imperial power 
and jurisdiction in the Roman States, as demon- 
strated by a document inserted by Ughelli in his 
Italia Sacra, t. 2, p. 364. "William Malmesburiensis, 
in his work De Gest. Reg. Anglise, lib. 5, details 
that document ; and Lotharius the Second, by the 
attestation of P. Diaconus, a contemporary author 
of the Chronica Capinensis, lib. 4, c. 106, states 
that in the year 1136, Lotharius the Second, Romam 
egrediens TJmbriam, -^Emiliam, Elaminiam, Piece- 
numque Provincias sub suo jure redegit. Eor all 
these submissions to the Imperial Power, the Pope 
said nothing, nor did he remonstrate with the people 
who submitted to the Emperor, because he knew 
that he had no right whatever so to do, and besides, 
•he was on good terms with the Emperor Lotharius, 
as I can substantially prove. 

Trithemius, in his work De Script. Eeclesiast., 

Hl2 



354 



condemns Pope Gregory, Victor, Urbanus, and 
Paschal for their schisms and attempts to encroach 
upon the Imperial power, &c. Sigebertus, in his 
Chronic. An. 1111, also strongly reproves and con- 
demns Paschal the Second for his impudent daring 
in continuing the schism, wars, and usurpations of 
his predecessors, Hildebrand, Victor, and Urban. 
The Popes knew very well that they had no right 
or title to trench upon the Imperial privileges of 
the Episcopal Investitures, which had been, from 
the time of Charlemagne, and before that Emperor, 
a regular Imperial right of the Greek Emperors, &c. 

" Rex Romam vadit propter sedandam discordiam 
quae erat inter Regnum et Sacerdotium quae coepta 
a Papa Gregorio Septimo qui et Hildebrandus nomi- 
natus est, et exagitata a successoribus ejus, Victore 
et Urbano et prse omnibus a Paschali, magno scandalo 
erat toti mundo," &c. 

In the year 1132, after the death of Pope Ho- 
norius, the usual ecclesiastical contentions, schism, 
and revolutions took place, and we see there were 
again two pretenders to St Peter's chair — Innocent 
the Second and Anacletus the Second. Both of 
these two priests were Roman citizens. Anacletus 
invaded the Vatican, and took therefrom the Papal 
diadem, the chalices, the crosses, and the crucifixes 
of gold and objects of silver and every other 
^precious ornament that he could find. — Anacleto 
interim Vaticanum invadente, inque coronas, calices, 
cruces, crucifixos aureos argenteos, et alia prsetiosa 
ornamenta, involante, qua3 fusa, cusaque in suos 
clientes elargitur ; which he melted and coined into 
money, and divided amongst his partizans. I have 
returned to this particular subject, because it is 
really too serious, or, as those who read only the 
police reports in the public papers say, it is a beau- 
tiful robbery; and I cannot persuade myself that the 
so-called Vicar of Christ, the follower of St Peter, 
could be such a villainous thief as to commit so 



355 



enormous a sacrilege. The Maestro Terribile of 
Erosinone, so highly seated, and so learned in Eccle- 
siastical history, might possibly condescend to give 
me a little information about those reverendly 
valuable and precious twelve Apostles which were 
placed in St Peter's Church by a gentleman named 
Constantine, about the year 310 of the Christian Era. 
Besides the Apostles there were placed there also the 
Venerable Image of the Eedeemer in gold, upon an 
Altar of silver, and a certain Eountain of gold and 
silver called the Baptismal Font, as well as the 
dolphins, the stags, and the enormous Chandelier or 
Candelabrum ; excuse me if I blunder in the no- 
menclature of things that I have already named in 
the Eeal Donations of Constantine. In fact, I want 
to know from you, Mr Antonelli, or from the Belgian 
Sacripante, who stole the Apostles and the Ee- 
deemer, who melted the Altar, who stripped the 
Vestry Eoom, who took away all the gold and silver 
utensils, all the valuable etcetera forming the corredo 
of the Constantinian Donation to St Peter ? Are they 
still there, or did they go into the crucible on the 
occasion of Pope Anacletus's robbery ? Answer — 
speak loud ; or else, if I should be delegated to come 
to Eome, as assistant to the new broker to make 
out the Inventory, and find the old and precious 
fixtures gone, I should indubitably lock you up 
until all those valuables are properly accounted 
for. We will not have any mystery about these things; 
only tangible facts and reasons will be accepted. 
A revelation in full will be demanded, and proper 
atonement have to be made, and no mistake; we 
know what there should be, and we know also where 
to find something equivalent to what is already gone. 
Tou may repeat to us that the Jews — diviserunt sibi 
vestimenta mea, et miserunt me ad sortem ; but I 
shall respectfully decline to believe even that, because 
I see that the wardrobe of our Lord Jesus Christ was 
taken by the Emperor Frederick the Eirst into his 
native country and given by him to the Monasterio 



356 



Loricensi, which I can prove to you by the History 
of Frederick, written by a very old and very Eight 
Eeverend Prelate, which I have already quoted in 
this work, as I shall show in a future page. If it 
be true that the Jews divided the dresses of our 
Saviour and put Him up for sale by auction, how 
could Frederick have found and bought so many 
articles belonging to Christ and taken them to the 
Monasterio Loricensi ? I find myself compelled to 
ask of what materials could they have been made to 
have lasted in a state of preservation so long, and 
what trouble that Emperor must have been put to to 
explore the regions where they were hid? If I 
cannot prove this satisfactorily by the History of 
Frederick the First, at all events I will prove that 
the thieves and spoliators and murderers of our Lord 
were his infamous, presumptuous, and pretended 
followers, styling themselves his Vicars, — yes, it 
was you — 

" Che al mio Signor deste la morte." 

I beg of you, Mr Antonelli, to excuse my digres- 
sion. 

After this I do not feel inclined to write how these 
two Popes went on for some years fulminating dam- 
nable squibs for each other, though at a respectful 
distance, as Innocent was at Pisa with his Cardinals, 
See p. Diaco- and Anacletus at the Yatican. What is still more 
Tw^' 4 ' important is that when Lotharius went to Italy to 
be Crowned, in 1133, he found a Pretender in the 
ITorman Prince Eogerius, who was supported by 
Anacletus, and by the Archbishop of Milan, Ansel- 
mus, and his Suffragans ; also by Sinoretus, the 
Abbot of Monte Cassini, and all his confraternity, 
which at that time were very powerful. The honest, 
clever, and good St Bernard sustained a great share 
of the troubles of the wars that ensued out of this 
general conflagration, and he supported most power- 
fully with his influence and advice Pope Innocent 
the Second. At that time Henry the First, King of 



357 



England, was in France, and was persuaded by St 
Bernard, against the opinion of the English Bishops, 
to take the part of Pope Innocent. In the year 
1134 Innocent held a great Council at Pisa, where 
the Anathema was fulminated against Anacletus ; 
Henry, Duke of Bavaria, nephew of the Emperor 
Lotharius, went to Italy with his Army in 1137, and 
I leave him besieging the Monastery of Monte Cassini, 
which was defended by the Abbot Rainaldus. As 
the Emperor Lotharius died in the year 1137, and 
the war was not finished, but had spread to a general 
conflagration, I shall direct the reader to refer to 
Paulus Diaconus, who wrote these transactions most 
accurately and beautifully, detailing all the circum- 
stances that arose out of this Papal quarrel. 

It may be of some service to take a few fragments 
from the letters of St Bernard to some other Eccle- 
siastics whom he was constantly exhorting to peace, 
and to contribute to the maintenance of the unity and 
the edification of Christ's Church. Hildebertus, the 
learned Archbishop of Tours, was one of those who 
wavered in his opinion about Innocent's rights to the 
Papal See. Prom St Bernard's letter 124 to Hilde- 
bert, these few words will convey his good inten- 
tions, and explain the state of the Church : Ad hoc 
sane et vestra, Pater expectatur, sicut pluvia in 
vellus, vel sera sententia. Non improbamus tardita- 
tem, quse gravitatem redolet levitatis abolet notam, 
&c. Dico tamen ego notus Pontifici : Ne quid nimis : 
dico ut familiaris et notus, non plus sapere quam 
<rpportet sapere. Pudet fateor, quod Serpens vetus- 
tissimus nova audacia relictis insipentibus mulier- 
ribus, etiam robur pectoris vestri visus est attentare : 
Et tamen Ecelesise columnam ausus concutere — JEt hie 
'Bernardo magnus sacerdos, et excelsis in verbo glorise. 
This same St Bernard, in a letter (219) directed to 
some Eoman Bishops whom he suspected of dissent- 
ing from him and inclined to a schism, admonished 
them in these words : Quod pejus est, ad tarn malum 



358 



habitum humanaa res devenerunt, ut nec rei humi- 
liari velint, nec judices misereri : Dicimus inquis, 
nolite inique agere, et delinquentibus, nolite exaltare 
cornu, et non audiunt nos, quia domtis exasperans 
est. Supplicamus iis quorum est peccata arguere, 
peccantes servare, ne calamum quassatum eonterant, 
et linum fumigans non extinguant, et magis in spiritu 
vehementi conterunt naves Tharsis, &c. The above 
tallies very much with the present state of the 
Roman Church ; but who is to blame for it ? The 
Pope knows ; he has been repeatedly told by every- 
body, publicly and privately, by Italians and 
foreigners, and yet he persists in the attempt to 
swim against the current, at the risk of drowning him- 
self and his perverse and obstinate followers ! "Well, 
let them take the consequences. I will now give 
another extract from Bernard's letter 176 to Pope 
Innocent, who was affected with the same obstinate 
fits as Pio Bono. Bernard wrote to him thus : Yox 
una omnium qui fideli apud nos cura populis prse- 
sunt, Justitiam in Ecclesia deperire, annullari Eccle- 
siae, claves, Episcopalem omnino vilescere auctorita- 
tern, dum nemo Episcoporum in promptu habeat 
ulcisci injurias Dei, nulli liceat illicita quaevis, ne in 
propria quidem parochia castigare. Causam referunt 
in vos, Curiamque Eomanam : Eecte gesta ab ipsis, 
lit aiunt, destruitis, juste destructa, statutis, &c. 
St Bernard's letters afford us many other evident 
proofs of the Papal and Episcopal intrigues and 
corruptions. Por the present I have perhaps 
quoted enough to support my argument ; if not 
I will take an extract from the Cantica in suis 
Sermonibus, Sermone 33, which is a masterpiece of 
evidence. Here is a sweet bun for you, my moral, 
mitred Herod ; look at this mirror, and see what you 
are, for Bernard tells you : Ecce tempora ista libera 
quidem, Deo miserante, ab utraque ilia malitia, sed 
plane fooda, a negotio perambulante in tenebris. 
Yse generationi huic a fermento Phariseorum, quod 



359 



est hypocrisis, si tanien hypocrisis dici debeat, qusa 
jam latere prse abundantia non valet, et prse impu- 
dentia non quserit. Serpit (listen to this capital 
analogy to the present Ecclesiastic State) hodie 
putida tabes per omne corpus Eeclesise, et quo totius 
eo desperatius, eoque periculosius, quo interius. 
Nam si insurget aperte inimicus, mitteretur foras 
et aresceret ; si violentus inimicus, absconderet se 
forsitan ab eo. JSTunc vero quern ejiciet, quern, aut 
a quo abscondet se : Omnes amici (that is in words, 
and not in facts), et omnes inimici, omnes necessarii 
et omnes adversarii, omnes domestici et nulli pacifici, 
omnes proximi, et omnes quae sua sunt queerunt : 
Ministri Christi sunt, et serviunt Antichristo. Hono- 
rati incedunt de bonis Domini qui Domino honorem 
non deferunt. Judeis, quern quotidie vides, mere- 
tricius nitor, histrionicus habitus, Regius apparatus : 
inde aurum in fraanis, in sellis et calcaribus : et plus 
calcaria quam altaria fulgent, &c. 

Oh, most excellent man of God, good, and truth- 
ful— 

" Venerabile del capo sino ai pie" — 

to thee I give my humble and sincere homage for the 
benefits that thou didst disseminate in this earth to 
the comforts and welfare of humanity, and for the 
frank exposition of the crimes of the Papacy ; to 
thee I give the whole of my affectionate heart, and 
my best thanks for the eternal lamp that thou hast 
bequeathed to posterity to avoid our falling into the 
infernal abysses of the Papacy ! I will quote a few 
more lines of this Sermon, as it is so good and so 
appropriate to the actual circumstances, and withal 
so beneficent in its doctrines : Pro hujusmodi volunt 
esse et sunt Ecclesiarum propositi, Decani, Archi- 
diaconi, Episcopi, Archiepiscopi. Kee enim haec 
merito cedunt, sed negotio illi quod perambulat in 
tenebris (viz., in hypocrisy) olini prsedictum est, et 
nunc tempus impletionis advenit: Ecce in .pace 



360 



amaritudo mea amarissima : Amara prius in nece 
Marty rum, amarior post in conflictu haereticorum, 
amarissima nunc in moribus domesticorum. !Non 
fugare, non fugere eos potest ita invaluerunt et 
multiplicati sunt super numerum. Intestina et 
insanabilis est plaga Ecclesiae ; et ideo in pace 
amaritudo ejus amarissima ; sed in qua pace ? Et 
pax est et non pax, pax a paganis, et pax ab hasre- 
ticis : sed no profecto a filiis. Vox plangentis in 
tempore isto : filios enutrivi et exaltavi ipsi autem 
spreverunt me, spreverunt et maculaverunt me, a 
turpi vita, a turpi quaestu, a turpi commercio, a 
negotio denique perambulante in tenebris. Superest 
ut jam de medio Daemonium moridianum ad sedu- 
cendos, si qui in Christo residui sunt, ad hue 
permanentes in simplicitate : siquidem absorbuit 
fluvios sapientium, et torrentes potentium et habet 
fiduciam, ut Jordanis influat in os ejus, id est, 
simplices et bunnies, qui sunt in Ecclesia. Ipse 
enim est Antichristus, qui se non solum diem sed et 
meridiem mentietur et extolletur supra id quod 
dicitur, aut quod colitur Deus, quern Dominus Jesus 
interflciet spiritu oris sui et destruet illustratione 
adventus sui, utpote verus et aeternus meridies 
sponsus et advocatus Ecclesiaa. The above con- 
stitutes the most suitable antidote to the poisonous 
stuffs called Bulls, Episcopalian Gallico -political 
pamphlets, and Papal hallucinations; at leisure I 
"will translate it, and circulate it amongst the Christian 
Communities, so that they may learn what differ- 
ence exists between those ancient Episcopal and 
those modern rogues, who have assumed the shape 
of lambs. 

In a letter of St Bernard, written in the year 
1135, to the Emperor Lotharius the Second, he 
exhorted him to come to Italy with a powerful 
army and liberate the Church from the usurpations of 
King Euggieri of Sicily. It being his duty, as 
Roman Emperor and advocate defender of the 



361 



Church, he solicited his assistance particularly to 
free the Church from the remainder of the schism of 
the Anti-pope Anaclatus, and told him that he was 
elected by God as Emperor : ad repurandum Imperii 
decus, ad subveniendum Ecclesiae suae in tempore 
malo ; and repeated to him that when he first came 
to Italy in the year 1132, it was also pro pace regni 
et liber atione JEcclesice ; and promised him a host of 
victories for his trouble and expenses. He says: 
Animabit honestas causae : immo duplex provocabit 
necessitas. Non est meum hortari ad pugnam; est 
tamen (securus dico) Advocati Ecclesiae arcere ab 
Ecclesiae Schismaticorum rabiem — (this was the first 
motive). Est Caesari Propriam vendicare coronam 
ab Usurpatore Siculo — (this was the second). Ut 
enim constat Judaicam sobolem (meaning the Anti- 
pope Anacletus) sedem Petri in Christi occupasse 
injuriam: sic procul dubio omnis, qui in Sicilia 
regnum se facit, contradicit Caesari. Si autem 
utrumque incubuit Caesari, restituere scilicet, quae 
sunt Caesari, Caesari (that is, Sicily and Naples) ; et 
quae sunt Dei, Deo (that is, to give the Chair of St 
Peter to Pope Innocent, who was the legally-elected 
Pontiff). Cur apud Tullum res Dei minuitur ? &c. 
Nothing can be clearer than these passages to prove 
by a contemporary and saintly writer that the Nea- 
politan Kingdom and Sicily belonged to the Empire. 
In another letter of this St Bernard to the same 
Emperor (Letter 140) he informed him that King 
Ruggieri of Sicily was engaged in defending himself 
from the ac^k* ^ the Republicans of Pisa, who 
had gone by themseivea :o defend the rights of the 
Empire and the Imperial Crown, and had expelled 
Euggieri from Naples, Amain, lievellum, and 
Scalam. The priests cannot deny these letters, 
nor say that St Bernard was not correct in the 
exposition of these facts, because he was a learned 
man and a contemporary, and because he was 
very religious and was a Saint ; and in his time the 

1 1 



/ 



362 

Soman See had no territory in the Sicilian King- 
doms. In the year 1146 St Bernard wrote another 
letter to Conrad the Third, successor to Lotha- 
rius (Epist. 244), in which he exhorts that 
Emperor to undertake proceedings against the 
Eoman people, because, at the instigation of Arnold 
of Brescia, they wanted to re-establish the ancient 
Roman Republic, and would not recognise the 
Emperor's rights, except in some trifling things, and 
would not allow the Pope to enjoy those Regalia that 
he had received. They had also already expelled 
from Rome Pope Engenius the Third. Here, again, 
he tells the Emperor that he is bound to come to 
Italy for two causes — first, to defend the rights of 
the Holy See, as the advocate of the Church ; and, 
secondly, as Emperor to restore to the Imperial 
dominion Rome, which had rebelled, and was the 
Metropolis of the Temporal or Imperial Power, as well 
as the Metropolis of the Spiritual Apostolic, See. 
Quomodo vos communem contumeliam communem 
dissimulatis injuriam ? Wonne ut Apostolica Sedes, 
ita Caput Imperii Roma est ? Ut ergo de Ecclesia 
taceam, nunc honor Regi est truncum in manibus 
tenere Imperium? He afterwards says that God 
liberated his wife — Deus liberabit sponsam suam : 
sed si in manibus alterius; viderint Regni Principes, 
idne honor Regis, Regnive utilitas sit. Non est 
utique, &c. ; and then he perorates with these 
words — Quamobrem accingere gladio tuo super femur 
tuum potentissime ; et restituat Sibi Caesar, quae 
Caesaris sunt (that is Rome) et quae sunt Dei, Deo 
(that is St Peter's Chair to the Pope). Utrumque 
interesse Caesaris constat et Propriam Tueri Coronam, 
et Ecclesiam defendere Alterum Regi, alterum con- 
venit Eccleiae Advocato. This is one of the most 
incontrovertible proofs that Rome up till that time 
was still totally subject in temporal affairs only to 
the Emperors, and that the Popes when they were 
there attended only to the Spiritual. There is no 



363 



other way of translating these letters than that in 
which I have demonstrated them ; no human mind 
and no Jesuitic subtility could prove the contrary. 
The Pope's regalia were mere nominal rights, 
amounting to trifles. The Donations were all a 
farce, and, as I have stated, but a pompous show of 
respect to St Peter's Chair, or a mark of veneration 
to Religion, nothing more. After this period there 
were no more donations named ; the last was that of 
the Great Countess Matilda, and we shall see how 
it happened, and the reason why she gave it. We 
shall see, also, how the subsequent Emperors dis- 
posed of that property in proof that they were the 
masters, and that the Imperial States could not be 
alienated. As the Popes could not get auy real 
donation, they began a century before that stated 
epoch to dethrone the Emperors, in expectation of 
keeping the Empire for themselves, as we have seen, 
and we shall see still later than 1150. 

I have proved that Lotharius the Second, who was 
friendly with the Popes, and one of their great pro- 
tectors, as stated by the celebrated contemporary 
writer P. Diaconus (Chron. Cassin., lib. 4, c. 106), 
and other ancient historians — that Lotharius went to 
Ravenna, entered Umbria, then visited the Emilian 
Province, the Picenum, the Elaminian, and subjected 
to his Empire and his rule all those provinces which 
are comprised in the Roman States. — Lotharius 
interea Imperator eo tempore Ravennam egrediens, 
TJmbriam, JEmiliam, Elaminiam, Picenumque Pro- 
vincias sub suo Jure redegit — and after this he added 
also these words : Civitates obedientes sub Romani 
Imperii Jure redegit ; contradicentes ad solum usque 
prostravit. It was Pope Innocent who wrote to 
Lotharius to hasten to Italy, as the Empire was in 
danger; so said P. Diaconus in his Chronica, and 
Baronius (Annal., anno 1135), agreeing with the 
above, made this remark upon it — that the Empire 
in Italy was in as great danger as was the Spiritual 



364 



Power — nimirum periclitantis Imperii in Italian 
rebus, et periclitantibus rebus Ecclesise. The state- 
ment of P. Diaconus is confirmed also by the 
ancient Abbot, TJrspergensis, in his Chronica, who 
wrote of this second Imperial expedition to Italy : 
Papiam veniens, cives illos pactione pecuniae in 
gratiam suscepit. Bononienses quoque et JEmilienses 
supplices, Duce interveniente recepit. Post usque 
ad Taurinum progrediens, totam citeriorem Italiam 
sine ferro subegit. Inde apenninum transiens, 
Anconam, Spoletum cum aliis urbibus ulterioris 
Italiae in deditionem accepit, &c. At that time the 
Duchy of Spoleto and the Marquisate of Ancona were 
still regarded as Imperial States ; and a proof of this 
is that the Dukes and Marquises, or Governors of 
those places, were appointed, and depended only upon 
the Emperors ; and so it continued until the time of 
Frederick the First, and by the same rule were 
administered the States of Tuscany, and there are 
extant various documents where it can be seen that 
the Marquis of Tuscany was also Duke of Ravenna. 
Fiorentini, in his Memorie di Mathilde, lib. 2, 
p. 346, introduced a Document stipulated in Lucca in 
which the above fact is confirmed. In the year 
1129, Conradus Divina Gratia Pavennatum Dux, et 
Thusciae Prseses et Marchio, made some concessions 
of lands to the Monastery of St Pontianus. Another 
proof of the Imperial Dominion of Frederick the 
First in the Exarchate is particularly expressed in 
this manner in a privilege given in the year 1175, the 
5th of February, to the Prior of St Saviour's Church 
of Figuerolo in the Marquisate of Ferrara. This 
Privilege, or grant, was written by Presbiterinus, 
Bishop of Ferrara, and can be found in the Collec- 
tanea MSS. Peregrini Prisciani, p. 323. After recit- 
ing many things, it says : Immunitates vero, seu 
libertates, quas vobis illustris memoriae Lotharius 
Romanorum Imperator, et Ferrarise Consules eonces- 
serunt, et scrip tis suis firmaverunt, nos nihilominus 



365 



confirm annus — and the Emperor Lotharius, it is 
stated, on his second advent to Italy in 1136, eon- 
firmed the Pacta with the Eepublic of Yenice, and 
in them are named as his subjects the Ferrarienses 
Eavennates, Comaclenses, &c. Andreas Dandolo, in 
his MS. Chronica, stated and attested these facts in 
these words, that Petrus Polano Dux, anno septimo 
per suos Legatos a Lothario Augusto in viridi Cor- 
rigia Districtus Parmse approbationem soliti Foederis 
obtinuit. Eranciscus Sansovini, and the other his- 
torian, Nicolaus Crassus, confirms it. In the year 
1138 the people of Eavenna and of Forli established 
a league to defend themselves mxduo auxilio against 
every one, except the Emperor and the Churches of 
the States of Eavenna and Forli. They excluded 
the Pope, as they did not recognise him in temporal 
affairs. This treaty is inserted by Eossi in his His - 
tory of Eavenna, lib. 5, p. 327. 

When the Emperor Conrad went to Eome, anno 
1143, the Ecclesiastical Dignitaries met him at the 
Milvium Pontem, where they had been waiting his 
arrival to form an escort with dignified pomp for his 
triumphal entrance. Otho Frisingensis, Onuphrius, 
and Sigonius report that the Eoman people cele- 
brated his advent with great rejoicings; and these 
few lines will tell posterity how the Eomans of that 
time properly discriminated what belonged to the 
Temporal and what to the Spiritual power. 

"Imperium teneat Eomse, sedeat, regat TJrbem 
Princeps terrarum, seu fecit Justinianus 
Cessans accipiat Caesar, qua3 sunt sua Praesul 
Ut Christus jussit, Petro solvente tributo." 

The familiarity of these verses causes me to sup- 
pose that I have quoted them somewhere else; 
nevertheless, I will report them again, as they de- 
serve to be written on St Peter's gates, and at the 
head of every liberal Italian newspaper, to the con- 
fusion of the Armonia, the Tablet, La Gazette de 

Ii2 



366 



France, and all other Ecclesiastico-political abortions* 
At that time Pope Innocent tried every means in his 
power to cause the people to rebel against the 
Empire, but he did not succeed, and died of bilious 
grief, which was accelerated by the annoyances of his 
antagonistical pretender. 

Guidus Castellanus succeeded Innocent, and this 
new Papal beauty, who called himself, mal-apropos, 
Celestin the Third, was elected by the Cardinals, and 
the Eoman people were excluded from taking part 
in that election. The people feeling dissatisfied and 
insulted by that exclusion, elected another Pope in 
opposition to Celestin, who had been elected by the 
Cardinals. The popular Pope called himself Lucius 
the Second, and lost no time in besieging the Senators 
and Celestin in the capital. The Patrician Giordanus, 
at the head of some Eoman troops, dispersed the 
popular army of Pope Lucius, who received a severe 
blow on the head from a stone, which caused his 
death soon after. This happened in the month of 
March, in the year 1145, as reported by Gotofridus 
Viterbiensis, in parte 17, Chronic, ad annum 1145. 

The Eoman people would not give way nor lose 
their rights, and elected another Pope, who called 
himself Eugenius the Third, who for the next seven 
consecutive years gave plenty of trouble to Celestin. 
The celebrated Arnoldus Brixiensis went to Eome, 
and attempted to settle Ecclesiastical affairs, but 
failed; he most vigorously defended the Empire 
against the Ecclesiastical usurpations, but at a great 
Council in the Lateran Palace, which was attended 
by a thousand Bishops, Arnoldus was excommuni- 
cated. 

I fear I have allowed myself to be transported 
too far with these diplomatic historical evidences, 
which go to prove that the Emperors never gave the 
Popes the temporal power in any of the so-called 
Ecclesiastical States. I think that it is now oppor- 
tune to go back a few hundred years, and relate 



367 



some other facts from Ecclesiastical and Secular 
History, which I could not conveniently mix with 
the Diplomatic facts which I have already given. I 
will now present the reader with a few biographical 
sketches of the Popes, Eishops, Abbots, &c, and 
on arriving again at the period which I have 
momentarily quitted, I will resume the diplomatic 
and historical proofs. The Ecclesiastical writers, 
themselves, backed by the Lay Historians, shall 
furnish the evidence, and what capital evidence there 
is ! Enough to condemn the whole line of Popes with 
the indelible brand of felons and murderers, as they 
have richly deserved, with the exception of a few 
rare and exemplary honest Christians. 



The Doctbine of Tbansttbstantiation and the 
Invention of Ptjkgatoky. 

The doctrine of Transubstantiation and the In- 
vention of Purgatory originated in the ninth 
century, and were going a-head, to use an American 
phrase, absorbing the mind and draining the pockets 
of the fools, at such a rate, that it was necessary to 
make application to the Imperial authority of Char- 
lemagne to compel, arrest, and forbid the peregrina- 
tions of those empty heads who, starting from any 
part of Europe (draining the means of their families), 
were flocking to Rome and to Jerusalem to fill the 
pockets of the Reverends of every degree, and when 
their silver was gone in smoke or incense, returned 
home with empty stomachs, heads, and pockets, 
with a chaplet hung to their belts and hands full of 
holy perfume. Here is a bit of the original text for 
those who have got time and space to translate and 
insert it where they like : — Sacramentum in sacri- 
ficium sensim abibat, cui robur additura Trans- 
substantiatio, jam caput exerebat, Purgatorium item 



368 



TiiTon' an sa ^ em i^ex vulgus ad fastigium pervenerat : unde 
8i3,°sub n ° fundationes crebrse immensse opes, nec non Romanae 
an r 78sf aSn0 ' P ere g rma ti° nes > quibus omnium peccatorum attributa 
remissio, ut majores nostri annum 813, in Concilio 
Turonensi graviter commoti ad immansern ilium 
abusum coercendum Imperiale Caroli authoritatem 
implorare cogantur. In superstititionibus denique 
cumulum sub annum 788, habetur in Oriente 
2fica3na secunda Synodus, universalis dicta septima, 
sub Constantino Septimo et Irene matre, in qua 
post multa ultro citroque certamina imaginibus 
adoratio- decernitur : Aderat vero Adrianus primus 
in Le^atorum suorum persona, cujus in gratiam id 
enixe curabat Irene Augusta, gpe fore, ut ejus 
authoritate in Italia vires resumeret. 

From the time of Charlemagne I must leap over 
to the time of the Second Meeting of the Great 
Council of Trent, in the reign of Pope Julius the 
Third, on the 3rd September, 1551, when the Doc- 
trine of Transubstantiation was confirmed in spite of 
some nice theological questions and scruples raised 
by the Protestant delegates. In the Third Meeting 
of that Council, in December, 1563, the Doctrine of 
Purgatory was ratified and confirmed, with a great 
many very pretty things. I shall name some of 
them, because they tend to confirm most of the 
impious, arbitrary measures committed at various 
epochs by former Popes; for instance, the case of 
King Loth aire dismissing his wife for a concubine, 
as I have related ; and Pope Stephen the Third for- 
bidding King Charles to marry Bertha, also reported 
in this work ; with other cases of the same sort that 
I shall not trouble myself to notice any farther. As 
I was saying, in this Third Meeting, in the Eighth 
Session, Marriage was declared a Sacrament, and it 
was further decreed that the Church of Rome, or 
her representative the Pope, has power to dispense 
with the eighteenth chapter of Leviticus ; not only 
in granting licenses to persons to marry who are 



369 

there forbidden to do so, but also to forbid the banns 
between such as by the law of God, and nature, are 
permitted to marry. After that, in the last Session 
of the year 1563, to establish and maintain the in- 
fallibility of the Papal authority, and of the Holy 
Eoman See over and above everything, were ratified 
and confirmed the Doctrines of Invocation of Saints, 
of Worshipping Images and Reliques, of Granting 
Indigencies, of Superstitious Fasts, and I must add 
some others of my own, — of Feasting with gluttony 
at the expense of the people, and of making Farces 
in and out of the Churches. These things done, 
signed, and sealed, the Pope's Legate declared him- 
self perfectly satisfied, as it did accord with the pro- 
gramme of Rome, though the Hungarian Bishop 
present and some others declared themselves dissatis- 
fied, and protested against it, stating that " the Holy 
Ghost was sent to them in a Cloak-bag from Rome." 
The Legate, however, would not hear anything more 
of it, and declared the Seance est levee, bowed to the 
company, and, in putting upon his head his large red 
fungus, sang to them the song " All around my hat," 
and made his exit, taking the road to Rome. 

I cannot refrain reporting here the remarks that 
were made by many of the learned men of the time, 
and by the disappointed Sovereigns. The celebrated 
historian, Pietro Soave Polano, wrote in his history Poiano, Hist, 
of this Council: "This Council, desired and pro- xEIS?* 
cured by godly men, to reunite the Church, which 
began to be divided, hath so established the schism, 
and made parties so obstinate, that the discords 
have become irreconcileable, and being managed by 
Princes, for Reformation of Ecclesiastical Discipline, 
hath caused the greatest deformation that ever was 
since Christianity began ; and hoped for by the 
Bishops to regain the Episcopal authority (usurped 
for the most part by the Pope), hath made them lose 
it altogether, bringing them into greater servitude. 
On the contrary, feared and avoided by the See of 



370 



Rome, as a potent means to moderate the exorbi- 
tant power, mounted from small beginnings |by 
divers degrees unto an unlimited excess, it bath es- 
tablished and confirmed the same over that part of 
it which remaineth subject unto it, that it was 
never so great nor so soundly rooted. " After this 
authority I think it much better to say nothing 
more of it ; and to put my hat on for a walk, leaving 
to the Bishops the consideration of revoking the 
whole of these proceedings with another new great 
Council, in which should interfere, in equal propor- 
tion, People and Clergy, as in the good olden time. 

I am tempted to add the following long postscript 
to the invention of Purgatory, and will speak my 
opinion about its origin. I have already pointed 
out in another chapter when was opened, for the 
first time, the Holy Shop called Purgatory, and 
quoted several of the first-rate customers who were 
taken in, I must not say and done for — souls, sub- 
stances, and bodies — to swell the capital of the 
Holy Dealer in heresies and indulgences of every 
kind and price. 

If I were to treat the Purgatorial invention in a 
regular historical manner, I would trace its origin 
from the Pythagoric and Platonic Philosophical 
schools where it really originated ; and to support 
this statement I would show that Virgil was per- 
fectly acquainted with this mythological fact, when, 
in his lib. vi of the iEneid, he placed ^Eneas in 
company with the Sibilla to visit Hell, and the Elisios, 
Purgatory and Limbo, and meeting there his father 
Anchises he accompanied them, and explained the 
various punishments of the sinners, and the most 
notorious characters they met with, &c. 

Yiegil, JEneid, lib. 6. 

Quin, et supremo cum lumine vita reliquit, 

Non tamen omne malum miseris, nec fundibus omnes. 

Corporese excedunt pestes penitusque. necesse est. 



371 



Multa diu concreta modis inolescere niiris. 
Ergo exercentur poenis ; veterumque raalorum 
Supplicia expendunt, alias pandutur inanis, 
Suspensa3 ad ventos, aliis sub gurgite vasto 
Infectum eluitur scelus, aut exuritur ig.ni. 
Quisque suos patimur ^lanis : exinde per amplum 
Mittimur Elysium, et pauci laeta arva tenemus : 
Donee longa dies, perfecto temporis orbe, 
Coiicretam exemit labem purumque reliquit 
Aetherium sensum, atque aurai simplicis ignem, 
Has omnes, ubi mille rotam voluere per annos. 
Lethaaum ad nuviura Deus evocat agmine magno, 
Scilicet immemores supera ut convexa revisant, 
Rursus et incipiant in corpora velle reverti. 

So that we have here the Purgatory so beautifully 
described by Yirgil, that I do not dare to profane it 
by my translation, and I satisfy myself by stating 
that the human souls there confined to various 
mild punishments, after a thousand years, came out 
again white-washed, bleached, and purged, to begin 
new life again, unconscious of the past, just like 
a fraudulent bankrupt after a year or two of 
seclusion. This is the original description of 
Purgatory, as understood by the ancient Greeks and 
Romans. I leave to Bishop Cullen to trace its origin, 
and as the Roman Catholic and Apostolic sinners of 
the first nine centuries of Christianity had no such, 
place to resort to after death, because the said 
Roman Catholic and Apostolic Purgatory was not 
yet invented or described, I will indulge in question- 
ing the Right Reverend Prelate where the devil did 
go the souls of those sinners of the class that are 
now mythologically deserving the pains of purgatory? 

If I were to treat this said invention as a Christian 
ought to do, I would use Biblical argumentative 
evidence to combat this fallacious dogma, and place 
my proposition with the following hypothesis : 

If Jesus Christ with his passion redeemed the 
world, what need have the mortals of another expia* 



372 



tion ? Again : if humanity, already redeemed by the 
precious blood of Jesus Christ, is to undergo another 
washing or expiation or redemption, what need had 
God to sacrifice his Son for a useless work, and cut 
bono did he sacrifice him ? 

The Bible tells, without mystery, that God had 
forgiven all our sins with the sacrifice of his Son. 

In Isaiah, chap, liii, v. 8, it is written, "Eor the 
transgression of my people was He stricken." That 
is, that God sacrificed Christ for the atonement of 
aU our sins. Such being the case, God's justice was 
reasonably satisfied, and nothing more was demanded. 

Isaiah, speaking of Christ, in chap, xliii, v. 25, 
says, " I, even I, am he that blotteth out thy trans- 
gressions for mine own sake, and will not remember 
thy sins." 

If Isaiah spoke the words of God, or if God spoke 
by the mouth of his Prophet, and stated that not 
only God had been satisfied with the Redeemer's 
blood, but that he will ask for nothing more, in this 
instance we must rely upon his words that such 
must be truth, and that God, once satisfied, will not 
call a second time for the settlement of an already 
paid account. 

I am not aware that the real Christian Apostolic 
doctrine instituted such a place and such pains, and 
I confess that I have not found it out in the Evan- 
gels, and I am quite positive when I state that 
Jesus Christ and the Apostles positively laboured to 
avoid the adoption of the blunders and superstitions 
of the Gentiles, and that they expunged and avoided 
naming the Purgatory, — the Apostles perfectly 
knowing that the Divine justice was satisfied by the 
expiation of our Lord Jesus Christ on the cross ; and, 
as the Bible says that Christ paid that debt by his 
expiation, consequently no farther claim could be 
demanded without risk of upsetting, denying, and 
destroying the aforesaid Christian Redemption. I 
will ask, What would Cullen or Cardinal Viceman 



373 



say if their milliners would send them a second bill 
for so many frilled and embroidered petticoats which 
they had settled for the previous week, as per bills 
already receipted and stamped ? 

I beg the reader to excuse the stinking com- 
parison, and believe, as I do, that the Purgatory 
is a real mythological dogma of about 3,000 years 
ago, and that God, omnipotent, eternally just, the 
Causa Causarum, is invariably the same, per secula 
seculorum, towards all humanity, and that any one 
who believes in the doctrine of Purgatory indirectly 
and directly accuses Him of partiality, and venal 
injustice towards humanity, and particularly towards 
his beloved Son, whom he never sacrificed for ven- 
geance or interested motives such as influence the 
pretended burlesque demigod who reigns at the 
Vatican, gets all the profit and a quintuple interest 
from the fictitious stock of that Societe en Com- 
mandite established in the ninth century. 



On the Origin of the Caedinals. 

Though I do not agree with the opinion of Car- 
dinal Navagero about the origin of the Cardinals, as 
I possess one of his unpublished MS. which contains 
many high political and ecclesiastical notions, yet 
I feel bound to extract from it his opinion, which 
I translate thus : 

Of the origin of the Cardinals nobody ever made Cardinal Na- 
any mention, except under Pope Silvester in the year va s eroMS - 
344, at which time all the acts of the Council of 
Hicea were approved, and the Roman priests were 
named Cardinals. Pope Silvester had sent to that 
Council two Roman priests named Vettore and 
Vicenzo (probably Yittore and Yincenzo) as his 
Legates, without naming them Cardinals. (This 
means, perhaps, that they were named Cardinals at 
that Council, or by Silvester after their return to 

K K 



374 

Rome.) I continue the Cardinal's narration. — 
These Cardinals were very few at first, and with 
very little income, and little reputation, e di pooa ri~ 
putazione ; but afterwards they began to be increased, 
and obtained the authority of electing the Pontiff from 
one of their number, and acquired great dignity ; 
which was enhanced by Pope Paul the Second 
(Barbd), who ordered that they should have a par- 
ticular costume, with a Eed hat, and that they 
should be esteemed and preferred to any other 
person. For a time they were only six, and it was 
a matter of great consideration and of the highest 
regard and importance the naming or making a Car- 
dinal, because it was necessary to belong to the 
highest nobility, and to be reputed good and vir- 
tuous, and it was also a great honour for a family, a 
town, or a province, to have a Cardinal, &c. 

I have a great respect for Cardinal JSTavagero's 
political opinions, and for what he wrote on the 
affairs of the Court of Rome at the time of the 
Emperor Charles the Fifth, buj; I differ with him 
with regard to what he wrote about the Cardinal's 
origin. I know perfectly well that in the year 1057 
Bishop Johannes Velitrensis, a man perfectly ignorant, 
as it was well attested by the learned writers of that 
period, was elected Pope and took the name of 
Benedictus the Tenth. Cardinal Hildebrand, vexed 
at having been discarded, and at the ignorance of 
the elected, managed with others to name an Anti- 
Pope, and selected Gerardum Burgundum, Floren- 
tinum Episcopum, who took the name of Nicholas 
the Second, and associated himself with Hildebrand, 
and the blessed ignorant Benedict blushed, and with- 
drew. 

Sigonhisde Sigonius said: Johannes Velitrensis Episcopus 
Reg.ltai. p r0 pi D q UUS succedit, quod authores seculi palam 
testantur, bonarum literarum plane ignarus, Petrum 
vero Damianum Episcopum Hostiensem nequicquam 
protestantem, ad eum consecrandum adigunt, in- 



375 



deque populo per largitionem corrupto, adorandum 
proponunt. Is fuit Benedictus decimus, &c. Hilde- 
brand, satisfied with his joint success with Nicholas 
the Second, they called a Synod at the Lateran, in 
which they treated of the best means to emancipate 
the Roman See from the Imperial Power, and amongst 
various other acts they issued a decree regulating 
the Papal election, and enacted that for the future 
no one should be elected unless he was a Cardinal; 
and it is since this decree that the Cardinals began 
to acquire that importance which they have since 
had. 

In that decree there are these sentences r " Ut D. 23, c.ia 
obeunte Eomanae Ecclesise universalis Pontifice in 
primis Cardinales Episcopi diligentissime simul de 
electione tractantes mox Christi Clericos Cardinales 
adhibeant sicque reliquus Clerus et populus ad con- 
sensum novae electionis accedant ; Eligatur autem de 
ipsius EcclesiaB gremio, si reperitur idoneus, vel si 
de ipsa non invenitur ex alia sumatur." This is the 
grand step that they made for the first time ; and 
concluded the decree with adulations of the Emperor 
and reserving the Imperial rights, as they knew the 
danger to which they were exposing themselves — 
u salvo debito honore et reverentia dilecti filii nostri 
Henrici qui imprsesentiarum Hex habemus et futurtxs 
Imperator Deo concedente speratur, &c." The same 
Peter Damianus, the Bishop who was drawn in to 
consecrate the Benedict whom we have seen turned 
out, says, that in his time the Cardinals elected the 
Pope and had other prerogatives, and he knew 
perfectly well that it was a novelty and an usurpa- 
tion encroaching on the Imperial statute laws. 
" Cardinales principaliter et Bomanum Pontificem 
eligunt, et quibusdam aliis prserogativis, non modo 
quorumlibet Episcoporum, sed et Patriarcharum 
atque primatum jura transcendunt." 

The above fact, though it points out their influence 
and when they acquired it, yet does not explain its 



/ 



376 



origin. Therefore, though against the rules of chro- 
nological order, I must go back, not to the Council 
of Nicea, as named by Cardinal Navagero, but to the 
time of the election of Bishop Damasus to theHoman 
Chair, when Ursicinus and his partizans fought 
against him in the Basilica Sicinini, as stated by 
Euffinus and Ammianus Marcellinus, contemporary 
authors, that in one single day 137 cadavers were 
left in that church, as the result of that disputed 
election. If it is true that the Cardinals originated 
as early as the year 336, it must also be true that 
the red hat, petticoat, gloves (I doubt if at that 
time they were in use), and all the red etcetera of 
the Cardinalistic costume, w T ere then adopted to com- 
memorate that splendid sanguinary An tri christian 
deed, and it must be also true that the Cardinalitian 
dignity was of very little importance and little 
credit, as Cardinal Navagero said, because I see that 
for the next five centuries they were not named any- 
where, unless it was in the Criminal Calendar. 

I thought to have avoided giving my opinion about 
the institution of Cardinals, but I see it is an impossi- 
bility for me to keep silence any further, and am com- 
pelled to question the moral or public opinion of the 
Cardinals' utility, and will say cm hono to spend so 
much per annum out of the public revenue to keep up 
a set of luxurious men sixty or seventy in number, each 
of them with a suite of followers of both sexes, all of 
them more or less inclined to swallow good sinecures, 
excluding the really meritorious from any berths 
under government, thereby barring progress and civi- 
lisation by the neglect of due provision for the scien- 
tific, artistic, and other men of genius. Is it because 
the Cardinals are so clever that some of them bien- 
nially publish works on morals, domestic economy, 
upon physic, or the mathematical sciences, geography, 
astronomy, legislation, &c. Where are the Cardinals 
Galileo, Eomagnosi, Filangieri, Beccaria, Gioja, 
Volta, &c, where are their ecclesiastical luminaries ? 



377 



Out of the many millions spent to keep up these red 
individuals, what has humanity received in exchange? 
The best amongst the Cardinals and prelates at various 
epochs have had the honesty to write the history of 
their own times, and expose the inhuman monstro- 
sities of their confreres, in expectation of correcting 
the abuses and vices which have crept amongst the 
Ecclesiastics, and been introduced into religion as 
fundamental principles ! Did they ever succeed in 
obtaining a reform of the abuses and sins of the 
Popes and clergy in general? No, never, never. 
The Church was brought into contempt and degrada- 
tion by them a long time ago, and religion decked 
with all the apparatus of a comico-serious farce, with 
all the pompous dignity suitable to the occasion ; 
imposing on ignorant and weak-minded persons, but 
exciting ridicule and contempt in those whose minds 
were elevated to God, whenever Church or religion is 
alluded to. Eor these there remains no other alter- 
native than to have recourse to the Evangels, to be 
brought into immediate relation with the Eternal 
God, to assist, enlighten, and inspire them in this 
vale of miseries to seek the peaceful footpath to the 
road of salvation. What are the truly Christian 
works of the Boman Catholic Prelates written in this 
last century for the moral improvement of the Chris- 
tian family ? Is there any of them exempt from a 
parcel of unheard-of, inconsistent, hypocritical stories, 
or exempt from invectives against every other class 
of Christians who profess the same religion, but with 
a trifling modification of its tenets ? And where are 
preached the Evangelic morals, and by whom and 
why such constant denunciations in the Roman 
Catholic churches against this or that other congre- 
gation or creed ? Is not the Roman Church open to 
all ; and its clergy, are they not bound to pray for 
all ? and if so, why the denunciations and maledic- 
tions against that or this people and State ? Ac- 
cording to my notions, this inconsistency, this inhu- 

ii 2 



378 



man priestly aberration of mind cannot produce any 
bad effect upon the excommunicated or interdicted 
because the Eternal God is ever just and wise, and 
cannot listen to the wrath and malignant ravings of 
some of his perverted creatures. 

I know very well that a great number of 
highly educated and clever men have belonged 
to the tribe of Cardinals for the last 800 years, 
but I know also that most of those gentlemen had 
not been educated intentionally and exclusively for 
that office, and that it had been a constant practice 
of the old Episcopates and of the Jesuits, for the 
last 300 years, to entrap and ensnare, with the 
most polite and seductive arts, the brightest -minded 
men that they could find in their respective dioceses. 
At any time they have had ample means at their 
disposal for the seduction and abduction of intellects 
of the first-rate and highest order ; and many men 
of genius as seculars, once admitted to the Conclaves, 
their minds became infirm, debilitated, dried and 
void of intellect, like a fine old poplar seized with 
the dry-rot. In the middle ages they found several 
strong intellects who resisted the temptation and the 
vanitas vanitatum, but such men alas are rare now. 
Oh ! Divine Petrarch, thou art immortal ; the sun 
shall illumine daily and shine upon the youthful 
intellect, whilst thou shalt enlighten and inflame 
their noble feelings with love and faith, and the 
moon, like a guardian, shining upon thy monumental 
works, will forbid the Ecclesiastical vandalic hand 
from plotting their destruction, that the mature- 
minded men in the stillness of night may ponder 
and penetrate the sublimity of the effusions of thy 
immortal soul, and admire, venerate, and worship 
the Immortal God that inspired thee to expound most 
nobly and eloquently the Truth and Justice, and 
reveal to perpetual scorn and condemnation the 
nefarious deeds of the age, the corruptions of the 
clergy and of their doctrine, the iniquitous scandals, 



379 



the crimes, the abominable usurpations of the 
heresiarcally pbarisaical Papal system. 

I have omitted to name in this work, Dante, the 
great political master, the quasi -predecessor of 
Petrarch ; although he wrote much against the Popes 
in his " Divina Commedia," and in his " Monarchia." 
The exceedingly dangerous times he lived in, and his 
excessive religious feelings, did not allow him to 
express himself more explicitly, although allegori- 
cally he hinted, regretted, and condemned the whole 
of the Papal abominations, and prophesied their down- 
fal, and the resurrection of the Church of God ; and 
according to his prophecy and my humble interpre- 
tation, as printed on the 16th of October, 1860, the 
Papal fall should have happened that year ; and if 
it has not yet come to the ground, it is on account of 
the immense altitude that it has attained, which 
requires the same space of time for its descent as 
Phaeton with his car. 

It is stated by the Astronomers that he will 
choose to fall on the soft waters of the Perugian 
lake, which are as classic as those of the Po, and 
equally ensanguined with the innocent Christian 
blood sacrificed by Ecclesiastical hands to Nemesis 
and Nox. 

I beg to apologise to my reader for my constant 
digressions, and will resume my argument on the 
Cardinals' origin. 

From Sigonius de Eegno Italise, lib. 7, from the 
Fascicul. Temporum ad annum 900, and from Gra- 
tianus, D. 63, it appears that up to that time the 
Cardinals were hardly instituted, and rarely named in. 
the Ecclesiastical Acts ; at all events I have not been 
able to trace that nomenclature in any document at 
the time of the Lombard Kings, of the Greek Empe- 
rors, of Charlemagne, or during the period of the 
Carlovingian Monarchs. Had they been in existence 
at that time they would have been named, unless 
that dignity was either insignificant or disgraceful, 



380 



so as to cause their exclusion from interference with 
their signatures to any public Ecclesiastical deed. 
All documents and Papal Elections were made and 
signed by Popes, Archbishops, Bishops, Abbots, 
Priests, Deacons, but the word Cardinal is not to be 
found until later. How the Cardinals superseded 
the authority of the Bishops, who were every- 
thing, and all equally independent, even of the 
Roman Bishop, up to this time, this I do not 
know, unless it originated from the just named 
Decree issued by Pope Nicholas the Second, Hilde- 
brand, and Co. One of the first instances in which 
I plainly see named a Cardinal is when Eulcus 
Comes Andegavensis built in Erance a Church 8 at 
his own expense, and went to Rome, bringing with 
him to John the Seventeenth an immense sum of 
money, and begged of that Pope to send there a 
Legate to consecrate it. John took the money, and 
said Yes, and directed a Cardinal to go there accord- 
ingly ; and the Historian Glaber, in lib. 2, c. 4, says 
that, as soon as the Erench Bishops knew of this sacri- 
legious presumption of John, originating from the 
execrable cupidity of money — that is, while one thief 
was conveying to the other the theft — they provoked 
a schism in the Romish Church, detesting each 
other most cordially — permit me to say, most saintly, 
Mr Dupanloup. I give you here the text, you can 
finish translating it : Eulco, &c, Romam ipse cum 
ingenti pecunia iter suscipit, quam Johannes decimo 
septimo tradit, ut Legatum in partes mittat, qui earn 
ric^aii^e consecre ^ Annuit Johannes et Cardinalem eo dirigit 
'jussum facere, quod Eulconi videretur : Yerum in- 
quit Glaber, hoc utique audientes Gailiarum quique 
Prcesules prsesumptionern sacrilegam cognoverunt, 
ex cceca cupiditate processisse, dum videlicet unus 
rapiens, alter raptum suscipiens, recens in Romana 
Ecclesia schisma creavissent. Universi etiam pariter 
detestantes, quoniam nimium indecens videbatur, ut 
is qui Apostolicam regebat sedem, Apostolicum 



381 



primitus ac Canonicum transgrederetur tenorem. 
Cum insuper multiplici sit antiquitus authoritate 
roboratum, ut non quisquam Episcoporum in alterius. 
Diocesi prassumat exercere, nisi Praesule, cujus fuerit 
compellente seu permittente. Baronius condemned 
the above statement by Glaber, though he was ex- 
ceedingly disgusted with the execrable Papal infamous 
practices of that time ; in fact, Otho the Third had 
named the Archbishop of Ravenna, Brunon, one of 
his relatives, to be Pope, who was consecrated with 
the name of Gregory the Fifth. Cresce?is, at the 
head of the Roman faction, with the assistance of 
the people, had him turned out of Rome, and named 
to the Pontificate a Greek, the Bishop of Piacenza, 
who was called John the Eighteenth, and who was 
blinded when Gregory the Eifth was reinstated in St 
Peter's Chair by Otho. In the meantime there was 
in Erance Bishop Gerbert, a clever man, but one of 
those extraordinarily impudent and enterprising men, 
as mischievous as a pestilence, who, for the sake of 
money and honours, would have done anything, sur- 
passing even the Ministers and financiers, gentlemen 
who were blazoned in the Gazette de Tribunaux at 
the time of Louis Philippe, and in the present French 
reign the mis -managers of the Dock Napoleon 
scheme, whom the tribunals called upon to refund; 
and this Gerbert moved Pelion and Ossa, and obtained 
the Pontificate about the vear 1000. Baronius, so 
partial to the red cloth, could not help giving a de- 
scriptive epitaph of that century to avoid discrepancy 
with all the anterior Ecclesiastical writers. Though 
it is out of place, yet I will transcribe it ; — from the 
year 900 to the year 1000, we shall see what was 
the physiognomy of the Roman See. 

Quae tunc facies Roman 83 Ecclesiae ? quam Baronii An- . 
feedissima cum Romas dominarentur potentissimse an^^artls, 
aeque ac sordidissimae meretrices ? Quarum arbitrio 
mutarentur sedes, darentur Episcopi, et quod auditu 
horrendum et infandum est, intruderentur in sedem 



382 



Petri earum amasii Pseudo-Pontifices, qui non sint 
nisi ad consignanda tanta tempora in Catalogo 
Komanorum Pontificum scripti. Quis enim a scortis 
hujusmodi intrusus sine lege legitimes dicere posset, 
Romanos fuisse Pontifices ? Nusquam Cleri eligentis 
yel consentientis postea aliqua mentio, Canones 
pressi silentio, decreta Pontificum suffocata, pro- 
scriptas antiquae traditiones veterosque ineligendo 
summo Pontince consuetudines, sacrique ritus et 
pristinus usus prorsus extincti. Sic vindicaverat 
omnia sibi libido seculari potentia freta, insaniens 
oestro percita dominandi. Dormiebat tunc plane 
alto (ut apparet) sopore Christus in navi, cum ipse 
stantibus validis ventis, navis ipsa fluctibus operi- 
retur. Dormibat, inquam, qui ista non videre dis- 
simulans, sineret sic fieri, dum non exurgeret vindex. 
Et quod deterius yidebatur, deerant qui Dominum 
sic dormientem clamoribus excitarent discipuli> 
stertentibus omnibus. Qualesnam reris delectos ab 
hisce monstris Presbyteros et Diaconos Cardinales 
Suisse putandum, cum nihil tarn natura3 insitum sit, 
quam unumquemque sibi similem generare ? Quos 
in omnibus his, a quibus delecti fuerint, consensisse 
dubitare quis poterit ? Imitatosque esse ipsos, sec- 
tatosque eorum vestigia quis non facile credat, et 
optasse hos omnes Dominum dormisse semper, et 
nun quam in judicium surrecturum, evigilaturum 
nunquam ad ipsorum cognoscenda et punienda 
facinora quis non intelligat? The above extract 
plainly tells to the whole world that for a long 
century the Clergy had converted the Church of 
God and St Peter's Chair into an iniquitous brothel 
for the prostitution of souls and bodies, without 
laws or order, and without fear of God, treating Him 
with contempt, as if he had gone to sleep or sunk 
shipwrecked in his Apostolic boat ; these lewd 
creatures making and dismissing Bishops at their 
pleasure, against the canonic laws and regulations, 
and doing any other sacrilegious mischief that they 



383 



could possibly do under such ungodl}-, immoral 
propensities. Such being the case, I fully believe 
that the Cardinalistic tribe originated and made 
itself gigantically ignominious in the above cen- 
tury ; at all events, in the year 963 Pope Leo the 
Eighth took an oath of fidelity to the Emperor Otho 
the Eirst, and renounced all the abuses and all the 
usurpations of his predecessors, the Eoman Bishops, 
into the Imperial hands. This Eoman Bishop, 
servant of all the servants of God, in the presence of 
the whole clergy and of the Eoman people, renounced 
the Episcopal investitures and every other Imperial 
prerogative, as we shall see ; and in that document, 
signed and countersigned by many Bishops and 
Priests, there does not occur in it, nor in others of 
anterior date, the name of Cardinal. This circum- 
stance seems to me demonstrative that if the institu- 
tion of Cardinals had been in existence, their influence 
and power was null and invalid to witness an official 
act, which otherwise would be valid witnessed by a 
Bishop, a Priest, and a Soldier. My opinion is 
strengthened by the scarce usage of the word 
Cardinal, made by the learned Petrus Damianus, 
Bishop of Ostia, in his ninth century of the Pontifical 
History, while in the tenth and eleventh it is con- 
stantly used. It is upon such facts that I infer that 
Cardinal J^avagero's opinion upon the origin of the 
Cardinals is rather preposterous, and that an error 
must have occurred somewhere, when he wrote 
about the origin of the Cardinals which I have 
quoted. 

By what I have cited in the foregoing pages, I 
think I have satisfactorily proved that up till this 
period the Popes exercised no temporal power what- 
ever in Italy or anywhere else. The incidents that 
I have detailed I have carefully culled from 
authentic histories and documents, written by wise 
and truth-telling men, and they become reduced, as 
a consequence, to the complexion of stubborn facts, 



384 



facts which are indisputable and indissoluble. 
There is no mere supposition of my own in any- 
thing which I have put forth, but all is the solid 
evidence of the real history of the time and the 
customs of the various Emperors and the Popes of 
whom I have had occasion to speak, and these 
evidences I have been enabled to bring to light by 
delving into the history of the past, and by con- 
siderable laborious research. The rule of the Popes 
extended no further than the spiritual care of the 
people ; and we have seen and shall see how 
admirably they fulfilled the positions of God's 
messengers. Of so deep a dye were their crimes 
and their debaucheries that the Emperors — because 
they would not be witness to them — forebore to 
reside in proximity with the Popes. Further 
evidence in support of my statements is afforded in 
the fact that the Cardinals were never called upon 
(except in one or two instances) to sign any docu- 
ments of importance connected with the State until 
a long time after Charlemagne. 

This, if anything, is a more solid proof, perhaps, 
than any other that could be adduced, that this in- 
fluence or concern in temporal matters was next to 
nothing. The Pope's duties and business, therefore, 
was to attend to the spiritual culture of their flocks, 
and the temporal power belonged only to the 
Emperors. Mr Antonelli and Mr Cullen must 
digest this burden ; and, indocible as they are, I 
induct them to it. 

Had things remained the same with Italy and 
with the Yatican in modern times as they did 
at the epochs which I have been tracing, there 
would have been no need for the first Napoleon to 
have protested that it was his opinion that the clergy 
should " confine themselves to matters connected 
with Heaven ; that theology, which they had studied 
from their youth, entitled them to authority in 
spiritual affairs, but did not give them any right to 



385 



meddle in army or Government matters. The decline 
of Italy (said the Emperor) dates from the day ivhen 
the priests got the management of the finances, police, 
and army in their hands. P 



Evidences of Ecclesiastical and Seculae Histoey, 
in Continuation oe the Papal Ceiminal 
Histoey. 

Legimus hunc ipsum Paschalem Pontificem, Theo- Aimonius, 
dorum Ecclesise Bomanae Primicerium et Leonem an.' 827!' 3 ' 
Nomenclatorem ejus generum in Patriarchio Later- 
anensi, primo excsecasse, deinde decollasse. Et hoc 
eis ob hoc contigisse, quod se in omnibus fideliter 
erga partes Lotharii juvenis Imperatoris agerent, 
quern Ludovicus socium Imperii sibi adsciverat. 
A friend of mine who had just dropped in to see 
me, and to whom I read the above quotation, wished 
to persuade me not to write that Pope Paschal was 
a rogue of the first class. To comply with his 
request, I shall call him a Saint, in imitation of others 
not so ancient, and I say that, though a Saint, and 
friend and partner of the Emperor Ludowick, he 
had no right to administer justice, and to commit 
the atrocious injustices and murders that he did to 
the above-named Church Dignitaries, the torch 
bearer, and the other Bishop, the Datary, because 
they were partizans of the young Lotharius. 

Hemoldus sane insigne fastus Ecclesiastici mere- Hemoldus, in 
mentum sub Ludovico connotat : Eecit inquit, liber- ^ r stor 1 , ^ d i" 
alitate sua ut Episcopos, qui propter animatum ci! 
regimen principes sunt cseli, ipse eosdem nihilominus 
Principes efficeret regni. So that the Bishops from 
that time to the present have been sporting the 
title of Princes ; and that accounts for their arro- 
gance and absurd notions of pompous supremacy. 

Michael and Theophilus, the Envoys of the Greek 

L L 



386 



Emperor, went to Paris to attend a Synod which 
was convoked by Ludowick and Lotharius, anno 
824, to which concurred all the Erench Bishops, and 
others besides the Envoys of Pope Eugunius the 
Second. At this Synod was attempted an arrange- 
ment with the Greeks concerning the original 
quarrel about the abolition of the Images from the 
Churches. The result was contrary to their ex- 
pectations, and it was agreed that — ut homo omnis 
eorum ditioni subjectus imagines adoraret, aut certe 
exilio, penisve diversis discruciaretur. The Erench 
majority carried the point, and they enacted to 
enforce the Idolatry under the pains of exile, dis- 
cruciation, or by any other torment. Erom this, 
probably, Loyola, at a later period, originated the 
infernal Inquisition. 

Gregorius the Eourth was elected Pope in 827. 
He could not be consecrated until the election had 
been properly examined by the King's Vicar, accord- 
ing to the old and new laws made by Lotharius. ( See 
Sigonius, lib. 4, de Eegno Italise.) And so Gregory 
had to wait. (This is the Pope who was tried by the 
Emperor Ludowick.) In 833 the sons of Ludowick 
conspired against him, and Gregory, to bind to him- 
self Lotharius, prepared part of that conspiracy, 
and went to Erance under the pretext of recon- 
ciling them to the father, &c. I prefer giving 
the Latin, because the Saints perhaps might 
assert that it is an invention of mine. Aliquo 
post tempore sub anno 833 conspirant in Ludovicum 
filii Gregorius, ut Lotharium sibi devinciat pars ipse 
conspirationis fit, et in Eranciam trajicit, specie 
quidem, ut eos patri conciliet, re ipsa, ut parva 
eorum consilia foveat, prsesertim ut Concilio, quod 
filii patrem solio exturbaturi compendii coegerant, 
authoritatem addat : Facinus si coactanecis authori- 
uus fides, vero Diabolicum, opus, aiunt, Satanae per 
suos satellites in corde filiorum contra Imperatorem 
operantis. Et Episcopi sane Galliarum studiis scissi, 



387 



pravis moribus in quern exclamat Historicus : VitaeLudovic. 
qualem remunerationem reddidisti ei, fecit te libe- £^Sgamis 
rum, non nobilem, quod impossible est post liberta- De Gest.Lud. 
tern : vestivit te purpura, et pallio, et tu euro, indu- 
isti cilicio. Ille pertraxit te immeritum ad culmen 
Pontificale, tu eum falso judicio voluisti expellere a 
solio patrum suorum. Quamobrem contempsisti 
prsecepta Apostolica illius, qui hominibus sic preeci- 
pit: Omnibus potestatibus sublimioribus subjecti 
estote, Deum timete, Begem honorificate, &c. Cru- 
delis, quis consiliaris tuus fuit, aut doctor tuus? 
Sonne ille qui est Eex super omnes filios super- 
biae ? qui dice bat creatori suo : haee omnia tibi dabo, 
si procidens adoraveris me. Pars altera pro patre, 
inter quos Drogo Metensis Episeopus, vir ea eatate 
percelebris, qui Gregorium parricidio favere aperte 
cognoscebant, Dicebat Imperator ; si more praede- 
cessorum aderat suorum, cur tantas necteret moras, 
non sibi occurrendo ? Dicebant Episcopi : Si ex- Ludoy. Vita 
communicaturus adveniret, excommunicatus abiret. ^uTie?' 5 
TJnde et Hincmarus Archiepiscopus Ehemensis ad 
Adrianum secundum scribens, malo ilium consilio 
venisse non dissimulat, pro filiis adversus patrem. In 
Eranciam venit, inquit, et pax postea in Erancia ut 
antea non fuit. Ipse Papa cum tali honore, sicut 
decreverat, et sui antecessores fecerunt, non rediit, 
&c. So tbat Gregory made a tremendous fiasco in 
this conspiracy, and proved himself a most ungrate- 
ful vagabond and a perjured rascal, thus keeping in 
step with his homonyme predecessors, and only sur- 
passed by Hildebrand, and the other Hydromants, 
and by Alexander the Sixth, who has stood a porta 
Inferi since the beginning of the sixteenth century, 
to serve there as porter, and receive his confratres 
when they alight there. — As a trifling observation, 
made en passant, is it likely that Ludovicus would 
have made a Donation to the Pope of the Roman 
States, and other prerogatives ? What he obtained 
by it was the general condemnation of the Erench 



388 



Bishops, and the just resentment of the Emperor, 
and he was compelled to bolt away like a beaten 
dog, running fast with his tail between his legs, and 
caused the dismissal and the exile of Hebo, the 
Archbishop of Eheims, and of Agobardus, Bishop of 
Sion, and others of the confederates, &c. I have 
already demonstrated the fact that Ludovicus put 
Pope Gregory upon his trial for usurpation and 
spoliation, and convicted him and his predecessors, 
whereby he was compelled to restore the towns and 
lands, &c. 

The Pope and the Emperor died. The Emperor's 
sons divided amongst themselves the empire, and 
Lotharius had Italy. Pope Sergius was fraudulently 
elected and consecrated, and there was another row 
between the Emperor, the Bishops, and the Pope, who, 
elected in 844, died in 847. Leo the Eourth was 
also elected against the law, on the day of the death 
of his predecessor, Sergius the Second. Lotharius 
sent his son to Eome to make inquisition, and find 
out if it were true that the Pope desired to transfer 
the Eoman Empire to the Greeks, when Leo found 
means to defend himself from the accusation, &c. 



The Evidences of the Popess Joanna's Keign. 

As every reader of this little work may not be 
provided with Platina, I will pass a quarter of an 
hour in taking from his History of the Popes, anno 
854, this biographical extract of the Popess Joanna, 
alias Pope John the Eighth. Prodigium jam, quod 
in hoc tempus incidit, mysterii Eomani gradum an 
offendiculum adscribere debeam, hie ambigo et 
offendiculuni quidem esse debuerat, si aut Eomanae 
Ecclesise frons adhuc aliqua, aut Christiano populo 
saltern oeulos. Id autem est quod anno 854 post 
Leonis quarti obitum accidit, Platinae Pontificii His- 



389 



torici verbis commodius reprsesentandum, qui Sixto 
4 Pontifici Historiam suam dicavit. Mulier, imo 
meretrix, in Sede Eomana collocata, quae Missas 
eelebrat, Episcopos ordinat, pedes suos Principibus, 
Gentibus osculandos exhibet, ut in hac viva imagine 
Deus pro sua providentia universo orbi Matrem illam 
fornicationum ostendere voluisse videatur, de qua 
Johannes in Apocalypsi pluribus verbis. Johannes 
igitur Anglicus, inquit Platina, ex Maguntiaco 
oriundus, malis artibus, ut aiunt, Pontificatum 
adeptus est. Mentitus enim sexum, cum fcemina 
esset, adolescen3 admodum Athenas cum amatore 
viro docto proficiscitur : ibique preeceptores bonarum 
artium audiendo tantum profecit, ut Komam veniens 
paucos admodum etiam in sacris Uteris pares haberet, 
ne dum superiores. Legendo autem et disputando 
docte et acute tantum benevolentiaB et authoritatis 
sibi comparavit, ut mortuo Leone, in ejus locum, ut 
Martinus ait, omnium consensu Pontifex crearetur. 
Verum postea a servo compressa, cum aliquandiu 
occulte ventrem tulisset, tandem, dum ad Lateran- 
ensem Basilicam proficisceretur, inter T heat rum 
(quod Colosseum vocant a JSTeronis Colosso) et 
Sanctum Clementem, doloribus circumventa peperit, 
eoque loci mortua Pontificatus sui anno secundo, 
mense uno, diebus quatuor, sine ullo honore sepellitur. 
Sunt qui ob hoc scribunt, Pontificem ipsum, quando 
ad Lateranensem Basilicam proficiscitur detestandi 
facinoris causa, et viam illam consul to declinare, et 
ejusdem vitandi erroris causa, dum primo in sede 
Petri collocatur, ad earn rem perforatam genetalia ab 
ultimo Diacono attrectari. De primo non abnuerim : 
de secundo ita sentio, sedem illam ob id paratam 
esse, ut qui in tanto magistratu constituitur, sciat se 
non Deum, sed hominem esse, et necessitatibus 
naturse utpote egerendi subjectum esse, unde merito 
sedes stercoraria vocatur. 

I cannot resist the temptation of giving a short 
translation of this last quotation from Platina, the 

l l 2 



390 



celebrated writer of the History of the Popes, who 
dedicated his work to Pope Sixtus the Fourth ; and, 
of course, if this had not been an historical fact, 
Pope Sixtus would not have allowed that history to 
be published, and would have severely punished 
Platina for his audacity in making such a statement. 
Pope Sixtus was a man who knew that oil would 
invariably float when mixed with water, and that 
Platina collected his information from the documents 
of the Vatican, and from the other histories written 
and published from MSS., and printed histories 
anterior to writing his own ; he knew also and pro- 
bably had compared it with what had been written 
on the subject by Martinus Polonus ad annum 855, 
in the year 1270, in a MS. which was printed at 
Ulmas in the year 1486, containing verbatim the 
very same fact, with the only difference that Polonus 
stated id asseritur and Platina wrote ut aiunt, always 
wishing to palliate the assertion of it, as the offen- 
diculum is a fact likely to give offence to the 
believers of the pretended immaculate manners 
and morals of the Fathers of the Church. Onuphrius 
said that he read that fact in the Commentaries, 
written at that period by the Pisan writers, Dama- 
sius and Pandulphus. Marianus Scotus, Fuldensis 
Monachus, ordine Benedictinus Chronologus eximius, 
plainly wrote, in lib. 3, Chron., that in the year 854 
to Pope Leo succeeded a woman, Joanna, who ruled 
two years, five months, and four days, &c. It is to 
be noted also that this Papess was for some years 
educated in this same Fuldensis Monastery. Mar. 
Scotus died in the year 1080. Sigebertus Abbas 
Ganblacensis, circa annum 1100, scripsit, in Chron. 
in anno 854. Fama est hunc Johannem fern in am 
fuisse, et uni soli familiari cognitam qui earn com- 
plexus est. Gravida facta peperit Papa existens. 
Qua re earn inter Pontifices non numerat quidam. 

Martinus alter ex ordine Minorum in Chronico 
cui titulus Flores Temporum huic Joannas Dsemonem 



391 



conjuranti, et quando exiturus esset scisqitanti, 
responsum his versibus. 

Papa Pater Patrum, Papissae pandito partum 
Et tibi nunc edam, de corpore quondo recedam. 

Scribebat hie annum circa 1360, Petrarcha Mar- pj^jj: h ^ 
tini hujus coactaneus in literis politioribus apprime chronic.' 
educatus, fabulam ab historia distinguere satis J^^fich 
gnarus : Eem affirmat. Boccatius in libro de Claris reu. excuso, 
Mulieribus, c. 99, nobis earn graphice deseribit, et^ 01478, 
ejus effigiem puerperiumque exhibet : obstetricantes 
etiani Cardinales et Episcopos : ad cujus detestandam 
spurcitieni, inquit, et nominis continuandam memo- 
riam in hodiernum usque, summi Pontinces Eogati- 
onum cum Clero et Populo sacrum agentes eum locum 
partus, medio ejus itinere positum, abominantur, eo 
omisso declinant per diverticula vicosque, et sic loco 
destabili postergato reintrantes iter perficiunt quod 
coepere. Addit Antoninus Archiepiscopus, Tit. 16, 
c. 1, parag. 7, quoddam signum sculp turas marmorae 
in via, ubi contigit, ob rei memoriam positum, Otho 
Episcopus Irisingensis, libro septimo catalogum 
texens Pontificum Johannem septimum fceminam 
memorat, loco tamen septimi non octavi collocatum, 
ex Communi Chronologicorum abusu, qui in nume- 
randis iis, qui hoc nomen sortiti plerumque falluntur. 

ISTow for the version of the extraordinary prodigy 
that happened in the year 854, after the death of 
Pope Leo, to the blind, unblushing Eoman See, 
which allowed a prostitute to occupy the Eoman 
Chair, to celebrate Masses, to ordain the Bishops, 
who offered her foot to be kissed to many Princes, 
and who acted by the consent of God exactly like 
the Mother of Fornication described by John in the 
Eevelations. Platina then says that Pope John's 
family was named English, originating from Mayence; 
that she obtained the Pontificate by fraud, having 
concealed her sex, and being really a woman. Still 
young, she went to Athens, in company with a 



392 



learned amateur of helles-lettres ; and, by attending 
the lectures of the Professors of the Fine Arts, she 
learned so much, that she quitted Athens for Rome, 
there to study theology, and the other sacred branches 
of learning, and became so clever that there were 
few or none superior to her. In reading, and in the 
philosophical discussions, she was so cleverly and 
astutely benevolent, that she captivated to herself 
the authority of others ; and Pope Leo being dead, 
she was created Pope by the consent of everyone, so 
said Martin. Soon after, secretly cohabiting with 
her companion, she became enceinte, but contrived to 
hide her pregnancy, until, at last, when one 
day she was going to the Basilica of the 
Lateran, between the Theatre of JSero called 
the Colosseum, and St Clement, in that street 
she was seized and oppressed by the pains 
of labour, when she suddenly gave birth to a 
child, and died upon the spot, after a Pontificate of 
two years, one month, and four days. She was 
buried without any honour. Some who have written 
upon this subject tell us that, in consequence of 
this abominable mishap, when the Popes had occa- 
sion to go to the Basilica of the Lateran they refused 
to pass through that street, and that, to avoid a 
repetition of the same abominable error, the first 
time that the Pope, after election, sits on the Chair 
of St Peter (now perforated in the centre for the 
purpose) the youngest Diaconus feels his genitalia. 
I do not believe the first popular saying, but with 
regard to the second, that the chair is so prepared, 
and for such an object, I believe it is for the purpose 
that the person who is to occupy such high magis- 
tracy should know that he is a mortal, and not a 
God, that he is subject to the laws and necessities 
of nature, inasmuch as he or any may require ; and 
for which, with very good reason, this is called the 
Stercorarian Chair. The evidence already produced 
ought to be sufficient to stamp as a positive fact the 



393 

truth of the existence of the quondam Popesse 
Johanna ; and supposing that some malevolently 
idiotic gorillas of the class of the obstinate unbe- 
lievers of historical facts, like the I-don't-know-who- 
go-to-Baths, persist in denying the fact, to persuade 
and convince them in spite of themselves, if they 
can read. I refer them to the Annales Augustonos, 
by [Raphael Volterranus ; to Sabellicus, Ennead. 9 ; 
to Philip Bergomateus, in supplement ; to Matheus 
Palmerius, in continuat. Eusebii et Prosperi ; to Tri- 
themius, in Vita Luitprandi ; to Abbas Johan. Stella, 
in Vitis 230 Pontific. ; to JSTauclerus TJniversitatis 
Tubingensis Cancellarius ; to Krautius Hamburgensis 
Decanus in Catalogo Pontificum in Fasciculo Tem- 
porum; to Ccelius Eodiginus, lib. 4, Antiquarum 
Lectionem Continuator; to Johannis Lucidus, in 
Chronico, and many other more modern writers, 
not forgetting the ancient and Eeverend Carmelite 
Baptiste Mantuanus, who wrote about it, tres hosce 
yersiculos, and qui in inferni sui vestibulo boc postri- 
bulum collocat. They may not be palatable to the 
modern Cavalieri di Cristo, but I cannot help it, 
as they are exactly the thing, quite ad rem ; so 
I transcribe them : 

" Hie Pandebat adhuc Sexum mentita virilem Bapt. Man- 
Fosmina, cui triplici Phrygiam diademate Mitram AJphons^' { 
Extollebat apex, et Pontiflcalis adulter." 

Of St Peter's Chair, or Throne, as I have not 
said enough, and the evidence that I have pro- 
duced rests only upon the relation of Platina, before 
I quit this subject I will give the opinion of another 
writer (Laonicus Chalcondilas in Historia) more 
ancient than Platina, who describes the election of 
the Popes according to his time in these words : 

Ubi suffragia, inquit, collegerunt, et Pontifex 
fuerit declaratus, domi eum continent, explorantes, 
num et reliquis placeat electio. Pontiflcem pro- 
nuntiatum insidere jubent sedili foramen habenti, 
ut testes ex eo propendentes aliquis, cui hoc muneris 



394 

injunctum est, tangat, unde appareat Pontiflcem 
virum esse. ]STam constat, mulierem quondam in 
Pontificatum esse subvectam, quia sexus ignorabatur. 
Namque Italia? Occidentales pene omnes barbas 
radunt. Cum autem ilia mulier gravida esset facta, 
et ad festum sive Sacrificium prodiissset, peperit 
infantem inter sacrificium in conspectu universi 
populi. Quapropter ne decipiantur iterum, sed rem 
cognoscant, neque ambigant, Pontificis creati virilia 
tangunt, et is qui tangit acclamat : Mas nobis est 
Dominus, et exinde alios ritus observari solitos, 
persequitur. 

^dannnm, I was reading this chapter to a friend of mine 
last night, when he persuaded me to suppress the 
translation of it as a monstrous thing, and I ques- 
tioned for a long time whether the monstrosity had 
not depended upon the Popes themselves while 
seated in the Stercorarian Chair, and if this was a 
monstrous and abominable exhibition, why did they 
not suppress it. This is exactly what I do not 
understand, unless the perpetration is continued on 
purpose, until the use and the abuse of the Chair are 
suppressed altogether. Of all the ancient writers, 
Gioanni Bocaccio alone paid homage to Popess 
Joanna's noble sex by placing her amongst the Illus- 
trious Women, and I wonder that the historians have 
been so ungenerous to her splendid talents ; but ad 
meliora, or pejora, veniamus. After the Popess 
Joanna, Pope Benedictus the Third was quickly 
elected without previous consultation with the 
Emperor, and a schism originated, which, however, 
resulted in very little damage to the people, for the 
reason that this Pope lived so short a time, that he 
neither had the opportunity to do any great good, 
or any material harm. The Emperor Ludowick 
hastened to Pome in the year 858, to endeavour by 
his presence there to influence the election of a new 
Pope, and from that time we come to the usurpation 
of the supreme Ecclesiastical jurisdiction by the 
Popes. 



395 



How the Pope tjsubped the Stjpbeme Ecclesias- 
tical Jurisdiction. 

In the year 858, when the Emperor Ludowick Anastas. in 
heard that Pope Benedict was dead, he went to aanossa! 
Rome, and used all his influence and various strata- 
gems to cause the election as Pope of Nicholas the 
Eirst, against the wishes of the Romans. Ludowick 
succeeded in getting Nicholas elected, and was pre- 
sent in Eome at his consecration. This was the 
Pope who for his intelligence was compared to 
Gregory the Great ; however there was a great dif- 
ference between them, and Sigonius, anno 860, wrote 
that John, the Archbishop of Ravenna, renewed the 
quarrel with the Pope, on account of being subjected 
to him ; that Nicholas taxed him with heresy, and 
sent some suffragan Bishops to watch him, to des- 
titute and divest him of Ecclesiastical authority, and, 
in fact, to take everything from him. Archbishop 
John went to complain to Emperor Ludowick, who 
interceded for him, and sent his Legates to Eome to 
convoke a Synod, by which the Archbishop was con- 
demned to submit to Nicholas. Anastasius, in Nicolao 
Primo, says that John was compelled to sign a docu- 
ment promising to pay a yearly sum of money as a 
tribute to the Pope, according to the custom of Ms 
predecessors, before he could be reinstated. There 
was no such precedent, because the Exarchs were 
the representatives of the Emperors, who nominated 
them to control the Popes, being superiors, as is 
in many instances fully proved by the historians ; 
but the Erench Emperors acted occasionally in oppo- 
sition to the established rules of the Greek Emperors ; 
and this was a case in point to prove the preconcerted 
plan between the Pope and Emperor, to the detriment 
of the Exarch. There was an understanding be- 
tween them (as stated by a contemporary historian) 



396 

to depose John, for fear that he should crown the 
Emperor Carolus Calvus : it was then natural for 
them to invent a pretext to ensure to themselves a 
mutual interest to the detriment of another. Besides, 
at that time there were many intrigues going on be- 
tween various Kings related by blood ; and Gunterus, 
the Archbishop of Cologne, a relative of a prostitute 
who lived openly with the Lotharingian King Lotharius, 
supported him in repudiating his legitimate wife Thiet- 
berga. The concubine, Valdrada, was very active and 
influential with many personages, and many esclanders 
and much commotion ensued, in consequence of which 
a Synod was convoked to arrange the affair. Sy- 
nodus igitur Mediomatricibus habetur, ad quam se 
Regina sistit, sed productis et auditis testibus, de 
flagitioso cum fratre incaestu, a Lotharii thoro idcirco 
sejungitur. I imagine that in this case the witnesses 
had been bought. Soon after another Synod took place 
at Aix-la-Chapelle, where — Supplex adit, liberos 
suscipere, quanti sua regnique intersit, exponit, ac 
proinde uxoris ducendae facultatem consecutus, Val- 
dradam protinus sibi sociat, quae jurgii pridem origo 
fuerat. This is most certainly a splendid piece of 
Christian priestly legislation, tolerated, or rather 
winked at, by the famous emulator of the Great 
Gregory, the then Pope Nicholas. But the relatives 
of Thietberga would not put up with any more non- 
sense ; and taking the affair seriously in hand, they 
caused a third Synod to take place at Rome. Even- 
tually the acts of the Synods of Metz and of Aix were 
Annaies in- quashed ; and Lotharius was compelled to abandon 
S rt anno866 Valdrada, and take back his wife Thietberga, other- 
' wise he would have been excommunicated, and lost 
his kingdom. So Monsieur Lothaire was compelled 
to comply, in spite of the intrigues, interest, and 
sympathy that he had with the Pope and the Empe- 
ror. One thing of great importance must not be for- 
gotten here, viz., that the Pope was induced to take 
that determination for the sake of establishing a 



397 



precedent of Supremacy in favour of his Ecclesiasti- 
cal jurisdiction, in imitation of the highest courts of 
appeal in Europe. Up till that time, according to 
the laws of all the Asian, African, and European 
Synods and Ecclesiastical Councils, no appeal could 
be made by any Ecclesiastic, of whatever degree or 
dignity, except to his provincial Archbishop ; and 
when the delinquent was a Bishop or Archbishop, he 
was tried by a Council of Ecclesiastical dignitaries, 
convoked for the purpose by the Kings or Emperors. 
In the affair as above related the Church of Eome 
concurred most happily, forgetting how she had acted 
in the first and second trials ; but as she had a great 
stake to play for in the third, of course she prevari- 
cated as usual, and by that means established for the 
future, to her own privilege and advantage, the 
right of supreme Ecclesiastical jurisdiction or 
appeals. This is what Eome gained by her prevari- 
cation. This enables me to establish historically 
and satisfactorily that up to that time the Pope had 
no such right or power, and that everything was 
decided by the Missi and Judices Imperatoris in the 
provinces as well as at Eome. In confirmation of 
my present assertion, I may state that it happened 
in 867 that Bishop Ehotardus Suessonensis committed 
himself, and was tried and dismissed by Hincmarus, 
Archbishop of Eheims. He appealed to Pope Nicholas, 
who was glad to quash the sentence, although he 
affected that he did not like to interfere with the 
first judgment. After that, this same Pope Nicholas 
was not ashamed to receive and give the friendly 
kiss to Eauldwin, the Count of Elanders, who carried 
away the daughter of Charles le Chawe, King of 
France, after having first seduced her. In corrobo- 
ration of these assertions, that Pope Nicholas usurped 
the supreme Ecclesiastical jurisdiction, I will quote 
here an unknown Italian author of that time, who 
wrote the history of Eome, and which is to be found 
as an appendix to the History of Eutropius. 



398 

Igitur Johannes Eavennse Archiepiscopus hsereseos 
dicitur accusatus. Iinperator ne gravaret eos, qui 
deprsedati ab Agarenis erant quaesivit solatium 
Eavennse, sed queesivit etiam solatium, quae vicina 
erat etiam, Venetise, quatenus navali adjutorio fultus 
posset abundanter terre Apuliam, Praesidebat tunc 
Eavennae Eccle. Johannes Archiepiscopus, qui 
serviens Imperatori familiarior erat. TJnde invidia 
ductus Eomanus Pontifex nomine Nicolaus, exarsit 
in iram contra ilium vocans eum subdole Eomam, ut 
quasi Ecclesiastico judicio posset hunc condemnare, 
et alterum subrogare : His quippe auditis Archiepis- 
copus confugit ad Eeginam Egelbertam, quae suos 
legatos direxit Apostolico, rogans ut redderet gratiam 
Archiepiscopo. Quod cum impetrare nequisset, suo 
Domino humiliter intimavit, ut gratiam interferret 
suae tuitionis Archiepiscopo, vetans Apostolicum ei 
nullam inquietudinem facere. Et quia inaudito 
Principe Apostolicus excommunicationem in eum 
protulit, gravis inimicitia inter eos facta est. 
Erectus est denique Eegius honor contra Apostoli- 
cam dignitatem, objiciens ei antiqua Patrum Statuta 
non licere Prselato excommunicare Episcopum, in- 
Anno 867-68. consulto Synodali Concilio ; et quia Synodus non 
a Papa, sed ab Imperatore vocari deberet. Plurimae 
denique interrogationes pro tali occasione illatse sunt 
Pontifici Eomano : Nam Pentapoli beneficiales 
ordines suis distribuit, praecipiens nullam adminis- 
trationem impendere Eomae, exceptis suffragiis 
navali deportatione, multa enim juvamina Im- 
periales habuerunt fideles. Fecit etiam occupare 
nonnulla patrimonia in Campanile partibus, regio 
usui, suorumque fidelium, &c. Constituit denique 
Consultu Eomanorum Principum in urbe Eomse 
Arsenium quendam Episcopum, sanctitate et scientia 
adornatum, et Apocrisarium sedis Eomanae, deditque 
illi adjutorium Johannem Diaconum et Archican- 
cellarium, suumque Secretarium, qui postea Eeatinus 
Episcopus factus est, unde jam electus erat. Tempore 



399 



igitur congruo Imperator veniebat Bom am, et sus- 
cipiebatur ab omnibus tarn majoribus quam minori- 
bus honorifice, veniebat que cum eo jam dictus 
Archiep. Bavennse nil metuens minas Pontificis. 
TJnde evenit major discordia inter Pontificem et 
Imperatorem. Erat quippe Imperator in Palatio 
Sancti Petri Apostoli et Papa ad Sanctos Apostolos. 
Cumque omnes illius insidiaa contra Begiam digni- 
tatem pro nihilo ducerentur, constituit Monachas 
seu Cbristo dicatas virgines ex Monasteriis Bomae 
ut quasi sub obtentu religionis quotidianas celebra- 
rent Lactanias per circuitum murorum, et missas 
canerent contra Principes male agentes. His auditis 
primarii Begi bumiliter accedentes ad Papam, roga- 
verunt eum familiariter, ut talia prohiberet. Et cum 
nihil ab eo impetrare possent, reversi sunt moerentes. 
Quadam vero die, cum quidam milites praefati Prin- 
cipis irent ad Sanctum Paulum et reverterentur, 
accidit eos occurrere talibus Lactaniis qui instinetu 
antiqui hostis in iramversi sunt, et pro fidelitate 
sui senioris vindictam exercerunt contra illos, percu- 
tientes et csedentes cum fustibus, quos manibus 
deferebant. Qui fugientes projecerunt cruces, et 
iconas quas portabant, sicut est mos Graecorum, e 
quibus nonnullae conculcatae, nonnullse diruptaa sunt. 
TJnde et Imperator graviter est permotus in iram et 
pro qua causa Apostolicns mitior efFectus est. Pro- 
fectus est denique idem Pontifex ad Sanctum Petrum, 
rogans Imperatorem pro suis talia patrantibus, et 
vix obtinere valuit ; Jam itaque inter se familiares 
effecti sunt, tamen dignitas Eegia semper fuit Eoma. 
Itaque quod in Episcopum Eavennatem fulminarat 
anathema, frustra fuit, &c. 

The Emperor, to reduce the expenses of the people 
of Eavenna, who were so frequently exposed to the 
depredations of the Saracens, went to recreate him- 
self at Eavenna, because it was near Venice ; to 
ascertain, also, what support he could obtain from 
the Yenetians, in the shape of a Eleet for the con- 



400 



quest of Apulia. John, Archbishop, was then the 
President of Eavenna, and was the familiar friend 
and vassal of the Emperor. Pope ISTicolaus, stimu- 
lated by envy, burst in a rage against him, and 
cunningly summoned him to appear at Rome, as if 
he could submit him to an Ecclesiastical judgment, 
and arrogate the rights of the Emperor. The Arch- 
bishop, having heard of this summons, took refuge 
in Queen Engelberta's palace, who sent her Legates 
to the Pope, asking him to restore his grace to that 
Archbishop. As she could not obtain it, the Queen 
intimated to her husband to interfere for the grace 
and security of the Archbishop, and he ordered the 
Pope not to molest him. When the Pope received 
the message of the Prince, he launched excommuni- 
cations against the Archbishop, and great enmity 
amongst them ensued. At last the offended Eoyal 
dignity assumed a standing attitude against the 
Apostolic dignity, and opposed the Pope with the 
statutes of the old Fathers, which forbad a Prelate 
to excommunicate a Bishop without the advice of 
the Council of the Synod. 

The Pope's injunction to the Archbishop was 
irregular, because the Synod should have been con- 
voked by the Emperor, and not by the Pope. On this 
occasion the Pope also brought upon himself many 
other penalties. The Emperor then distributed the 
Benefices of Pentapolis to his partizans, and ordered 
them to give no account nor any profit out of them 
to Pome, except the dues arising out of the exporta- 
tion by ships. He also gave the whole of the per- 
quisites to his faithful Imperialists. He likewise 
ordered the occupation of several Patrimonies in the 
Campania for his Eoyal use, and that of his faithful 
servants. At last he reorganized a Senate of Princes 
in Rome, under Bishop Arsenius, a most learned 
man and of saintly habits, and who was Legate of 
the Roman See, and gave him as a coadjutor his 
Secretary, John, Deacon and Arch- Chancellor, who 



401 



afterwards became Bishop of Eieti, to which Bishopric 
he had already been elected. At his leisure the 
Emperor returned to Rome, and was received most 
honourably by the rich and the poor, and with him 
in his suite he had John, the Archbishop of Ravenna, 
who did not care about the whims of the Pope. 
This provoked greater discord between the Emperor 
and the Pope. The Emperor took his place in the 
Palace of the Apostle St Peter, and the Pope 
in the Palace of the holy Apostles. As all the priestly 
annoyances did not sufficiently provoke the Imperial 
dignity, the Pope instituted those companies of Nuns 
dedicated to Christ from the various Monasteries of 
Rome, so that, under the mere pretext of religious 
devotion, they should daily processionally make the 
circuit of the walls of Rome, singing litanies and 
ribaldries against the Princes. The Emperor's 
Minister, hearing of these proceedings, humbly ap- 
proached the Pope, and asked him in a friendly way 
to discontinue those practices ; but he returned home, 
mortified with a refusal. One day, when some of 
the Imperial soldiers, who had been to visit St Paul, 
were returning home, they accidentally met the pro- 
cession singing the insulting litanies, which irritated 
them as much as if they had met w r ith an old enemy, 
and, on the fidelity they owed to their Lord, they 
inflicted summary vengeance upon them, beat- 
ing and killing them with the sticks which they had 
in their hands. The Nuns and Eriars threw away 
the crosses and images which they were carrying; 
like the Greeks; some of them got trampled on, and 
some were broken. On hearing of this melee the 
Emperor fell into a great passion > while the Pope was 
not so much annoyed at it. Finally, the Pope went 
to St Peter, and begged the Emperor, on his part, to 
compromise these affairs ; but he hardly succeeded in 
obtaining it. Soon after they became reconciled,, 
but the Emperor retained his power in Rome. 

Up to this time, anno 868, it is evident who was 

ii 2 



402 



the master of Eome, of the Exarchate, and other 
provinces of the now so-called Papal States. 

I have not been able to trace anything that was 
done particularly great or honorificent by Pope Nico- 
laus to gain him the merit of comparison with 
Gregory the Great. "What I can find is, that at his 
time the clergy, high and low, with few exceptions, 
were the most disgraceful set of voluptuary vaga- 
bonds in existence, or of any other class of crimi- , 
nals, beating them at the rate of twelve to one. 
This is the only comparison that I can find of the 
character of Nicolaus arid the Ecclesiastics of his time. 
It is true that Mcolaus found some literary characters 
who wrote panegyrics in his favour, and others that 
applauded his actions, and attempted to extol him 
above many others ; but the morale of this was, that 
money and expectation of Court favour prompted 
many poetical ideas in the heads even of the most 
sturdy, hypocritical imbeciles. What Nicolaus did, 
consisted in issuing severe laws against the open 
lewdness of the clergy, and forbidding them, under 
high penalties, to marry — compelling them to celibacy. 
These laws gained him credit amongst a few honest 
but unthinking persons, who were disgusted by the 
inveterate demoralization of Churchmen, and who 
conceived that he would reform society and manners, 
and bring back the Golden Age. They were mis- 
taken, for if he had compelled the clergy to marry, 
and, if they refused, punished them severely and 
expelled them from the Church, that would have 
been a much better remedy and a much better law, 
and would have tended much more effectually to 
suppress the vices and the saintly, insinuating 
hypocrisy of the Clergy. This would have been the 
only way of satiating their appetites, and would 
have stopped their amatory career. Many Eccle- 
siastical writers wrote books against the women's 
insatiability, instability, &e. "Why did they not call 
a Synod, and, with the concurrence of the Popes and 



403 



Temporal Governors, agree to compel the Clergy to 
marry? I am fully persuaded that such a law 
would be a godsend, even now, and tend to mora- 
lise a nation in a few generations. As there is no 
effect without a cause, and as three or four hundred 
thousand healthy, robust, and fat idlers, physiologi- 
cally and anatomically organized like others, feel the 
same wants, propensities, and necessities under cer- 
tain circumstances, and maintain a scandal,— compel 
the clergy to marry, and the cause of the scandal 
will be removed, and cease of itself. Amongst the 
clergymen lately condemned in Italy, in two or three 
cases we have seen that they did not content them- 
selves with the seduction of one or two women; they 
were each of them accused of having seduced thirty 
and upwards. 

But enough of this for the present. In the mean- 
time I will enjoy in expectation the thought that the 
wisdom of Victor Emmanuel the Great, the first 
King of Italy, the beloved descendant of a hundred 
generations of kingly blood, and assisted by the 
flower of the nation in Parliament assembled, after 
mature consideration, with a preconcerted, intelligent, 
and liberal deliberation, will one day proclaim 
Liberty of Marriage to the Ecclesiastics, and thus 
remove for ever from this class of persons the causes 
for seduction. The science of legislation does not 
consist in the punishment or the suppression of 
crimes, but in foreseeing and removing the causes of 
crimes ; and acting upon such principles we must un- 
doubtedly ameliorate the social position and condition 
of the human family of Italy. 

Sigonius, de Reg. Ital., scripsit ad an. 875, obiit sine 
mascula prole Imper. Lodovicus. Notant interim 
Historici, Sigonius ipse, quiequid decessores Pontifi- 
cibus donatum voluissent, jus Princijoatum, ditionem, 
diserte retinuisse : In Exarchatum, in Ducatum 
Romanum ipsum : quae jam regula in Calvo fatiscere 
ccepit, a successoribus licet identidem repetita. Item 



404 



hue usque imperium a patre ad filium transisse, et 
primogenitum illico demortui locum coepisse sieqne 
Pipino Carolum, Carolo Ludovicum, Ludovieo 
Lotharium, Lothario Ludovicum secundum succes- 
sisse ; quodque ab Archiepiscopo Mediolanensi Eeges 
Longobardorum, aut ab Episcopo Eomano Imperatores 
coronarentur et consecrarentur eo tantum institutum, 
ut solemniori ritu populo commendarentur. 

So that, according to Sigonius and many other 
historians, after the death of the Emperor Ludo wick, 
Carolus Calvus went to Eome, was crowned, and 
gave to the Pope some privileges, but retained for 
himself and successors, as usual, the Supreme 
Dominion or Temporal power, not only in the 
Exarchate and Eoman States, but in Eome itself. 
It appears this was a regularly established rule by 
all his predecessors, as Pipin transmitted the power 
of succession to Charlemagne, and Charlemagne to 
Ludowick, &c, as did the Lombard "Kings before the 
Erench Emperors. At all events, they never gave 
the Popes the temporal power — malgre toutes les 
actions de generositee vers les Papes. I will not relate 
the quarrels and wars which took place between the 
Kings Charles le Chauve and Charles le Gras, for 
the succession to the Eoman Empire ; nor will I state 
how the Popes on that occasion produced the fictitious 
documents of the pretended Donation of Constantine ; 
as Trithemius, who lived at that time, and wrote the 
life of Pope Gregory the Eirst, and other things, in 
speaking of that Donation, called it longi mendacii 
lempora finxit, &c, penitus Commentitiam, pror- 
susque falsam pronunciat. I have already spoken 
largely in other chapters, perhaps at too great length, 
of the real Donations by Constantine to Sylvester, and 
shown in what they consisted ; therefore it will be seen 
that Pope John the Mnth took useless trouble to 
perpetuate the fiascos. Charles le Chauve died in 
the year 878. Pope John went to see Ludovicum 
Balbum, the son of Calvus, and made a treaty, the 



405 



Pope guaranteeing to crown him Emperor, and the 
Emperor agreeing to support the Pope against the 
Bishop Eormosus, who had assumed the Papal 
authority, and was supported by other Ecclesiastical 
dignitaries. Ludovick was crowned in Erance, and 
while the Pope was returning to Piome, Ludovick 
died. 

Carolus Crassus, the King of Germany, hearing 
of his death while marching into Italy with an army 
to expel the Saracens who had invaded Italy, agreed 
with Pope John to stop and be crowned Emperor of 
the Eoman Empire ; and this was the third that that 
unlucky Pope had crowned, and who had had a very 
short reign, he dying in the year 882. At that time, 
in Orient, there was a schisme, of which I shall not 
say anything, though the Pom an Pope had a great 
share in that intrigue in the death of Basilius. That 
schisme was echoed from the Orient to the Occident. 
During the life of John, Pome was almost divided 
into two factions — quarum una Comitum Tusculano- 
rum, qui modo aperta vi, modo per ambitum agnatos 
suos, aut amicos ad Pontificatum evehebant, dum 
Principes sese partim mutuo obturbabant. 

To Pope John succeeded Pope Marinus or Martinus, 
as Platina says, qui malts artibus Pontificatum 
adeptus. I shall say that Christianity had no pros- 
pect of any good from this rogue. He reinstated in 
his dignity the Bishop Eormosus, and absolved him 
of the excommunication. Marinus died, and 
Agapetus, another of that faction, partly pushed and 
persuaded by the Romans, ambitious of the Papal 
dignity, was evectus in sedem in the year 885, as 
stated by Sigonius in de Peg. Ital., and Platina in 
Adriano 3°. He took the name of Adrian the Third. 
At that time died Carolus Crassus, sine prole, unaque 
desinit et Erancorum imperium, et Carlovingiorum 
in Italia decus. Pope Adrian the Third did not lose 
time ; while the Germans and the Erench were 
quarrelling between themselves for the succession of 



406 



the Eoman Empire, lie made two decrees : the first 
was to the purpose that in the creation of the Popes 
no Imperial authority should in future be consulted, 
as he intended to emancipate the Papacy from the 
Imperial authority ; the second was, that as Carolus 
Crassus had died without issue, the reign should 
pass to the Italian Princes, with the title of Emperor ; 
which scheme had already been originated and pre- 
pared by Albert, the Marquis of Tuscany, the chief 
of the Tusculan party, who had aspired to it for 
several years, and had been also the principal author 
of Adrian's fortune. This plan did not suit Beren- 
garius Dux Forojidii ; nor the other, Dux Spoleti 
Vidoy who had more rights and power than Albert, — 
so says Simoneta, lib. 5, c. 15, and Martin Polonus, 
in Adriano 3 G ; licet causa Justior, says Sigonius, 
authoritate suffulta^ Stephani Papce qui Adriano 
tertio successerat. Quare, post aliquot certamina, 
in quibus superior evaserat anno 891. Eomae 
Coronatur, ea tamen lege, ut donationes, quaa Pipini, 
Caroli, et Ludoviei primi dicuntur, Stephanus ab 
eo confirmari velit. And these were the ways 
and means by which the Popes, in the year 
891, got all the donations that they could obtain 
from their best friend and confederate in the usurpa- 
tion. I am sorry to have driven the reader up to 
this point, but I think it was necessary to fix the 
epoch from which the Popes succeeded in this grand 
attempt to usurp the Temporal Power in Eome and 
the Eoman States ; it is true that it did not last 
long, but they momentarily succeeded in their 
intent. As I have called the attention of my 
readers to this period, I will give them a specimen 
of the sublime hypocrisy, of the uncharitable 
demoniacal spirit of vengeance, of the first pillars 
of the so-called Christian edifice — the holy Fathers, 
the Vicars of Christ. After the death of Stephanus 
Sextus, the two contending Eoman factions elected 
their Popes; the Tusculan party elected Sergius, 



407 



the other elected Bishop Formosus, whom we have 
seen previously degraded, and dismissed from his 
Ecclesiastical offices. He was supported by Vido, 
the Duke of Spoleti, and obtained St Peter's Chair. 
At that time Eome was in a state of the most horrible 
confusion on account of the constant fights of the 
two parties, and of the assassinations and the Latro- 
cinium perpetuum. Formosus, tired of these alter- 
cations and the constant daugers to which he was 
exposed by the violence of his rival, secretly entered 
into a treaty with Arnulphum Eegem, Bo jorum 
JDucem, Carlomanni filium y et Coroli Crassi nepotem, 
et statuit eum in Italiam venturum eum exercitu, et 
per vim ingredere Romam, ut coronetur Imperator. 
And so he came and entered Eome, and Sigonius, in 
lib. 6, says : se a Formoso Augustum inungi im- 
peravit, ac populum Eomanum in hasc verba jure- 
jurando adegit : Testor Deum, omnesque Divos, et 
per divina misteria juro, me quoad vivam, fore in 
potestate Imperatoris Arnulphi, neque Lamberti, aut 
matris ejus rebus adfuturum, neque ut dignitatem 
aliquam adipiscantur aut hanc urbem servitute pre- 
mant, operam daturum. Indeque Sergium eadem 
via Eoma cxegit: at non multo post Ageltrudam 
Lamberti matrem cum obsideret, mulier ad vim 
impar, ad dolum se confert, occulteque per minis - 
trum pecunia corruptum soporiferum ei poculum 
prsebet, quo sumpto repente somno captus post 
tridunm demum excitatus, cum neque sentiret, neque 
quae sentiret exprimere commode posset, ac mugitus 
potius quam voces ederet, bello relicto in Lombardiam 
sese recepit. Towards the end of December, Pope 
Boniface the Sixth succeeded to Formosus, and 
Boniface lived only fifteen days. 

Now I have arrived at this period, I will just 
show the ignorant idiots of the present day that the 
statements they are always putting forward about 
the good old times when there lived so many saints 
and so many venerable ecclesiastics, — that in their 



408 



manners the people in general were much better 
than they are now, and that the Church and the 
Ecclesiastics led a life that was the model of every 
believer in true Christianity — is all a fallacy. Now, 
my dear harlots, now the shop is open, Von ne paye 
qvtun sou, entrez Messieurs et Dames — first of all, 
while the new Pope, the model of Christianity, puts 
on his Pontificalian dresses, and before he sits in the 
Stercorarian Chair, the Cardinal and Bishops will 
enliven your hearts with the old tune of " Venez, 
venez,petitsenfans,Venezvoirlemarehandd'Images; ,? 
and after the song Pope Stephanus the Seventh 
will take a Bath with I don't-know~who, two new 
characters of the celebrated Irish Brass Band, and 
make his appearance, and desecrate, defame, and 
destroy the name, deeds, and the memory of his 
departed predecessor, Pope Formosus. And as there 
is nothing blacker in history, or more condemnatory 
than this, listen attentively to what he did to satiate 
his execrable thirst for vengeance. He ordered that 
the cadaver of Pormosus should be exhumed, that 
it should be dressed in Pontificals, and brought to 
the Pontifical Chair ; and when so dressed, he had 
it placed in the middle of the Synod, and ordered it, 
and all its acts, to be condemned. The authors of 
his time state, horrendum auditu, that this impious 
monster, ignorant of the holy Doctrines, would have 
compelled the poor cadaver to answer for when he was 
Bishop of Oporto, addressing it sarcastically, and 
inquiring why, or for what spirit of ambition, he 
had usurped the Universal Eoman Throne ? After 
this the cadaver was immediately divested of its 
Pontifical dresses ; then the three fingers used in 
giving the benediction were torn away, and ordered 
to be thrown into the Tiber ; and the whole of the 
Clergymen who had been ordained by him were first 
degraded, and then re-ordained. This already- told 
monstrosity I will repeat here in the original words 
of Sigonius, in lib. 6 : Turn vero quo spiritu anima- 



409 



rentur nerao non videt, quando vix in solio collocatus 
estiste, nihil antiquius habet, quam ut Eormosimemo- 
riam ant infarnet, aut extinguat, cadaver ejns ex se- 
pulchro extrahi, inque sedem Eomani Pontificatus, 
Sacerdotibus indumentis in media Synodoponi jnbens 
damnandum utique cnm snis Actis. Warrant sane 
Authores hnjns temporis, horrenduin anditu, impinm 
doctrinaruinque sanctarum inscium, miserum cadaver 
per sarcasmnm compellasse. Cum Portuensis Epis- 
copus esset, inqnit, cur ambitionis spiritu, Bomanani 
universalem sedem usurpasti ? Quibus expletis, 
sacratis mox exutnm vestimentis, digitisqne tribus 
abscissis, quibus benedicere moris erat, in Tyberim 
jactare preecepit, cunctosqne qnos ipse ordinaverat 
gradn proprio depositos, iterum ordinavit. I do be- 
lieve that some, if not the whole of those true 
Bishops of the modern era, who are accustomed to 
lie about everything that does not particularly please 
them, and who have written lately so many edifying 
pamphlets, will say that it is not true that such an 
occurrence took place ; but to bar them from the op- 
portunity of denial, I will corroborate the statement 
with the assertion of the same thing by a writer who 
was contemporary with the victim and the execu- 
tioner. This celebrated writer was an Ecclesiastic. Hie 
Luitprandus Ticinensis Ecclesiae Diaconus, qui turn Piatina in 
vivebat, ad tantum scelus mirum quam commovetur, ^Onuphrii 
&c. Onuphrius tamen in dubium revocare nititur, 
quod, non secus quam in Papissa totam antiquitatem 
evertere est. Author Annalium Abbatiae Euldensis, 
Bonifacio successit Apostolicus Stephanus nomine, 
vir fama infandus, qui antecessorem suum Eormosum 
inandito more, de sepulchro ejectum, et per advoca- 
tum suae resppnsionis depositum, foras extra solitum 
sepolturse Apostolicaa locum sepeliri prascepit. Et 
Monachus est qui loquitur, Leo Ostiensis, lib. 1, 
€. 48. Melioris fidei Sigonius (in lib. 6), qui omnes 
hujus facti circumstantias describit, quin et Acta 
Bavennatis Concilii a Joanne 10, promulgata 



410 



refert his verbis : Synodum a Stephano Sexto Pont, 
decessore nostro celebratam in qua cadaver Eormosi 
Pontificis e sepulchro extractum, et quasi ad j udi- 
cium adductum atque damn a turn est, quod nunquam 
alius factum aceepimus, penitus abrogantes, et ne 
post hoc tale alius fiat, per Spiritus sancti judicium 
interdicimus. And Baronius (anno 897, art. 2) who 
would have wiped away the fact, and Pope Stepha- 
nus into the bargain (unable to avoid reporting it or 
to clothe it differently) said that the Pope did 
not wish to punish Pormosus as a Priest, but, 
struck with blind furor, did not only what would 
have been permitted him to do, but what his 
unlimited madness prompted, and that Stephen acted 
like a violent tyrant against Pormosus, though he had 
not committed errors in the faith of Christianity. 

" Purore parcitus homo, in quit, non quod jure 
liceret, sed quod exsestuans rabies suasit, implevit ; 
non enim fuit error in fide, sed violenta Tyrannis in 
facto : Quse propria ipsius sunt verba, Interim anno 
897, succedit Stephano Eomanus, qui max Synodo 
convocata Stepbani contra Pormasum Acta, ipsiusque 
adeo damnationem damnat. Idem faciunt Theodoras 
Secundus et Johannes decimus, qui aliis nonus : Sed 
hie solemnius in Synodo 74 Episcoporum Kavennse 
indicta, ubi sententiam singulorum rogans, Stephani 
su£eque Synodi Acta cancellat, Episcopis et Prsesbi- 
teris, qui interfuerant, vim et metum causantibus 
parcit, Sergium ej usque sequaces restitui vet at, qui 
Pormosum sepulchro extraxerant, Stephanum nempe 
ipsum, sepulchri violati reos peragit, Pormosumque, 
extra clerum licet Eomanum ex Onuphrio (sed sine 
prsejudicio electum) Papam legitimum pronunciat, et 
Episcopos, quos Stephanus deposuerat restituit. Et 
tamen Arnulphi Imperatoris consecrationem infirmat, 
Lamberti roborat, quam a Stephano Ecclesiae bono 
factum agnoscit. Quod silicet in Lamberti gratiam 
indulsit, cujus potentiam, turn in Italia, turn in Eoma 
ipsa, reformidabat. Qua etiam ratione, contra 



411 



Adrianus quam tertius evicisse sibi videbatur, reno- 
vata Lex, ne deinceps Pontifices, nisi preesentibus 
Eegis Legatis, ant Vicariis consecrarentur. Acta 
vero hujus Synodi, inquit Sigonius, Mutiny apud 
Canonicos Ecclesiae scripta reperiuntur. 

Ad annum 900 pervenimus : Testandur enim ipsa3 
Pontificales Historiae, eo tnm ambitionis Clerum 
Bomanum venisse ut Papatumper frandem obtinere, 
per vim invadere, nemini religio, ludus cuique esset : 
Videri etiam in rem judicatam transiisse, ut decesso- 
ris Acta successor, quasi dignitati suae moram ulturus, 
rescinderet. 

All these pretty things I leave to the reflection 
and consideration of theological scholars, and beg of 
them to give the mildest interpretation to them that 
any one is capable of who has the interest at heart of 
that Christianity which we follow and desire to pro- 
tect from the assaults and brutalities of its rulers and 
administrators, whom I have no words sufficiently 
characteristic to describe. The Psalmist's words, 
Bestice et universce pecorce et serpentes, are not strong 
enough. However, impartial theologians and learned 
writers will find a name for them, and will, perhaps, 
know whether there are any examples to be found 
in history of any class or sect of persons associated 
together, in any transactions whatever, so jealous, 
envious, and malignant towards each other as to be 
compared with that sect called Popes, Cardinals, and 
Bishops — the sweepings of hell. 

These monstrous tragedies deserve a comment, but 
as I have no time for it, I will resort to the fertile 
mind of the Bishop of Augouleme, who has just 
furnished (upon the occasion of Lent) the materials, 
and as they are published in the newspapers this very 
day (March 13, 1862), a few hours before these pages 
were printed, I have the pleasure to cut his article 
and squeeze it in between these historical remarks. 
It will form a capital antithesis, and whilst confirm- 
ing the fact of the abominable insincerity of the 



412 



Episcopalian tribe, it will also afford me the oppor- 
tunity of quoting an excellent specimen of their mo- 
deration in language, and at the same time of giving 
an example of their love of mystification: 

" Since we have, and especially in the daily press, 
a ' public ministry/ as it were, of falsehood and 
error, a continual sermon of contradiction to truth, 
wherein good is called evil and evil is called good, a 
change of ideas has taken place in a great many 
persons, that has naturally pierced through their 
language and has completely changed the sense of 
words. 

"For instance, thus it is that the saddest 
moral fall is called progress ; the forgetfulness 
of God, of the soul, and of its immortal des- 
tinies, is called enlightenment ; attachment to 
the faith and the honesty of our forefathers, 
darkness. The word religion, confined to a vague 
sentimentalism, has been prostituted and profaned in 
a thousand different manners, and that of sacerdoce 
also. It has been said that the magistracy is a kind 
of sacerdoce, and that the judge is the high priest of 
law. We can explain this figure of language. But 
now we have the sacerdoce of the electorate, of the 
press, of poetry, of art, and of I know not how many 
more. Everything has become priest, except the 
priest himself. Finally, the very name, the adorable 
name of God, has been violated by a complete school 
of atheists, who make use of it in a blasphemous 
sense to deny it, or, what is still worse, to confound 
it with evil. Nay more, for some time past another 
word of the religious language has been most 
strangely perverted by impiety; I mean that of 
layman. It has been diverted from its true sense, 
to receive another that is both false and odious, and 
to enable the impious to draw therefrom the most 
disastrous consequences.' 1 

At the beginning of the tenth century it was the 
same as in the ninth ; and by the Synod of Eavenna, 



413 



in the year 903, at which interfered, also, the French 
Bishops, it will be seen there w r as a continuation of 
the same abuses, and that even Baronius (anno 897- 
900), though partial, was so horrified by the blas- 
phemous acts of the Pontiffs and the high Clergy, 
that he calls them Infelicissima Romane Ecclesiss 
tempora, atque omnium luctuosissima quibus ipsam 
contingit domestico bello exagitari, atque persecu- 
tione vexari, ita ut nullum unquam sive a gentilibus, 
sive ab Hereticis, sive a Scismaticis diuturniorem 
atque molestiorem persecutionem ilia passa fit, quam 
pertulit ab Adalbertis Tuscise Marchionibus. He, 
however, exonerates the Tusculan Princes, the ad- 
versaries of the Tuscan Marquises, as if they were 
not thieves of the same stamp, as wittily remarked 
by an author who said that, instead of entering the 
Vatican by the door, like regular burglars, they 
entered it by the windows. 

Baronius continues to say that the Roman Church 
— vestimentis exuta gloriae atque Lsetitiae, mcerens, 
dolens et lugens, sedit in tristitia : avowing that the 
last ten Popes to that period were the quintessence 
of rogues. Here is the pretty end of this glorious 
Pope Stephanus. Baronius says (anno 904, art. 4) : 
Stephanum in carcere propter Scelera stranguiatum, 
a Joanne decimo sane successore pia3 memoriae 
Stephanum. A capital pious memory of this 
monster ! He had no more than what he deserved ; 
that is, what the people at Bologna call a cravatte ; 
and he got it on account of his impious piety, and 
his virtuous vices. 

I must not lose more time upon this Pope John, 
nor on his successor, Benedict the Fourth, nor upon 
Leo the Fifth, who was cheated by his chaplain, 
Christophorus, forty days after his election, and was 
stripped of everything and turned away, as Sigonius 
says, novo modo, and as Platina says, malis artibus, 
as at that time the Popes, being self- elected, or 
by a few friends, they emancipated themselves 

H" N 2 



414 



from the rights of election by the Clergy and 
people. About this period Pope Sergius, who had 
been twice before expelled, having been reinstated 
in the good graces of the Marquis Albert, re- 
appeared, and supplanted Christopher, having pos- 
sessed himself of the Pontifical throne. Anastasius 
succeeded Sergius in 911, and to him, after about 
a year's reign, succeeded Landus in 913, and John 
the Eleventh succeeded to Landus, and, according 
to Platina, this John the Eleventh was elected 
by the Marquis Albert's power, without concurrence 
in the rules and regulations of the Clergy and 
people, as required. He was the father-in-law of 
Theodora, rich and powerful, and she was a very 
great — what ? guess, or give it up. She was the 
mother of two fine, extraordinarily clever, common 
harlots, like herself, and who ruled Rome for a very 
long period, making Popes, Cardinals, and Bishops 
of all their children, and murdering and poisoning 
at their caprice their lovers, to guarantee to the next 
aspirants free access to the Vatican and to St Peter's 
Chair, as well as to their dormitories, together with 
the privileges of all sorts of perquisites, &c. 

I am not going to defraud the Diaconus of the 
Church of Ticino of the merit of the biography he 
left us describing Theodora, her daughters, and 
their children, who reigned altogether as long as the 
Carlovingians, if not more. Dean Luitprand, who 
was living then, and in his spiritual capacity was 
subservient to these spurious Popes, in his long life 
had frequent opportunities to remonstrate, and he 
boldly did so in many instances, in consequence of the 
abominable actions of the Popes and Prelates ; and, 
for this reason, I will quote here this splendid bio- 
graphical sketch from Luitprand, lib. 2, c. 13, of 
Pope John the Eleventh. He said — tarn nefando 
scelere, contra jus fasque, Pontifleium culmen 
obtinuit. 

The 20th of March, 1861.— I have received a 



415 



note from a friend of mine, who calls my atten- 
tion to an article inserted in to-day's Times npon 
the Papacy in Italy. In my historical sketch of 
the Papal debaucheries (at the time of Theodora, 
Marozia, and their anti-christian issue), I had 
already written fifty pages, which I have now 
deliberately suppressed, on account of the Papal filth 
contained in them, with the exception of a few 
paragraphs, to expose some of their bad acts, and to 
make known to posterity their scandalous conduct 
towards the Italian population, as well as the 
sacrilegious and ignominious degradation that they 
brought upon the Church and St Peter's Chair. I 
shall, therefore, omit mention of a number of Popes, 
Bishops, and Cardinals, and insert in their place the 
following very concise extract taken from the Times, 
seeing that the statements are perfectly true and 
correct, and that they will corroborate the facts I 
have named ; and those that I have omitted, I let 
sink in the last bolgia of hell. 

Italy and the Papacy. — The Paris Presse has 
the following striking article on the Papacy and 
Italy, showing the antagonism between the two 
from a very early period of Italian history : " ' The 
Papacy,' says the Monde this morning, ' has always 
lived in peace with Italy ; and so long as Italy 
remained Christian she surrounded with respect the 
Sovereign Pontiffs.' To express one's-self thus one 
of two things is necessary — either the Monde knows 
very little of the history of the Popes, or else it 
calculates largely on the ignorance of its readers. 
Not only has Italy not always lived in peace with 
the Papacy, but, on the contrary, she has been the 
country where the Popes have met with the strongest 
and most constant opposition. Dating from the 
accession of John the Eighth (a.d. 872), they have 
been at feud continually with all parties. In the 
course of the 105 years that elapsed between the 
death of Pormoso in 896, and the election of 



416 



Sylvester in 999, there were twenty-nine Popes, 
eleven of whom were strangled or assassinated, 
three died in prison or exile, fourteen were only 
Popes in name, and one could only reign in the 
society and with the protection of the famous 
Theodora. This woman, marching at the head 
of a powerful family and party, commanded 
as a Sovereign in Eome, where she disputed the 
authority of her relative, the deacon Sergius, who 
aspired to the Papal Chair. Conquered and driven 
out repeatedly, Sergius, on being supported by 
Adalbert, the Marquis of Tuscany, returned as con- 
queror to Rome in 904, as Mahomet had done to 
Mecca ; he had himself proclaimed Pontiff, and was 
reconciled to Theodora, who gave up to him her 
daughter Marozia or Marietta, by whom he had some 
children. These women, braving public indignation 
and popular riots, disposed of the Church, made 
Popes and had them strangled, until Marozia was 
herself thrown into prison by her own son Alberic, 
who turned his brother John XI, son of Sergius III, 
out of the Pontifical See. To Alberic succeeded, in 
955, Octavian, who, uniting the temporal with the 
spiritual power, made himself Pope under the name 
of John XII; and what a Pope! He was half a 
pagan, laughed at the sacrament, blasphemed like a 
Turk, and led the life, not of a priest, but of a 
soldier. He was deposed by Otho I, reascended the 
Pontifical throne, where he took a horrible revenge, 
and in 964 was assassinated, having been caught in 
flagrante delicto, like Alexander of Medicis. To the 
Marozia family succeeded that of the Crescentius 
family, descendants of Theodora II. The tragedies 
continued, and with them the old disturbances, 
assassinations, and exiles. Eome offered the spec- 
tacle of the old barbaric regencies. Otho III put 
into the Chair his cousin Gregory V, who kept 
himself in it by terror, and died by poison. For 
300 years the Eoman Church was a battlefield. 



417 



Constantine, brought to the chair by force, was turned 
out of it by force, for Adrian III deposed him and 
had him assassinated. Adrian I. commenced his 
Pontificate by chastising the crimes committed 
under his predecessor. Leo III took to flight 
to escape assassination. Paschal I. had two 
dignitaries of the Church murdered in his 
own palace ; Sergius II had John, his rival, cut to 
pieces ; the election of Benedict III and of Nicholas I 
brought about an insurrection and almost a schism ; 
Leo V and John X were strangled ; John XI was 
deposed and imprisoned ; Stephen VIII died of his 
wounds ; John XII was stabbed to death ; Benedict 
V died an exile in Germany; Benedict YI and 
John XIV were assassinated by Boniface VII, and 
he was massacred in his turn by the frenzied people ; 
Gregory V was expelled and then incarcerated; 
John XVI was deposed and put to death. The 
rebellion against Benedict IX, who was expelled for 
his crimes, as Pope Victor III himself acknowledged, 
was smothered by Conrad in 1047. But the peace 
only lasted six years, and the Pope had to take to flight 
again. He returned to Eome a second time through 
blood and over the dead bodies of his sons; he 
maintained himself in power until 1045, the period 
of his third flight. We have hitherto spoken only 
of the revolution of the Eomans. In 1057 began at 
Ancona a series of revolutions in the other towns of 
the Pontifical State. The Romans have risen in 
insurrection 150 times against the Papacy; the 
Eoman States, taken in a lump, 111 times. To give 
an idea of the obstinacy of the Eomans in rejecting 
the temporal dominion of the Papacy, we will limit 
ourselves to reminding our readers of the principal 
facts since the 12th century ; the deplorable end of 
Arnold of Brescia in 1155; the exile of Alexander 
III in 1159; the splendid episode of Eienzi in 
1347; the general insurrection under Boniface IX 
in 1375 ; the new Eoman republic proclaimed by 



418 



the people in the time of Eugene IY in 1434 ; the 
conspiracy of Stephen Porcari, under Nicholas V, in 
1453 ; the general revolt of the provinces on the 
death of Alexander VI, in 1506 ; the Bo in an Revolu- 
tion, under Clement VII, in 1526 ; the revolution 
of 1590, that of 1618, and the entire history of the 
Roman States down to the French Revolution. We 
have no occasion to recall to mind what was the fate 
of the Papacy from 1796 to 1815; and no one, 
except the Monde, has forgotten the movements of 
1821, 1831, 1843, 1845, 1848, and 1849. All that 
we can say is that in no country have the people 
evinced more obstinately the most implacable hatred, 
the most persistent hatred, of their Government. 
Such is the fashion in which the Papacy has always 
lived at peace with Italy. The Papacy in Italy has 
been, on the contrary, almost always either little 
esteemed, or called in question, or openly attacked. 
The Italians have laughed at excommunications, 
even at the time when excommunications made the 
whole Christian world tremble, and shook upon their 
thrones the most powerful Sovereigns. "When 
Henry JII, being excommunicated, degraded him- 
self at Canossa, the Lombards were treating Gregory 
VII as a heretic, simoniac, and adulterer; when 
Gregory IX excommunicated the Romans, they drove 
him out, pursued him with arms in their hand, and 
compelled him to revoke his excommunications ; 
when Innocent IV quitted France, after having set 
Europe aghast by deposing and excommunicating 
the Emperor Frederick II, he entered Rome himself 
in terror at the threats of the Romans, and did not 
dare to stir abroad from his palace. How many 
times have not the Venetians, Florentines, 
Milanese, and Bolognese replied by war to Papal 
excommunications ? The well-known history of the 
interdict at Venice is unique of its kind. Even 
under the wretched Spanish dominion, under the 
tortures of the Inquisition, Italian anti-Papism made 



419 



its influence and strength felt ; then it was that 
Fra Paolo Sarpi wrote. The whole of the Italian 
literature is notoriously anti-Papal. Dante scourges 
the Popes ; Petrarch does not spare the lash ; Boc- 
caccio treats them with contempt ; all the Italian 
romance writers, including Monsignore Matteo Ban- 
dello, Bishop of Tortona, have taken for their plots 
the vices and excesses of the Court of Borne and 
Italian clergy. Doubtless, we need not speak of 
Macchiavelli. All, or nearly all, the Italian historians 
and Poets are anti-Papists; Manzoni, despite his 
genius, has tried in vain to stem the stream ; and 
Cesare Cantu, by an attempt of the same description, 
lost his popularity immediately. The Monde pretends 
that the war between Italy and the Papacy, between 
the Bevolution and the Church, ' has been excited 
lately.' The foregoing facts, though very incom- 
plete, being written currente calamo, prove that such 
is a great historical error. The public spirit of the 
Italians is now what it has been essentially in every 
age ; and one must either grossly ignore history, or 
wholly misrepresent it for the sake of a bad cause, 
to dare to affirm that * the Papacy has always lived 
in peace with Italy.' " 

The conclusion of this makes me think that the 
scribes of the Monde, and of the unholy Tablet, were 
labouring under the mysterious effects of Jesuitical 
proselytism. 

Now for Dean Luitprand's biography (lib. 2, c. 13) 
of Theodora : Theodora Scortum impudens Romanse 
Civitatis non inviriliter monarchium obtinebat : qua3 
duas habuit natas Maroziam atque Theodoram, sibi 
non solum coequales, verum etiam Veneris exortivo 
promptiores, harum una Marozia ex Papa Sergio 
Johannem, qui post Johannis Bavennatis obitum 
Sanctse Romance Ecclesise dignitatem obtinuit, ne- 
fario genuit adulterio ; ex Alderberto autem Mar- 
chione Albericum qui nostro post tempore Romanse 
urbis principatum usurpavit. Theodora Meretrix 



V 



420 

impudentissima Veneris calore succensa, in hujus 
speciei decorem vehementer exarsit. Heec dum im- 
pudenter aguntur, Bononiensis Episcopns moritur, 
et Johannes iste loco ejus eligitur. Paulo post ante 
hujus diem consecrationis nominatus Archiepiscopus 
Eavennse diem obiit, locumque ejus Johannes Theo- 
dorae, priore Bononiensi Ecclesia deserta, ambitionis 
spiritu inflatus contra sanctorum Patrum instituta 
sibi usurpavit. Eomam quippe adveniens, mox 
Eavennatis Ecclesise ordinatur Episcopus. Modica 
vero temporis intercapedine Deo vocante, qui eum 
injuste ordinaverat Papa, defunctus est. Theodora 
autem Glycerii mens perversa, ne amasii ducentorum 
milliarium interpositione, quibus Eavenna seques- 
tratur a Eoma rarissimo concubitu potiretur Eaven- 
natis hunc Ecclesise Archiepiscopatum coegit dese- 
rere, Eomanumque, proh nefas Pontificium usurpare. 
[To the present Cardinal Governor of Eome, the 
modern mover of hell and earth, so fond of classical 
reading, — I especially dedicate this extract.] 

Prom this very dirty and ignominious stock we 
have had a long sequence of very Eminent Holy 
Fathers, the Pillars of the Church, the successors of 
Peter, the Yicars of Christ ; and I am disheartened, 
sick, and digusted, and feel almost inclined to cease 
my work, on account of the filthiness of the historical 
material that I have handy for the continuation of 
the unrolling of this putrid mummy. Those were 
the times in which the Popes were full masters of 
their situation, when they could kill and cure, make 
unlimited miracles, claim everything that did not 
belong to them, send to sleep Kings and Queens at 
their pleasure, and tell the Emperors that they had 
no business in Eome except to come to flatter the 
Pope's mistresses, or for any other object in the style 
of a pleasure-party. Therefore, I take leave of the 
whole tribe of their incestuous descendants, unwil- 
ling to believe that the elder Theodora, and her 
daughters, Marozia and young Theodora, slept with 



421 



so many persons because they were afraid of sleep- 
ing alone. I will now corroborate the substance of 
ih^ facts I have exposed here by the following quo- 
tation, which I take from Cardinal Baronius (anno 
900, art. 1, 2, 3), who is such an authority with all 
the Roman Catholic simpletons and other sanctimo- 
nious Mawworms. 

Edicat igitur et ipse nobis fidelibus quod faciendum, 
nisi ut ex ipso Servatoris praecepto ad montes 
fugiamus, a Babylone suaque turpitudine acturum 
discedamus ; Cum rursum ingenue agnoscat hos 
PontifLces, Proh pudor, proh dolor inquit, tot monstra 
visu horrenda fuisse intrusa in eamdem sedem Angelis 
reverendam, et quod, inquit, ex eis oborta sunt mala, 
consummatae tragedise ? Quibus tunc, ipsam sine 
macula, et sine ruga contigit aspergi sordibus puro- 
ribus infici, inquinari spurcitiis, ex hisce perpetua 
infamia denigrari? Baronius, to. 10, an. 908, art. 
5, 6, 7. Audivisti Lector temporis hujus deploratis- 
simum statum cum Theodora senior, nobile scortum, 
monarchiam obtineret in TJrbe ; Sed unde infami 
mulieri tanta dignitas, inquit, Erat ista nobilis 
Eomana fcemina, senatoria orta propagine, excellens 
pulchritudine, ingenio versatissima ex adulteri Sergii 
Pontificis potentia sibi peperit monarchiam — (take 
notice here of the succession, and also that the word 
Urbs means the Holy See or Pome, according to 
circumstances) — haec pessima fcemina, ea arte domi- 
nium est consecuta, possidens arcem, illudque in 
posteros propagare curavit, filias prostituens Pontifi- 
cibus, sedis Apostolicse invasoribus, et Tusciae Mar- 
chionibus, ex quibus tantarum invaluit meretricum 
imperium, ut pro arbitrio legitime creatos dimo- 
verent Pontifices, et violentos ac nefarios homines 
illis pulsis intruderent; et hunc porro miserum 
Ecclesise statum quam meretricum, inquit, arhitrio 
Deus permisit infamari dicamus cum Johanne mere- 
tricis magna Imperium per totum hoc seculum 
extendisse. What will the twice-crossed Bishop of 

o o 



422 



Angouleme, of the "good olden time " celebrity, say 
to this ? 

Though I intend to pass over the acts and deeds of 
the progenies of the Theodoras and Marozia, yet, 
before I come to the year 1000 of the Christian era, I 
deem it as necessary as it is important that I should 
notice the oath and deed of Pope Leo the Eighth 
to the Emperor Otho, in which he renounced for ever 
to him and his successors the right of nomination 
and of investiture of the Popes, Archbishops, and 
Bishops, and threatened, if any one dared to do or 
say to the contrary, to excommunicate him, &c. 
I must say that this affair was provoked by the Pope 
himself, who seemed to be honest enough, and who 
was hoisted in the place of Pope John, who was tried 
by a Synod at Eome, presided over by the Emperor, 
who had convoked it for that purpose, at the demand 
of the Bishops, Cardinals, and the Eoman people, 
who were unable to tolerate any longer the numerous 
execrable crimes of John the Eleventh, of the 
llarozian breed. 

Lambert SchaufFnaburgensis, anno 963, calls this 
a great Synod held in the Church of St Peter, in 
presence of the Emperor Otho the Eirst, and a great 
number of the highest Church dignitaries and the 
Eoman people. Eor amor brevitatis, I shall not 
relate what he wrote, nor what the Dean Luitprand 
(lib. 6, c. 7) said about this Synod ; suffice it to say 
that the Pope was regularly tried, and proved guilty 
on twenty different counts ; that he was duly 
condemned and dismissed, and that Leo was elected 
instanter, and confirmed in his place. Of this Pope, 
Leo the Eighth, I shall give here the oath that he 
took to the Emperor Otho the Great, or Otho the 
Eirst. Sigonius also reports this, and Gratianus, in 
Eascicul. Tempor., an. 964. 

Exemplo beati Hadriani Apostolicse sedis antistitis 
qui D. Carolo victoriosissimo Eegi Erancorum et 
Longobardorum Patriciatus dignitatem ac ordinem 



423 



Apostolic^ Sedis, et investituram Episcoporum 
concessit ; Ego Leo quoque servus Servorum Dei, 
Episcopus, cum toto Clero, ac populo Eomano con- 
stituimus ac connrmamus et corroboramus et per 
nostram Apostolicam authoritatem concedimus atque 
largimur D. Othoni Eegi Teutonicorum ej usque 
successoribus regni Italiae in perpetuum, facultatem 
eligendi successorem atque Summse Sedis Apostolicse 
Pontincem ordinandi ac per hoc Archiepiseopos seu 
Episcos, ut hii ab eo investituram accipiant, et con- 
secrationem unde debent exceptis iis, quos Imperator 
Pontificibus, et Archi-episcopis concessit, ut nemo- 
deinceps cujuscumque dignitatis vel religionis eli- 
gendi, vel Patricium vel Pontincem Summse Sedis 
Apostolicse, aut quemcumque Episcopum ordinandi 
habeat facultatem, absque consensu ipsius Im- 
peratoris, quod tamen fiat absque omni pecunia, et 
ut ipse sit Patricius et Eex. Quod si a Clero et 
populo quis eligatur Episcopus, nisi a supradicto 
Eege laudetur et investiatur, non consecretur. Si 
quis contra hanc Apostolicam autoritatem aliquid 
moliretur, hunc excommunicationi subjacere decre- 
vimus, et nisi eripuerit, irrevocabili exilio puniri 
vel ultimis suppliciis amci. Summa Canonis apud 
Gratianum: Electio Eomani Pontificis ad jus per- 
tinet Imperatoris. Testatur vero Theodoricus a 
Nyem, qui sub Johanne Yigesimo tertio, se diploma 
ipsum vidisse Elorentise, unde excerpta est, pro dig- 
nitatis Imperialis privilegio asservatum (ut et 
apud Krantium integra proponitur) cum hac clau- 
sula : Quod hoc Concilium sub poena excommuni- 
cationis universalis Eeclesise latae sententise servari 
debeat. The law enacted by Charlemagne to repress 
the libidinous dispositions of the Clergy having been 
revived, the people, following the Clergy's in- 
clinations, having become fully demoralized and 
corrupted, could not maintain themselves in the 
path of morality for a long time, and they broke 
again that pact of allegiance to the new Pope and 
Emperor ; and while the Imperial troops and the 



424 



Sovereign absented themselves from Home, a revo- 
lutionary tumult, headed by the discarded John, 
seized the supreme power, deposed Leo and all 
those whom he had ordained, abrogated all his and 
their acts, and converted Eome again in novum 
jpostrihuliim. It is gratifying to learn what followed, 
and I am much pleased to see how this infernal 
scamp of a Pope ended his nefarious career. Ine- 
briated by his successful amorous efforts, while he 
was sleeping with a married woman in a house out 
of Eome, the conjugal and revengeful knife struck 
him mortally, and he died within eight days of the 
wounds,— as stated by Sigebertus, anno 963 ; and 
Luitprand, lib. 6, c. 11, the Eascicul. Tempor. ; and 
others. Tandem vero quadam nocte, extra Eomam 
dum se cum cujusdam viri uxore oblectat, a Diabolo 
adeo percutitur, ut intra dierum octo spatium, eadem 
vulnere moriatur : Et hie exclamat Anthor, Eja 
Deus seterne quam dispares sunt illi prioribus. 
abyssus judiciorum Dei, quis investigabit ea. 

JSFow that I have disposed of this rascal, killed by 
the Devil, as the historian says, I claim the atten- 
tion of the reader to the act of renunciation of the 
investitures made by Leo the Eighth, whom we 
have seen elected by the people and Clergy, and con- 
firmed by Otho the Great. In that deed was reca- 
pitulated the oath that Adrian took to Charlemagne, 
which I have noticed in its proper place. I have 
named also the oath taken by Leo the Third. And 
it was established in those compacts between the 
Church and State, that they should go hand in hand 
in certain things, and that others, that is, what 
regarded the Sovereign dominion or Temporal power, 
should be entirely submitted to Caesar, as well as 
the Imperial rights of the Episcopal Investitures. 

As I have already said, the corrupted Eoman 
population, unfaithful to itself and unmindful of 
the oath taken to Otho, after John's death elected 
Benedict as Pope, against the Laws, and the orders 
of the Emperor ; who, displeased and enraged, sent 



425 



an army which surrounded Rome, took prisoner 
Benedict, tried him, degraded him, forced him to 
confess his crime, and finally expelled him from the 
Church and from Eome, and reinstated in the Papal 
Chair Leo the Eighth, who (as reported by Luit- 
prand, lib. 6, c. 11, and in the Fascicul. Tempor., 
anno 964, and also by Sigonius, de Regno Italise), 
renounced at that time — with a diplomate inperpetuo 
valituro in Imperatoris, posterorumque turn Impera- 
torum turn Regnum Italise, gratiam — all the Dona- 
tions given before to the Holy See by Carolus,. 
Pipinus, Aripertus, and Justinianus : seu illse instru- 
mento a J^otariis excepto constant, seu Imperial! 
diplomate, seu quo vis alio pacto cujns quasi tester 
adhibet Sacrorum Evaugeiiorum Codices, reliquias- 
complures, sanctam crucem, caligas pedum, vestem 
Domini inconsutibilem, et corpus beati Petri cum 
terribilibus Sacramentis a Papa predicto, et suis Car- 
dinalibus, per consensum et autoritatem totius populi 
Romani, tarn Clericorum quam Laicorum de omnibus 
ordinibus Romanis, ex unaquaque regione presen- 
tibus ac comfirmantibus. Quin et exprimilntur 
sigillatim in hac renunciatione omnes provincial 
Insulse Civitates, TJrbes, Castelia, quse in Imperatoris 
Ludovici Donatione recensentur nulla plane excep- 
tione, nulla etiam quae ibi nominatim non habeban- 
tur : Et hsec omnia habeatis, et possideatis, inquit, 
ad usus curias et militarium vestraruni, ad bellan- 
dum et expugnandum contra predictos Pagan os, et 
contra rebelles Romani Imperiis. Addito, si quis 
ejus efiectum impedire voluerit, eum preterquam 
quod ex Lege Julia Lsesse Majestatis posnam incur- 
reret, etiam Divi Petri iram experturum. Denique 
in fine post soiemne illud fiat fiat Disserte et nomi- 
natim subscribunt omnes Archiepiscopi, Episcopi, 
Cardinales, Presbyteri et Diaconi, preecipui quique 
Ecclesise Romanes Officiarii Consules etiam, excon- 
sultes Senatores et alii Patricii Romani, Principesque- 
Regionum quicumque huic Bullse sua autharitate 

o o 2 



426 



robur addere posse visi. A copy of this Bull was to be 
found in several of the old Libraries, as it was 
referred to by Theodoric de ISsyem, Pontifical Secre- 
tary, who found one entirely perfect. I should not 
like to lose time in making some reflections or obser- 
vations about this Bull, if there were not many 
important things to be remarked ; therefore, I will 
briefly state that in this Eull it was premised that 
the Donations by Ludovicus Pius were bona fide 
ones. I have already proved that the Donations were 
fictitious, and the Documents forged. Again, the 
Pope forgot to comprise in his renunciation the pre- 
tended Donation by Constantine. This also proves 
the falsity of that Donation, and of the pretended 
Donations of Charlemagne, Pipin, and Justinian ; 
and of the Islands, Provinces, Towns, Villages, 
Castles, &c. "Where are the Documents ? what were 
the names of the places, and when did the Popes 
possess them ? 

Have I not already plainly demonstrated that 
the Popes never had any temporality but what 
they 'have forcibly taken by usurpation, by spolia- 
tion, and by murder, as I have clearly shown, 
during the intervals of the various commotions 
that they themselves had prepared and provoked 
for the purpose of over-throwing the Temporal 
Government, and associating it with the Spiritual ? 
The Emperor Otho seems to have been naturally 
a well-disposed man, and in the plenitude of his 
Temporal sway he allowed the Pope, in his effu- 
sion of gratitude, to name everything that he 
intended to renounce, all that his predecessor 
usurped, either real or fictitious, just to fill la tasse 
de reconnaisence that he intended to offer to his 
benefactor. Now, Mr Me-Herode, and you, Mr 
Antonelli, what have you to say to this Bull or 
Pope's diploma in Perpetuo Valituro ? Can you wipe 
it out ? If I were writing a complete history of the 
Popes, I could note here, soon after this time, a 



427 



sequence of the usual high crimes of the succeeding 
Popes and Clergy ; but I am anxious to arrive at 
another extraordinary epoch, and therefore refer the 
reader to the Fasciculus Temporum for the rest, at 
anno 965 : IsteLeo statuit, quod nullusPapa fieret 
sine consensu Imperatoris propter malitiam Eoman- 
orum, &c. 

Leo the Eighth died in the year 966, and John 
the Fourteenth was elected by the people and the 
clergy. He being of austere and severe manners, the 
people revolted, and imprisoned him ; but the 
Emperor Otho, hearing of it, returned to Italy and 
liberated him. In this interval Pope Benedictus the 
Sixth was substituted for John. The Emperor Otho 
died anno 967, when his son was engaged in the 
wars against France and Germany. Eome was in a 
state of insurrection, headed by Cardinal Boniface, 
who, with the assistance of Cincius, a powerful and 
influential Eoman citizen, strangled Pope Benedict. 
After this, Boniface installed himself in the Pontifical 
chair, with the numerical title of Boniface the 
Seventh. At the same period, to annoy Boniface, 
the Tusculan Count, with his usual power and 
monetary influence, corrupted the comitia, and 
elected another Pope, with the name of Benedict the 
Seventh ; and the confusion in Eome was at its usual 
apex, so that Otho the Second was compelled to 
proceed to Eome to restore order ; which he did, and 
died soon after, being soon followed by Benedict the 
Seventh. Peter, Bishop of Pavia, was then elected 
Pope, and was called by Platina John the Fifteenth. 
As soon as he was installed in the Pontifical chair, 
the expelled Pope, Boniface the Seventh, reappeared ; 
and having corrupted many of the ofiicials and in- 
fluential people, he imprisoned John the Fifteenth. 
After eight months of imprisonment, John was either 
starved, or, as some assert, hung. Boniface had no 
opportunity of rejoicing at his triumph, as he also 
died suddenly a few days afterwards. 



428 



John the Seventeenth, according fo Platina, was 
elected Pope, and endeavoured directly to reconcile 
himself with the Emperor, inviting him to come to 
Home to be crowned. Otho the Third came to Italy 
when John the Seventeenth died. Otho arrived at 
Ravenna, and by his right elected the Archhishop 
Bruno as Pope, who was a relative of his, and took 
the name of Gregory the Fifth. He went to Rome, 
and was consecrated. Otho the Third and his wife 
Maria were also crowned in that year in Rome, 
anno 996. As soon as Otho had returned to Ger- 
many, Crescentius, with the people's assistance, 
expelled the Pope, on the pretext that he had not 
been elected by the people, and made himself a 
Consul Supremus, and elected by the concurrence of 
the people a Greek Bishop, who held the Bishopric 
of Piacenza ; he was a clever man, and a very mis- 
chievous one, Platina says : non minus perniciosum 
quam doc turn. Gregory the Fifth hastened to Ger- 
many to complain to his kinsman, Otho the Third ; 
who sent directly an army to Rome, to besiege 
Crescentius and John the Eighteenth, who withdrew 
into the Castle. John w T as taken prisoner, and had 
his eyes torn out ; and Gregory the Fifth was rein- 
stated on the Papal throne. Martinus and Platina 
tell us that Gregory made a law for the future to 
the effect that, Solis Germanis licere Principem 
deligere, qui Csesar et Romanorum Rex appellatus, 
turn demum Imperator et Augustus habere tur, si 
eum Romanus Pontifex conflrmasset. Baronius, 
anno 996, art. 71, in quit : eo redit, non creasse 
quidem ilium Electores Imperii, sed statuisse Im- 
peratores deinceps a Germanise Principibus eligendos 
fore. This may be a good law, but the Italians 
will invariably say that this was Cicero jpro domo sua, 
and nothing else, and that the Italians alone ought to 
be the principal depositary of the right and privilege 
of naming the Popes and Roman Emperors, as they 
have their expenses to pay, and their laws and 



429 



caprices to put up with. Therefore, the Germans 
have no right to make laws for the Italians ; and 
this is my opinion in contradistinction to the above. 
Shortly before this time, that is, in 991, the Carlo- 
vingian Prosapia became extinct in Prance, and 
Carolus Lotharingise, Dux Galliam Ingraditur jus 
suum armis disceptaturus : ac primum Arnulphi 
opera, Canonici Laudunensis, Lotharii Regis noblis, 
qui ultimi Ludovici pater ; urbem occupat, et Adal- 
beronem Episcopum in vinculis retinet, qui mox 
elapsus ad Eegem Ugonem se confert : Nec id sane 
strage, et direptione, ut ex Gerberti ad Othonem 
Imperatoren Epistola claret. (Gerberti Epist. ad 
Othon. et ad "Wilderodon. Episc.) Episcopum suum, 
inquit, dolo et fraude circumventum cum propria 
TJrbe Laudunensi captivavit, post multum cruorem 
humani sanguinis a se effusi, post praedas et incendia, 
&c. Yides etiam Synod. Ehemeus, c. 16. Eegnuni 
Eranciae ad Ugonem cognomine Capetum transfertur. 
The National Synod was called at Eheims, anno 
991 ; the Bishops had conspired against the new 
King, and with them many other persons of note. 
In this Synod Bishop Gerbertus played the great 
role of traitor, and accuser of others for the sake of 
obtaining the Archbishopric of Eheims. At this 
Synod, also, Arnulphus was regularly tried and 
solemnly deposed, and Gerbertus got the berth. 
Gerbert was a great and most intriguing humbug, 
than whom there is no better example than the Me- 
Herode of the present day. "We shall see this 
impudent Monsieur pass partout, and at last ascend 
the Stercorarian Chair, and dirtily commit himself, 
more prcedecessorum suorum, with all sorts of crimes, 
and particularly by Cabalistic, Hydromantic, and 
[Necromantic performances, in which he excelled all 
his contemporaries and predecessors, as we shall see 
by-and-bye. Gerbert was a man of precocious 
talents, and a great mathematician ; and it appears 



430 



that he was one of the tutors of the Emperor when 
he was quite young. This circumstance paved the 
way for his accession to the Pontificate. 

Sinodus Ebemensis, c. 1 et 2, anno 991, con- 
veniunt Ehemis, sub Ugone et Eoberto filio eele- 
briores Provinciorum Episcopi in hac Synodo 
recensiti, &c. Arnulphus Aurelianensis qui Syno- 
dum dirigebat in oratione sua* inquit, c. 27 and 28, 
Eos Eeverendissimi Patres Eomanam Ecclesiam 
propter beati Petri memoriam semper honorandum 
decernimus, nec decretis Eomanorum Pontificum 
obviare contendimus, salva tamen authoritate Nicseni 
Concilii, &c, hicque enumerat csedes, strages, vin- 
dictus, scelera flagitiaque patrata a Pontificibus, 
regnante Othone, et de Bonifacio Pontifice, inquit, 
Succedit Eomse in Pontificatu horrendum monstrum 
Bonifacius, cunctos mortales nequitia superans, etiam, 
prioris Pontificis sanguine cruentus, sed hie etiam 
fugatus atque in magna Synodo damnatus, &c. 

I have thought it important to name this Synod, 
as there were revelations in it which will illuminate 
the present public about the moral and political 
conduct of the high clergy of the olden time, and 
give likewise a master-touch with a black brush to 
the face of the monstrous Pope Boniface. Newgate 
and old Tyburn never saw or never had an equal 
or a more worthy customer than Boniface, nor did 
any other gallows ever have such a candidate ; and 
yet Pope Boniface occupied the so-called Peter's 
Chair, and styled himself the Vicar of Jesus Christ, 
and decreed ex cathedra, like all the other monstrous 
mockeries. "Without pursuing this subject any 
farther, I will now proceed with Gerbert, anno 998, 
v/hen he was not yet metamorphosed into Pope 
4 Silvester the Second. In writing to Wilderodoneni 

Episcop. Argentinensem, towards the end of his 
letter, he affected such nice Christian manners and 
principles that his own words are quite sufficient to 



431 



convict him as a great and infamous hypocrite, 
without taking into consideration what I have 
already said about him. 

Gerbert in Epist. ad Wilderodonem Epis. Argent.: 
Licuit ergo Episcopis Galliarum viventi Arnuipho, 
confesso et convicto, ut Ethnico et publicano dixisse 
anathema : licuit, inquam, sequi Evangelia, Apos- 
tolos, Prophetas, Sacra Concilia virorum Apostolorum 
decreta, ab his quatuor non discordantia, semper in 
usu habita, semper habenda, &c. Pressa jacet 
tyrannidis omnis Ecclesia Gallorum, atque non 
Gallis, sed ab illis a quibus sperabatur salus. Sed 
una salus hominis o Christe tu es. Ipse Roma, 
omnium Ecclesiarum hactenus habita mater, malis 
benedicere, bonis maledicere fertur, et quibus nec 
ave dicendum est, communicare, tuamque legem 
zelantes damnare, abutens ligandi et solvendi potes- 
tate a te accepta, &c. I do not know whether the 
rebel Archbishop Franzoni is living : I well remem- 
ber when he was regaled by a couple of Charivari, 
and then sfratato by the public of Turin, a3 a 
Church and State offender : that man should be a 
Cardinal now, he being a victim of Constitutional 
liberty, and an unsuccessful anti- christian Eather; 
though he is not talented as was Gerbert, yet he has 
got sufficient maliciousness and perversity, — but all 
this is not enough to entitle him to succeed to St 
Peter's Chair now-a-days. Euture Popes will be 
chosen from those who have not yet stained their 
Episcopal petticoat with immoral, uncivil, and anti- 
christian predilections. Tou will excuse me, if I 
drag you out again from your solitude, or from your 
splendid olscurity : it is merely to tell you that you 
will not be a Pope, even if you had a million of 
foreign bayonets to prop you up, because the Italian 
Nation will in future have the privilege of giving 
their Veto or their consent to the Servus Servorum 
before he — enuncietur Pontifex Maximus. 

Baronius (vol. 11, anno 1002, art. 6 and 31) sane 



432 

postquam in toto anteeedente volumine Pontifiees, 
quotquot sedem his 100 annis tenuerant monstra 
execrabilia prononciavit. In vol. 10, art. 8, anno 
912, he had already said: Quae tunc facies Eccle- 
sia Eom. quam fcedissima cum Bomse dominaruntur 
potentissim9B meretrices ? Quarum arbitrio mutaren- 
tur sedes, darentur Episcopi, &c. The Millennium 
begins, the witches prepare the cauldron, though 
Macbeth is absent, and has nothing to do in the 
affair. Pope Silvester beats Shakespeare in witch- 
Fasciculus craft. Tempus effeminatum incipit circa annos 
io^ or,an ' Domini 1000 in quo fides Christiana valde ccepit 
deficere et deciinare a pristina virilitate, ut apparet 
in Prophetia sanctse Hildegardis, &c. auguriis et 
malenciis intendebant, et sacerdos erat sicut populus. 
The effeminate time began about the year 1000, 
and the Christian faith began to disappear and lose 
its former energy, as is evident from the prophecy 
of St Hildegarde, &c. "Witchcraft and criminal 
sorceries w T ere the occupations of the Ecclesiastics, 
and also of the educated people. At that time of 
corruption there were no other steps to ascend to 
the Pontificate, the best Necromancer was sure of 
success ; and in fact, Gerbertus, a clever Mathema- 
tician and Necromancer, became Pope, and called 
himself Silvester the Second. A great many Eccle- 
siastical writers wrote against the iniquities of this 
Pope, and relate some of his tricks. Creditum vero 
hoc abi iis, quibus turn ad secretiora accessus, tarn 
constanter, ut quicumque hoc seculo ad sedem Eoma- 
num adspirabant, hanc artem professi, hac sibi viam 
ad earn stravisse existimentur. Puderet referre, ni 
Martinus Polonus, in Chron. Yincentius Bekovacen- 
sis, Galfridius, in Supple. Sigeberti, Malmesbu- 
riensis, Antonius Archiepiscopus, in tit. 16, part 2, 
sect. 18, Henricus Erfordiensis, in Chron., Carthu- 
sianus, Platina in Silvestro : Stella alii verbis prae- 
irent, plerique absolute, hanc Gerbertum artem ex 
libro hausisse, authores sunt, quern Hispali in 



433 



Hispania suffuratus erat, Diabolo inde fidem et homi- 
num praestitisse, caput aeneum per quod Daemon 
consultus responderet in conclavi habuisse, quem 
cum. quamdiu regnaturus esset, consuleret, non 
prius moriturum asseverasse, quam in Hierusa- 
leni Missam celebraret; quae profectio cum ab 
ejus mente plurimum abesset, longaevarn sibi 
vitam hand dubie spondebat. At febre correptum 
Bomae in Ecclesia sanctas Crucis, cui nomen Hie- 
rusalem, dum Missam in Quadragesima celebrat 
ex strepitu daemonum mortem adesse sentisse, 
et oraculi demum ambiguitatem animadvertisse, 
indeqae tanti peccati gravitate commotum, quibus- 
dam Cardinalibus rem aperuisse, satisfaction! sque loco 
mandasse, ut post mortem, truncum corporis mi laceri 
et disjecti, quemadmodum merebatur, bigae superim- 
ponereat, eoque loci sepelirent, quo sponte ab equis 
vectum foret ; Equos igitur ipsos sponte ad Lateranen- 
semEasilicam substitisse, eoque lociCardinalium inan- 
datu sepultum fuisse. Ej us porro sepulchrum coilisione 
ossium, et sudore emisso, ab eo tempore dicitur semper 
Pontificam mortem praedixisse. The above narrated 
fact has been doubted by a few writers, and par- 
ticularly by Baronius, but the Monachus Malmels- 
buriensis tanquam extra omnem controversiam 
positam proponit, et omnes ejus circumstantias 
describit, quin et penes se veterum librum esse quo 
Pontificum nomina continentur : qui de Sylvestro — 
Vitam turpiter finivisse dicit — Et Benno Cardinalis 
(in vita Hildebrandi) Gerbertus paulo post completum 
millenarium ascendens de abisso permissionis divinse, 
quatuor annis sedit, mutato nomine dictus Sylvester 
Secundus, et per quae multos decepit per eadem 
Daemonum responsa deceptus morte improvisa Dei 
judicio est interceptus. Et mox historiam illam 
subjungit. Addit Benno discipulos habuisse Theo- 
phy lac turn, et Laurentium, qui Daemooibus sacrifi- 
cabant, interque eos et plures alios, post ipsius 
obitum, certatum liter iisdem artibus Papatum 

p p 



434 



obtineret, quin et successores longo post tempore, 
Magiam idcirco professos, quod deinceps accuratius 
exponetur. Here is a case in which I think I ought 
to be allowed to ask, who was the confederate who 
used to answer to his questions through the brass head 
that Sylvester had with him in conclave ? In this 
case, as related, the oracular answer was really pro- 
phetic, and Sylvester ended almost like the original 
Mazeppa. Instead of translating the above long 
quotation, I prefer to be inquisitive, and I ask 
again what were the Cardinals doing in conclave, 
while their chief consulted the brass head ? Were 
they themselves putting on asses' heads to form a 
Senate or a quorum, to respond to his nod, or to dissent 
to his proposals ; or had they agreed to continue to 
deceive themselves, while they allowed their chief 
to perpetrate such devilish practices, and such gigantic 
swindles upon the credulous population, defying God 
and humanity in everything, sacred and profane ? 
By the evidence of Cardinal Benno, we see that 
Theophylactus and Lawrence were Sylvester's disci- 
ples ; and both of these Necromancers succeeded to 
the Pontificate, one after the other; and many more of 
these affiliated rogues and vagabonds ruled the world 
according to their dishonest caprices and libidinous 
practices, until God was nauseated and disgusted 
with them. . The Ecclesiastical history of that period 
proves how rare it was to find an honest man amongst 
the Ecclesiastics ; that the virtuous and conscien- 
tiously pious Ecclesiastics were rarissimi; and this is 
really the most charitable conclusion that any one 
can come to. Henry, Bishop of Erford, and particu- 
larly the Monk of Malmesbury (both Englishmen and 
honest Ecclesiastical writers), nearly contemporaries, 
condemned those practices, and deserve honourable 
mention, with other historians to whom I am happy 
to pay tribute of respect and veneration. 

I will not name many other Popes, but I cannot 
pass in silence what Cardinal Benno wrote of that 



435 



period, that — Gerardum Brazutum, Benedict! noni 
familiarem, subdola familiaritate sex Bomanos Pon- 
tifices, intra spatium tredecim annorum veneno suffo- 
casse, quorum nomina hsec sunt — Clemens, Damasius, 
Victor, Leo, Stephanus veneno, Benedictus decimus, 
per vim et fraud em sublati. Thisman, Gerard Brazutus, 
must have had a great many intrigues with influen- 
tial persons, to have been able to do away with six 
Popes in thirteen years. I was going to remark 
something else, but for the present it is better to 
leave it in the inkstand, — rt est ce pas vrais, Mr 
Antonelli ? Therefore, I shall not say anything 
about those six victims, as they had not much time 
to do great damage to the Christian cause, nor any 
good, on account of the corruptions of their times. 
I shall come to Hildebrand, as I have many things 
to say about him, and this is his proper chronological 
place, where I shall frame him with this biographical 
item by Cardinal Benno : " Erat Hildebrandus ille 
natione Hetruscus, professione Cluniacensis Mo- 
nachus malis artibus, Benno Cardinalis et Archi- 
presbyter Bomanus testatur, earn dignitatem adeptus. 
Anno 1066, Hildebrandus, Inconsulto Imperatore, 
Pontificatum adeptus. 

As soon as the Emperor Henry heard of it, he was 
much displeased, and said that he never would con- 
sent to the consecration of Hildebrand, unless his 
election was conducted according to the established 
rules ; and after that, that the election should be 
investigated and examined by his Imperial delegates, 
and according to their reports he would give them 
his orders. Hildebrand was not frightened at this 
message, and called a Synod at the Lateran, and he 
actually had the impudence to introduce at that 
Synod the Countess Mathilde. Dignum vero notatu, 
huic Synodo interfuisse Comitissam Mathildam 
fceminam, quod Historian testatur, non minus impu- 
dicitia, quam superbia infamem. This is the first 
character to the Great Countess Mathilde; others 



436 



called her tlie Great Marchioness Mathilde, on account 
of being the Sovereign of the Marcha of Ancona, or 
the Marquisate of Ancona and other States. This 
Mathilde, according to histoiy, was then a powerful, 
rich, intriguing, impudent harlot, who played a great 
role in the Italian politico-religious commotions, and 
who was the concubine of the Anointed Hildebrand, 
after she had run away from her husband, as we shall 
see by and by. 

I was anxious to arrive at this historically tumul- 
tuous epoch, and to pass over unnoticed many other 
Popes and Ecclesiastical dignitaries, for various reasons. 
The first of these reasons is the upsetting and prov- 
ing invalid and null the Donations by the Countess 
Mathilde of her States to the Holy See, or rather to 
her paramour Hildebrand, alias Gregory the Seventh. 
I could state other causes, but, for the sake of 
brevity, I will pass them in silence for the present 
moment, as I may have occasion to speak of them as 
I proceed with my narrative. 

Hildebrand called a Synod in the Lateran, and, 
with his organised Ecclesiastical band — not the brass 
band of Irish notoriety, but an old black-leaden 
audaciously impudent band, who were determined, 
at the risk of breaking their necks, per vetitum nefas, 
to run precipitously — and they succeeded in esta- 
blishing in that Synod these two points — "That it 
was not permitted to the Clergy to be married/ ' and 
"that the Ecclesiastics should not receive the Investi- 
tures from the Laity." This was passed in the year 
1074 — non liceat Clerico uxorem ducere, nec per 
laicos Ecclesise investitutam accipere sub anathenatis 
poena. In the next year Hildebrand, at the Easter 
festivals, permitted only Luitprand, a Priest of St 
Paul, and another Ecclesiastic named Erlembald, to 
have some of the Sacred oil; which gave great 
offence to the people, who tumultuated, and with- 
drew from Borne. They, however, soon returned 
(anno 1075), and murdered the two favourite 



437 



Ecclesiastics of Hildebrand, and many orgies were 
committed by the discontented people and Clergy. 
In the mean time the Emperor Henry sent to Italy 
Theobald Castilioni, whom he had named Bishop, 
and was well received by the Milanese population. 
Gregory, to act the counterpart to the Emperor, 
would not permit his consecration, and sent to 
Germany various emissaries and letters playing upon 
the credulity and ignorance of those populations, 
who actually believed that it was a sin to attend a 
mass which was celebrated by a married clergyman, 
and actually caused commotions in various towns, 
when the people took the consecrated host from the- 
altars, and broke them and trampled them under foot, 
and began to reason about it ; and some began to* 
persuade themselves that the real presence could not 
be in a host at the will of a priest. See Aventinus, 
who noticed this affair, and stated that a number of 
new Prophets started up on that occasion, and besides 
many other matters named in this quotation. 
Aventinus in quit, hinc vero occasione arrepta, multi 
falsi Prophetse nebulas ofTendunt, fabulis, miraculis 
exempla vocant a veritate plebem Christi avertunt, 
sacras literas interpretando suo negotio servire 
cogunt, et porro paucissimis Yeneri bellum indicen- 
tibus, quibusdam castitatem jactantise quaestus ergo 
simulantibus, maxima pars sub honesto castimonise 
nomina stupra, incestus, adulteria passim et impure 
committebant. 

Take notice that from these schisms originated the 
first symptoms of the Church Eeformation and 
Protestantism. Gregory was a highly intelligent, 
active, and strongly corrupted man, who carried 
Pelion and Ossa into Italy and Germany, and divided 
the Church from the State with a great schisma. 
Synods upon Synods were held by both parties 
against each other ; the princes and people of Saxony, 
having some griefs against the Emperor, took this 
opportunity to coalesce with Hildebrand, and so did 

p p 2 



438 



the Norman Dukes of Calabria and of Apulia, seeing 
that the rich Countess Mathilde was disposing of 
her property to Gregory for the sake of supporting 
him in the war against the Empire. This was a 
good thought on her part, to ensure to herself her 
own States, for fear of losing them in the wars in 
which she embarked with Hiidebrand against the 
Emperor Henry. Diplomatically speaking, the 
transfer or cession of these States was made to the 
Holy See ; but the Holy See retained them only as 
long as Mathilde lived in concubinage with Hiide- 
brand. After his death she married one of the sons 
of the Marquis of Este, and enjoyed her property 
again, and after her own death her States devolved 
to the Empire ; and we shall see that the various 
Emperors possessed them, and disposed of them to 
ther persons as they liked. Quare, inquit Leo 
Ostiensis (in lib. 3, c. 48), Mathilda Comitissa Henrici 
Imperatoris exercitum timens, Liguriam et Tiguriam, 
et Tusciam provincias Gregorio Papa et Sanctse Komse 
Ecclesise devotissime obtulit. Unde in primis causa 
seminandi inter Pontificem et Imperatorem oclii 
initium fuit. Quapropter Pontifex opportunitatem 
n actus, eundem Imperatorem quod sibi jura usurparet 
Ecclesise communione privavit. 

The Monk of Malmesbury, speaking of this 
Gregory, in his work (de Gestis Begum Anglorum, 
lib. 3), said that Gregory did most openly what the 
other Popes always attempted to do clandestinely, 
that is, to excommunicate those elected* Ecclesiastics 
. who had received the investitures with the ring and 
Pastoral from secular hands : hie, inquit, quod 
alii musitaverunt palam extulit, excommunicans 
electos, qui investitura Ecclesiarum de manu laici 
per annulum et baculum acciperent. 

Clerus Leodiensis, in Apologia in Epistola, anno 
1106, addit, prsecepisse Mathildi Marchionissse in 
remissionem peccatorum suorum, ut bellarat Hen- 
ricum Imperatorem. This was a good excuse to tell 



439 



the ignorant people, that the lEarchioness Mathilie 
gave her property to the Church for the remission of 
her sins. It would have been much better had the 
real truth been told — that she gave her property to 
Gregory, in order that he might make war against 
the Emperor. 

Aventinus (lib. 5, Annal. Eojor.) says that the 
Emperor sent messengers to Home, and that they 
were treated in this infamous manner, &c. : Aven- 
tinus inquit, nuncios ille Csesareos objecta crimina 
a Saxonibus confutaturos, conatibusque ejus obsti- 
turos in vincula conjicit, frigore fame, siti excruciat, 
per urbem circumductos Eomapellit, eoquod, inquit, 
ipsemet venire debuerat. 

Lambert Schaffnaburgensis (in de Eeb. Germa.) 
also says that the Emperor, hearing of this insult, 
lost patience, and called a great Council at Worms, 
to which concurred many Italian, Erench, and Ger- 
man Bishops, and from Eome Cardinal Hugo Blancus, 
who had with him letters of many of the optimates 
of Eome, secular and ecclesiastics, who accused 
Hildebrand of ambition, perjury, avarice, and other 
crimes, and that they demanded another pastor. 
The Saxon Bishops were excluded from that 
Council. Itaque exausta patientia Henricus Wor- 
matise conventum indicit cui intersunt ex Italia 
plerique Episcopi ex Gallia, &c, quibus Hilde- 
brandum accusabant ambitus et perjurii, eundemque 
pleraque avare, superbe facere conqueruntur, hocque 
rejecto aliumi pastorem postulant. 

By that Council, after mature deliberation, sentence 
was pronounced against. Hildebrand, who called 
himself Gregory ; first, for having, without the 
consent of the Eoman Emperor, and against the 
Imperial authority, &c. (see this sentence in the 
original words of Sigonius, lib. 9) : Ibi re deliberata Author yitae 
saententia in Hildebrandum pronunciatur. — Hilde- HennciIV - 
brandus qui se Gregorium nuncupat, primus sine con- 
sensu nostro adversus Imperatoris Eomani, rerum 



440 

Domini a Deo constitute, voluntatem contra moreni 
majorum, contra leges, contra auspicia Pontificatum 
Maximum quern primum ambivitetjudicioconvictus, 
perpetuo objuravit, invasit ; Monachus desertor est, 
novis dogmatibus sacrosanctam philosophiam adul- 
terat, Divinas literas falso interpretando suss causae 
servire cogit, concordiam Collegii scindit, sacra, 
profana divina humana commiscet utrumque juxta 
polluit. Diabolicis, hoc est, acerbissimorum hostium, 
spurcissimis criminationibus iniquorum maledictis 
aurem commodat et credit — Testis, judex, accusator, 
inimicus idem est. Maritos ab uxoribus separat, 
scorta3 judicis conjugibus, stupra, incestus, adulteria, 
casto prasfert connubio, populares adversus Sacer- 
dotes, valgus adversum Episcopos concitat. JN"eminem 
rite initiatum esse docet, nisi qui ab eo sacerdotium 
emendicaverit, atque ab ejus aurifugis mercatus 
fuerit : vili plebeculae gratificari studet vulgi imperiti 
auram captat, simulata religione decipit, defraudat 
circumvenit in Senatulo muliercularum de sacra- 
tissimis religionis misteriis pertractat, supremi 
numinis legem, qua se idem quoque ligavit, solvit, 
utrumque et Imperium et Pontificatum, sicuti Decii 
et falsorum Deorum cultores factitare consueverant, 
usurpat, &c. The translation of this I leavetoyou, 
Mr Cullen. 

Divina3 majestati refragatur Christianissimo Prin- 
cipi divinitus constituto, et a Deo inaugurato resistit, 
versutus, fallax, obscurus, callidus imperium orbis, 
titulo Chris ti, sub ovina pelle ambit/ Hasce ob 
causas sanctissimus Imperator, Pontifices, Senatus, 
populusque Christianus ilium Hildebrandum abdi- 
candum, sibi eundem non placere, neque oves lupo 
committendas censent. Do you hear, Messrs les 
Eveques Pampheletistes rebelles aux lois et aux 
Souverains qui vous supportaint ? la conclusion de 
cette sentence vous vous regarde particulierement, et 
je la raccomande a la consideration des actuels 
Ministres de Interieurs de Prance et d^talie. 



441 



After this, the Synod of Worms wrote to Hilde- 
brand, sending him a copy of the sentence, and 
intimating to him that he must abdicate the Roman 
Chair, retire into private life, and resign himself 
to divine wrath. The Synod of Pavia confirmed 
the sentence passed by that of Worms, and it was 
countersigned by the oath, signature, and seal of 
every Bishop and the other dignitaries present. 
Therefore, Hildebrand had no excuse of any worth, 
with which to oppose the general cry for his expul- 
sion from the Church ; nor could he plead ignorance 
of this, as at the moment he received his sentence, 
the Roman people and the whole of the Italian and 
other clergy also received notice of these Synods, 
and of the condemnation and destitution of Hilde- 
brand. As soon as Gregory heard of this new 
Ecclesiastical tune, he doubled his energy, and 
became excessively bold ; he pressed Mathilde to 
give him a larger sum of money to distribute to the 
people ; which she did, and doubled the stipend to 
his soldiers, and flattered the Roman population 
with promises, even of freedom (as if such a con- 
cession could have been possible from a priestly 
ruler). This was a blasphemy, but never mind ; it 
was a new one, and suited to the occasion. 

He wrote again, and sent messages to his friends, 
who were the enemies of Henry, and there were 
many among his German relatives and vassals in 
expectation of becoming Emperors themselves. 
Eoremost amongst these was Rodolphus Dux Sueviae, 
Imperatoris Sororius, imperii spe lactatus, Bertholdus 
Zaringiae Dux ipsius gener, Welfo Dux Bavarise, 
TJgo Alsatiae Dux, Maguntinus, Metemsis et Wor- 
maciensis Episcopi, nec non aliquot Abbates, seu 
anathematis terrore percussi ; or rather, for the hope 
and expectation of a better berth, they joined 
Hildebrand, and betrayed their anterior and better 
friend, rebelling against his Imperial authority, 
and carrying great sedition, fire, and death 



442 

into every town and German State to such a pitch 
that Henry began to feel himself in danger of losing 
his crown. While he was marching with his troops 
in Italy, having started from Spira and arrived in 
Lombardy, the Pope, feeling rather uncomfortable 
at the approach of the Imperial army, like a clever 
diplomatist, invented a treacherous stratagem — pro- 
bably prompted to him by his night-and-day com- 
panion, the Countess Mathilde, who never quitted 
him a single hour, — or by some other of his confede- 
rates (the Abbot of Clunny, and the Marquis Azzo of 
Este) ; they devised that Gregory should write a mild 
letter to the Emperor, in which he should pretend 
that what he had done he did for the advantage of 
the Empire, and that he was willing to prove it, if 
the Emperor had only been better disposed towards 
him ; protesting in advance that if the Emperor 
would bury the past in oblivion, he would again re- 
ceive him into Church Communion. Henry, sen- 
sible of the false position in which he was placed, on 
account of the pressure of so many enemies, and the 
danger of losing the throne, listened to the proposal 
of the Pope's letter, and, accordingly, fell into the 
trap. The Emperor and the Pope approached each 
other prope Conusium ; the Abbot of Clunny and the 
Marquis of Este, in the interest of the Pope, nego- 
tiated, first, that he should withdraw the excommu- 
nication, and that the Emperor should regain the good 
graces of the Pope ; who answered them that if the 
Author in Emperor — Si ex animi poenitet sententia, coranam, 
Vita Hennci ^ re }^ ua omn i a re gni insignia in argumentum verse 
poenitentiae tradat, et se post tantam contumaciam 
regio nomine et honore posthac indignum profitea- 
tur. And they showed to the Pope, after a long 
discussion, that that condition was really too hard. 
The Pope then said, " Let him approach, and the 
penalty which he brought upon himself in detracting 
the honour of the Apostolic See, let him expiate by 
revoking his decrees.'* ' At illi duram hanc esse sen- 



443 



tentiam multis verbis ostendunt. Prope, inquit, 
aecedat et culpam, quani imperium detrectando ad- 
versus Apostolicam sedem contraxerit, Decretis ejus 
obtemperando expurget. Henry, poor fool, consented 
to do as he was told by the friends of the Pope, and, 
of course, unescorted, like a dupe, was taken in be- 
tween a walled place all alone, having left outside 
all the followers of his suite. There he was com- 
pelled to cast away his Eoyal garments, and without 
shoes, in spite of the fearful winter, without break- 
fast and without dinner, in that condition he waited the 
answer of the Pope until the hours of vesper (evening). 

This cold treatment was nothing ; listen to the 
Malmelsburiens. account, who says that, to add to 
that insult, he was compelled to hold in his hands 
the broom and scissors, thereby modestly showing 
himself ready to be broomed or well beaten, and 
have his hair cropped. After this, I do not hesitate 
to believe that the old Erench song, which stated 
that the good Hoy d'Agobert mis ses coulottes a 
Venver, might have been written to perpetuate a 
foolish historical fact, as we have a case in point 
here, beating le Roy d' Agobert, in the person of the 
Emperor in his shirt, with the rod and scissors in 
hand, waiting for the barbarous executioner. (i O 
tempora, mores ! " you should cry out, Mr Anto- 
nelli. What a pity that you cannot get such a cus- 
tomer, now that you are so much in want of a victim ? 
What a pity, indeed ; the situation of the drama is 
nearly the same ; that old, so much trodden Italian 
soil is still the same, still beautiful, still dear ; but 
the population now sing other songs, the warrior 
songs, and instead of hearing the bells ringing for 
the mass, they hear the drum, the musket shooting, 
the cannon roaring ; they run, they fly to the camp, 
and to the streets, to exterminate the execrated 
stranger, who pollutes the soil and devours its pro- 
duce, and then leave you, Mr Antonelli, and your 



444 



abominable sect, to sing the song of the Count in 
' La Sonarnbula/ 

" Cari luoghi io vi trovai 
Ma quei di non trovo piu." 

Miser igitur Henricus proprius, ut jussus erat, 
accedit, atque intra secundum murorum ambit um 
receptus, omni comitatu extra relicto, Eegium cultum 
abjicit, ac sine calceis sseviente hyeme, jejunus usque 
ad vesperam responsum Gregorii expectat. Addit 
Malmelsburiensis, nudis pedibus forfices et scopas 
in manu habuisse, aut se attunderi et flagellar! 
paratum ostenderet. Yerum ad vesperam usque in 
secundo illo ambitu (triplex enim urbi erat) respon- 
sum frustra expectantem reliquit ; Redit secundo et 
tertio, idemque experitur : Quarto demum, partim 
constantiam homini admirans, partim asperahominum 
ad versus se convitia veritus, eum in conspectum 
admittit. Turn vero res ita convenit : Henricus 
anathemate solveretur ac se die et loco, quern Gre- 
gorius constitueret, in communi Germanorum Prin- 
cipum conventu in judicio sisteret et criminibus, 
qua3 objiciebantur, questionem exercente Pontifice, 
responderet atque extremo ejus judicio staret: 
Interea omnia Regies dignitatis ornamentadeponeret, 
ac do rebus publicis nihil pro suo j ure statueret ; 
quorum consilio hactenus usus erat, Bamburgensem 
Episcopum Ulricum de Cosheim et eseteros a sua 
familiaritate in perpetuum depelleret, et qui Sacra- 
rnentum ei dixissent ejus religione omnes exsolveret. 
Quod cum per omnia sacra jurasset, Gregorius 
anathemate solutum pronuntiat : JSTec Henricus 
quidem, quae hominis atrocitas, parum se consecutum 
arbitrabatur. Yerum, ut hunc principem poedibus 
conculcavit, ex ejus humilitate eo superbior, fide 
infidelior factus, ad confederates suos in Germaniam, 
Saxones praesortim Legatos expedit, Bernardum 
Cardinalera Eomanum, et Abbatem quondam 



445 



Massiliensem : quod cum Henrico pepigerat non esse 
quod attenderent, nam licet reconciliatus sit Curiae 
coelesti, non tamen regno, unde auspicato Eomse 
destitutus, restitutum esse. Itaque cum Legatis 
socii conjuncti, Eorchamii illico ad mensem Martmm, 
anni 1077, conveniunt, communique consilio Eo- 
dolphum Suevise et Burgundie Ducem. Henrici 
sororium Imperatorem eligunt, hac tamen lege, ut 
comitia Pontificalia abjuret, clientelas Episcoporum 
abdicet, neve velut hereditario jure filios suos succes- 
sores declaret. Id perpetuo animo fixum, cui non 
multo post, in confirmationis signum coronam Im- 
perialem hac inscriptione mittet. 

Petra dedit Petro, Petrus Diadema Eodulpho. 
When Gregory found his adversary was so dull- 
pated, he continued his arrogant, disgusting, and 
insulting manner towards him, and he bore all sorts 
of contumelious indignities for three consecutive 
days, until the Pope himself, disgusted at the 
Imperial humility, to close this lamentable scene, 
received him on his knees, and while prostrated the 
Pope put his foot upon his neck, pronouncing the 
verse : Super aspidem et basilicum ambulabo, &c. 
He then dismissed him from his presence, spoliated 
him of his honour, dignities, and Empire, leaving 
him merely with his shirt on. After this, with the 
intrigues of the Pope's German confederates and his 
own assistance, they elected to the Empire Eudolph, 
the Dux Sueviae, and of Burgundiee. I feel so 
disgusted with these proceedings, that I have not 
the patience to finish translating the above quota- 
tions. Therefore, I continue the history. At last 
Henry was so insulted, so vilified, and degraded, 
that he rallied his manly spirit, pressed by his friends 
and relatives, who felt more offended than himself ; 
and, reconciling himself with some of those 
German Princes who had deserted him, he collected 
his army and went furiously against Eudolph, and 
defeated him in a fierce battle, where many of his 



446 



adversaries found a well-deserved death. Gregory 
was exasperated, but did not lose his hopes when he 
heard of the defeat of his protege. However, the 
table was turning against his expectations, and a 
great Synod, which was attended by most of the 
European Bishops, was held at Brixia. ( Aventinus, 
anno 1080.) Here Hildebrand was accused of ambi- 
tion, heresy, magics, anti-christian principles, &c, 
and was condemned and deposed. See also Sigonius, 
who reports the decree, and adds that Gregory 
was manifestly a necromancer, inbued with 
demoniacal spirit. Rudolph, pressed by Gregory, 
sought another battle, and lost his life by it. 

At that Synod of Brescia, the Emperor Henry 
elected as Pope, Ghilbert of Corregio, Bishop of 
Eavenna, who took the name of Clement the Third. 
Henry then turned his troops towards Eome, in the 
winter of the year 1081. In the spring of the fol- 
lowing year he besieged Eome, and took it in the 
year 1083, he being one of the first to enter the 
city. Guilielmus Malmelsburiensis remarked that 
Godefroy de Bouillon was the first to enter Eome by 
means of a ladder, and that Gregory and the Nor- 
man Duke escaped by the Elaminian Gate, &c. At 
last Gregory died in 1085, in the month of May (a 
pretty flower indeed to die in May). I shall not 
write you an epitaph, though I am ready to 
transcribe what many of your contemporaries wrote 
about you, and your Countess and other Confederates, 
and to prove also to the present public how you 
came by the Donations of the States of the Countess 
Mathilde. 

I have already stated the facts myself, but as there 
are several historians who unmistakably and plainly 
described you and her, and showed what transactions 
you had with her, — -how you and her made one by 
your intimate connection ; how she ruled Eome 
when you usurped it, when she attended the con- 
sistories and councils of Cardinals and Bishops, whom 



447 



she decreed and ordered, and how foolish you looked 
towards those who knew everything that passed at 
the Yatiean ; how discontented were the few really 
Christian Prelates, who saw the mismanagement, 
and the perversion of Christianity, — when I have 
shown historically how her things belonged to you, 
and yours to her, it will be plainly conclusive and 
fair enough to believe also, that she gave to you her 
estates because she could not carry them with her 
death into her tomb. Fortunately, she survived you, 
and continued the administration of her States ; and, 
besides that, the succeeding Emperors claimed, 
obtained, and ruled those States without opposition, 
giving parts of them to several Imperial Vicars to 
be administered, retaining part of them exclusively 
for themselves, connecting them with the Empire, 
while those portions bestowed upon the Yicars were 
given as Imperial Feuds. The succeeding Popes, 
with a great deal of trouble now and then, had from 
other Emperors the nominal investitures, the gifts 
of pomp and of ostentatious show, as was customary 
at those times, as a mark of respect to the head of 
Christianity, of various towns, and occasionally even 
of provinces that had belonged to Mathilde. Those 
Donations, as I have shown in other chapters, never 
conferred the Temporal or Imperial Dominion, on 
account of the usual clause, Salvo tamen Jure Imperii 
nostro poster or umqae nostrorum. If we consider in 
what then consisted the Imperial Donations to the 
various Popes, we shall see that they conveyed to 
the Pope the power of taking tithes upon the lands 
of the Churches or monasteries of such towns as 
were named in the Donations ; whilst, as we find by 
public records and documents that, though the Pope's 
officers were taking tithes in one or the other town, 
the Imperial Vicar's officers used also to take their 
tithes, and even inferior Princes had their officers to 
levy the tithes on their States for the sake of con- 
tributing to the maintenance of the Empire, if 



448 



such states, towns, or provinces, were named in the 
Donations. As I shall speak of those Donations more 
demonstratively in another chapter, for the present 
I have said enough, and so return to my dear 
Gregorio, to tell him it is true that while he upset 
the Imperial Power he enjoyed the useful as well 
the Imperial and Spiritual Power ; but when peace 
was re-established the Popes were always put into a 
corner, and left to glory in the contemplation of the 
Spiritual Power, or to think of new cabals for the 
overthrow of the Temporal Power, whilst the Em- 
perors and their Vicars were feasting on the useful 
and Temporal Dominion. 

Now for some contemporary historians who have 
furnished posterity with the real truth of the 
partly related facts, whilst I add to it, with their 
assistance, other important facts to be known. 
Baronius was extraordinarily partial to Gregory, 
and would have given anything to be able to clean 
the face and garments of Gregory the Seventh ; he 
would make him a Saint in every way ; but, un- 
fortunately, he lived in the seventeenth century, 
and Guttenberg and Faust, and the co-Burghers of 
Nuremberg, and Jenson, Bernard of Cologne, Zainer 
of Eutlingen, Franck de Heilborn, and Nicholas 
of Erankford, and all the early Venetian, Parisian, 
Swiss, Boman, and other printers, had already, in 
the last quarter of the fifteenth century, printed a 
great number of the Ecclesiastic annals, and many 
of those religious historical legends of the Fathers of 
the Church, and the Councils, and the various dia- 
tribes of the ancient Clergy, who, more or less, told 
the tales as they were at their times. All these 
works are in antagonism to Baronius and others of 
his class, and give us a full insight into the state of 
society the writers of them were living in, telling 
good and bad, in expectation of reforming the human 
family. 

Baronius (an. 1073, art. 16) says: Hildebrandus 



449 



Soanensis e Tuscise civitate, natus humili loco, pa- 
rente fabro, &c. This can pass, and it is reasonable 
and unobjectionable that he was the son of a smith. 
Certainly, it was not necessary that he should have 
been born of parents in a higher sphere of society, 
for even noblemen now-a-days are not all talented 
men, although I have nothing in particular to say 
against them, as I have known a great number to 
be not only talented, but as liberal-minded as any 
other person could be in every respect, and I have 
admired most of them. In the year 1085, art. 14, 
Baronius said of Gregory that, Yestimenta silicet 
Gregorii post ipsius mortem miracula edidisse, sicuti 
Pauli semecinctia : ej usque sudaria ad pellendos lan- 
guores, Daemonesque fugandos usui fidelibus fuisse 
Acta testari, eandem Gregorii indumentis a Deo 
indita virtutem. After reading this passage, I had 
a good laugh, and a good walk, as I could not stand, 
nor keep seated, nor quiet, on account of the enor- 
mous absurdity of this mastodontic lie, the analysis 
of which would be quite sufficient for a man of wit 
and versatility to write a Eomance in two 8vo. 
volumes. I regret the difference between speaking 
and writing my opinion about this magic falsehood, 
and the absence of the opportunity ; besides, this 
work will contain things that may perhaps be con- 
sidered exceedingly lewd without the filth of the 
dresses of this rapacious Ourang-outang, self- elected 
Pope. The most laconically accountable translation 
that can be made of the expression of Baronius is 
that, after Hildebrand's death, probably Mathilde 
was subject to hysterical fits, and that her maids of 
honour, to relieve her from them, used to show her 
Hildebrand's breeches ; and that was the medicine 
ad pallendos languores. With regard to the trebly 
infernal blasphemy, that the miraculous actions 
emanating from the habiliments of Gregory, testified 
his virtue by the will of God, I hope that Baronius 
did not get any one to believe it, as I am sure that 

ft Q 2 



450 



none of the present generation will believe it, in 
spite of the zeal and audacious impostures practised 
by the so-called Reverend and Eminent miracle- 
makers of the day. I must apologise to the reader 
for introducing such monstrosities, but at the same 
time I must remark that they are facts which should 
not be suppressed. I will now quote another mon- 
strosity of much the same character, which I take from 
a very rare book in my library. It is the History 
of Eriderici Imperatoris magni hujus nominis primi 
ducis Suevorum, et parentale suae. This Emperor, 
Frederick the Eirst, who was also Duke of Sweden, 
and called Barbarossa, had a brother named Conrad, 
and another named Otho, who was Bishop of Ar- 
gentina ; their family name was StaufFen, and they 
were related to St Eides, Virgin and Martyr. This 
Emperor married the daughter of the Emperor 
Heinrick the Eourth (the victim of Hildebrand), 
after the death of Kudolph, the Dux Suevorum 
Note.— some mortuo in belio — Dictus Heinrichus Imperator quar- 
wo^swewS 1 - tus ducatum Suevie prefato Eriderico contulit. This is 
tracted in the the gentleman whom we have seen settled by Hilde- 
ongma . "brand's victim. Frederick was the founder of the 
Monasterii Loricensi ordinis Sti. Benedict!; where 
he and all his family were buried. He endowed 
that Church with so many cartloads of pretended 
religious relics, that the belief of it baffled the ima- 
gination of every beholder, unless he was a deeply 
confirmed idiot. That book was written about the 
beginning of the thirteenth century, and the first 
edition was published in the Augsburg Monastery of 
SS. Udalric and Afer, about the year 1475 — absque 
ulla nota, et sine authoris nomine. I shall not 
name all those relics which the unknown author 
said that he saw in that Church and Monastery, 
because they are more numerous than the most 
ample and varied catalogue of a bric-a-brac shop. I 
shall only say that the things pretended to have 
belonged to Jesus Christ there, are enough to furnish 



451 



two rooms, without putting in it — de sancta 
cruce magna pars, et camisia Christi; but what 
makes me laugh and puzzled is, how they could 
have preserved the " Item, de lacte beate Marie 
Virginis." And listen to this — De cruce que crevitin 
utero sancte Margarethe ; and — De prepucio domini 
nostri ihesu Xpi, [sic] &c. I positively refuse to 
believe these monstrous, blasphemous, and fanatic 
assertions, out of respect and veneration to Religion 
and Christianity ; and I firmly declare that a religion 
that has recourse to such falsehoods must be a very 
poor and despicable form of religion, fit only for zanies, 
and for those who pretend to be such for other 
motives. Therefore, I am not surprised that Baro- 
nius wrote that, by God's will, the breeches of 
Hildebrand performed miracles ! Yes, to the horse- 
marines, and to Mathilde, as I have said. I quit 
this subject for the present, to return to Gregory, 
and to endeavour to fix his character as given by 
his contemporary historians. Hildebrand, alias 
Gregory, before dying, desired to be succeeded in 
the Pontificate by one out of a dozen friends whom 
he named, and Siegebertus sane Abbas Gemblacensis 
author contemporaneus (in Chon. Mathil., et 
Math. Paris in Hist. Anglica, ann. 1085) diserte 
appellasse cum Cardinales quos supra alios diligebat 
duodecim professumque — suadente Diabolo se contra 
humanum genus odium, et iram cohcitasse. This 
Abbot then gives a character to Hildebrand that not 
only explains what he was, but even what the 
people and Clergy thought of him. 

Lambertus Schaffnaburgiensis Hirtzangiensis 
Abbas, de Comitissa Mathilda ejus, Gregori, arnica 
loquens, scripsit, Hsec vivente adhuc viro suo, 
quandam viduitatus speciem longissimis abeo spatiis 
exclusa prsetendebat, cum nec ipsa maritum in 
Lotharingiem extra natale solum sequi vellet, et ille 
Ducatus, quern in Lotharingia administrabat, nego- 
tiis implicitus, vix post tertium vel quartum annum 



452 



semel Marchiam Italicam inviseret; post cujus 
mortem Romani Pontificis lateri pene comes indivi- 
dua adherebat, eumque miro colebat affectu ; cumque 
magna pass Italise ejus pareret imperio et omnibus 
quae prima mortales ducunt, supra cseteros terrse 
illius Principes abundaret ubicumque opera ejus 
Papa indignisset, ocyus adaerat, et tamquam patri vel 
domino sedulum exhibebat officium ; Unde nec 
evadere potuit incesti amoris suspicionem, passim 
jactandibus Eegis fantoribus, et prsecipue clericis, 
quibus illicita, et contra scita Canonum contracta 
conjugia prohibebat, quod die ac nocte impudenter 
in ejus voluntaretur amplexibus ; at ilia furtivis 
Papae, amoribuspraeocupata post amissum conjugem, 
ultra secundas contrabere nuptias detrectaret. What 
do you think of this, Mr Antonelli? Was it not 
charming for Pope Gregory to be so well attended, 
served, and caudled day and night by such a dearly 
affectionate companion as the great Countess 
Mathilde ? It is clearly told here that the priests 
of old, particularly the highest, were as debauched 
as the modern, and this accounts why there is little 
chance nowadays for secular persons, as the clergy 
absorb a good share of the women's amativeness. The 
reason may be because they can put on hypocrisy 
with or without any notice, and that is just the 
thing that did in the olden time, as well as it does 
at the present, and this hypocrisy suits a certain class 
of women even now, though well educated. Even 
lately several examples have been given in the public 
press of married clergymen and priests seducing 
both married and unmarried women. I was told 
the other day by a gentleman who was lately in 
Rome, that he there heard it almost publicly said 
that in the Nuns' Convents there were no less than 
twelve or fifteen young ladies in a very interesting 
, state. Is this true, Mr Antonelli ? or are they more 
. numerous ? State the facts as they are, and the 
people will excuse you, as you are not able to put any 



453 



control upon it. The public know the fragility of 
humanity, and the mission that women had from 
God, when he said crescite, et multiplicamini, et 
replete terram ; therefore, the sins lie in not fulfilling 
the duty, or in smuggling children in the monasteries, 
or any other dark, forbidden places. 

Sigonius, speaking of Mathilde, says — Addunt 
alii, cum Azzoni Marchioni Atestano nuprisset, Pon- 
tiflcus prae impatientia, anno sequenti matrimonium 
solvisse propter detectum sanguinis conjunctionem. 
Unde suspicio in plenam adulterii cestitudineni 
evasit — that others stated that Mathilde married 
Azzo, Marquis of Este, and that Gregory, in the 
following year, impatiently dissolved that marriage, 
having discovered that there was a degree of con- 
sanguinity between them. The moral of the case 
was, that he impatiently wanted her himself, and 
as she went to live with him, instead of remaining 
with her second husband, of course that fact doubled 
the suspicion of the adultery, instead of the evasit. 
Suppose that the consanguinity existed; why did 
they not obtain a brief of permission, like any 
other Sovereigns had done, and are still doing in such 
cases ? The fact is, Gregory could not dispense with 
her, or her money, which he required to wage war 
with the Emperor. Besides, she could not her- 
self dispense with a man that pleased her in every- 
thing ; and who allowed her to rule Rome and the 
Eoman Empire. 

The Tractatus de Unitate Eccl. Conservanda, 
speaking of Matilda and Gregory, says : Itaque est qui 
liberius adhuc propter frequens cum ea et familiare 
colloquium generavit plurimis scasvae suspicionis 
scandalum, dum non obsewavit attentius divinum 
illud Lucii Papse Mandatum : Duo Presby teri, inquit, 
et tres diaconi in omni loco, non deserant Episcopum, 
propter testimonium Ecclesiasticum. Quod sane 
eo studiosius observare debuerat, quo in legitima 
matrimonia sasviebat magis. In eo sane consentiunt 



454 



Authores omnes, Mathildem Papatum, ne dum Papam 
gubernasse, Ecclesiae etiam bona administrasse ; 
unde Cardinalis Benno (in Yita Hildebrand.) : 
Roma videt et audivit qualiter vixerit, cum quibus 
diu et noctu consilia habuerit, qualiter a se 
Cardinales, qui testes vitse et doctrinse ejus esse 
debuerant removerit. And Sigonius (lib. 9) did 
not hesitate to write — that Gregory permitted 
Mathilde to have a chair in the Councils — Ilium 
Mathildi in Conciliis sedem concessisse. 

Godefridus Monachus, in Annales, refert : 
Mathilda circumventu a Papa tunc temporis Mar- 
chiam Anconitanam beato Petro tradidit, magistra- 
tibus, et potestatibus insciis et inconsultis. Godfrey 
says that Mathilde, surrounded, or rather infatuated, 
by the Pope's love, gave up to the Holy See the 
Marquisate of Ancona without consulting the 
magistrates and the people, who knew nothing about 
it. Gerochus, who lived at that time and belonged 
to the sect of Hildebrand, describes (in vita Hildebr.) 
the Romans as bold, arrogant, and disobliging— 
Eomani, inquit, sibi divinum nsurpant honorem, 
rationem actorum reddere nolunt, nec sibi dici aequo 
animo ferunt, cur ita agis ? Iliud satyricum incul- 
cant, sic volo, sic jubeo, sit pro ratione voluntas — et 
id vero ingenium ejus erat, ut ab omnibus describitur. 
Sigebertus eo tempore testatur— -suo exemplo et 
Decretis inauditis multa contra jus et fas in Ecclesia 
gesta fuisse, et hac occasione multos pseudomagis- 
tros exurgentes in Ecclesia prophanis novitatibus 
plebem ab Ecclesiastica disciplina aversisse : Eum- 
que Imperatorem excomm.unicasse sub hoc obtentu, 
ut primates regni quasi juxta ex causa, excommuni- 
cato Eegi contradicant ;« Item : Ipse Papa occurrens 
Imperatori in Lombardia sub falsa eum pace absolvit. 
Omnes enim qui prius Hildebrandxim objuraverant, 
perjurium perjurio cumulantes Imperatorem abjurant, 
et Eodulphum Ducem Burgundinum super se Regem 
statuunt, corona ei a Papa missa. How fierce and 



455 



prepotent was Hildebrand may be plainly seen by his 
Apophthegma, which he wrote in a letter to his 
Saxon friends. Speaking of the Emperor, he said : 
Aut moriar, aut tibi animum regnumque tollam — 
Either I shall perish, or take from thee thy soul and 
thy Empire (see Historia Saxonica). Leo Episcopus 
Hostiensis (lib. 3, in Chron. Cassinen., c. 48) qui 
turn florebat in Historia candide scripsit. Cumque 
negotium effectui mandatum esset, Pontifex Slathildae 
consiliis adjutus, quendam ex suis ultra montes 
dirigens, et Ehodolpho Duei coronam imperii 
Mittens, adversus Augustum rebellare suasit. The 
presumption of Gregory had assumed such magnitude 
that nothing was impossible to him ; and when he 
wrote to his Saxon friends to be quiet and certain, 
he told them that he would very shortly subject the 
Emperor, and that he would give him to them even 
more culpable, and that if Henry resigned his Eoyal 
prerogatives and insignia, and submitted tamely to 
him, they should have him more contemptible than 
ever ; that if he resisted, and should resume his Eoyal 
power, then he (the Pope) was sure that he would 
have another new cause for excommunicating him. 
"When Gregory was penning this letter to the Saxons, 
I repeat that he was giving himself the character of 
one of the greatest intriguing vagabonds that ever 
managed affairs of State or Eeligion. 

In Historia Saxon. Apologia Henr. — Ne solliciti, 
inquit, scitis, quia culpabiliorem cum redo vobis : 
contemptibilior enim erit ipsius Eegis in regno per- 
sona, si satisfaciens, regni insignia deponat, aut si 
non permissus a se Eegalia resumat ornamenta, cer- 
tiorem perinde habebo exercendae circa eum causam 
excommunicationis, &e. The testimonies of Hilde- 
brand' s monstrous career of crimes are so many, that 
it would be a very heavy task to collect them all. 
What I have noted would be more than sufficient 
now to expel from society a gentleman, or from the 
throne a Sovereign, who conducted himself in so 



456 



revolting and insulting a manner towards his subjects. 
"We had a specimen lately, when a debauched ruling 
vagabond lived under the sway of Lola Montes. I 
forget now who had to run, but this is not the ques- 
tion. Hildebrand was most culpable, and if it is in- 
decorous for a gentleman, and for a ruler a fortiori, 
it was much worse for a Pope to live a life of scandals, 
crimes, and murders. This Mathilde deserted two 
husbands, the hunchback Lotharingian Duke first, 
and then the Marquis of Este, to live with Gregory, 
as she did from 1066 till the time of his death in 
1085 ; a pretty long lease, and from report it seems 
that she liked him, and he was much to her satisfac- 
tion. There was no reason for abandoning her first 
husband, because as soon as Hildebrand divorced 
them for his own pleasures, the hunchback Duke 
married another princess, who gave him several chil- 
dren. Gregory dispensed both husbands from the 
necessity of asking for the Dispensation Licenses, 
appropriating to himself the undispensed object at 
the expense of his unspoused companion, who spent 
her cash and honour until the spendthrift spent his 
light. 

Besides the testimony of Cardinal Benno, there was 
living contemporaneously the Abbot Sigebertus, who 
with many others are reported by Aventinus, and 
the Bishops that condemned Gregory in the Synods 
of Brescia, and none of them excused him for his 
amours, for his violence, ambition, presumption, and 
necromantic m} 7 steries. I leave him to show how 
Mathilde's intrigues, money, and influence were kept 
up by her and a few others, and a friend already 
named and designated by Gregory to succeed him to 
the Pontifical honours. Desiderius Abbas Cassinen- 
sis was the new favourite, in spite of the really 
elected Clement, who was in possession of the 
Spiritual power. 

Sigonius says that the new favourite of Mathilde, 
Yictor the Third, had a colloquy with her, and that 



457 



he actually stood for eight days in the Vatican ; but 
he was not fortunate, or perhaps he had not sufficient 
impudence and courage to resist the machinations 
that were moved against him. A Synod was called 
at Benevento, and there he was excommunicated. 
"William Maimelsburiensis says (lib. 4) that poison 
was placed in the chalice when Victor celebrated the 
first mass, and that that settled his account, at the 
same time that the news was given to Clement and 
to the Emperor Henry of the excommunication of 
Desidery, alias Pope Victor the Third. Veneno 
sublatum, dum primum missam caneret, in calice pro- 
pinato : qui tamen per id intervalli nova in Clemen- 
tern et Henricum anathemata procuderat, &c. Ma- 
thilde, that enterprising and courageous woman, did 
not lose her spirits, and, as usual, with money and 
intrigues, elected another of her friends amongst 
those designated by Gregory — Otho, Bishop of Clunny, 
who succeeded anno 1088. This Pope took the name 
of Urbanus the Second. Cardinal Benno called him 
the valet of Hildebrand. As he could not enter into 
Rome on account of Clement being in possession of 
the See, he withdrew into Terracina to study the 
opportunity. The Monacus Maimelsburiensis says : 
Juxta statutum Gregorii electum ; aaquiori, ut vide- 
batur, causaa affuit militia Mathildis Marcissas quaa 
oblitu Saxus, nec dispar antiquis Amazonibus fer- 
rata virorum agmina in bellum agebat fcemina : Ejus 
posteriori tempore suffragio Urbanus Thronum adep- 
tus Apostolicum. Mathilde, forgetting her sex, like 
an ancient Amazon, conducted a corps of well-armed 
cavaliers, and by her martial valour she placed in the 
Eoman See Urban the Second, after many intrigues 
and dimqult battles. Sigonius says : Mathildam, 
quas flliam Petri se dicebat, Urbanum defendendum 
suscepisse profitetur : Urbanum vero ei authorem 
fuisse ut Welfoni Bavariee Duci nuberet : nempe ut 
quern Henrico in Germania opponerent, haberent. 
Bertholdus, in his Chronicle, to excuse Gregory, 

E E 



458 

Constant Ba *^ : ^ on ^ am P r0 incontinentia, &c— -that Gregory 
Presbyter, in was ambitious to possess the States, and not the 
Cbron. Countess ; and this was the only aim of that connu- 
bial alliance. 

The Emperor Henry, after he had reconquered his 
Italian States, and part of those of Mathilde, left 
his son Conrad in Italy to govern them, while he 
went to Germany to set straight other affairs that 
his adversaries had upset there, anno 1092. During 
this interval Urban and Mathilde found the means of 
upsetting the mind of Conrad, and of setting him 
against his father ; and they did this by insinuations 
and threats, and promises that unless he allied him- 
self with them and betrayed his father, he would 
never have the Imperial Crown. Conrad, seduced 
and flattered, was ensnared, and to prevent him 
emancipating himself from them, they married him 
to the daughter of Eogerius, the Xing of Sicily, one 
of the greatest enemies of his father, Henry the 
Fourth. 

Aventinus, lib. 5, reports that the Emperor was 
at Cologne when he learnt these proceedings, and 
said : Eilius meus illecebris fcemineis captus, non 
solum dignitate, sed vita me privare conatur. This 
unfortunate Emperor was really to be pitied, and it 
is not to be wondered at that the malignity of Urban 
and Mathilde placed him in that dilemma, the more 
sorrowful on account of the affectionate feeling en- 
tertained, by chance or by art, by the Princess for 
Conrad. Henry, in his grief, likewise said that his 
son, infatuated with the love of that woman, was 
attempting to deprive him not only of his Imperial 
dignity, but also of his life. (See Aventinus, Sigo- 
nius, and Dodechinus, ad annum 1093.) # At this 
epoch the world was in the greatest confusion*. Urban 
went to Milan, and Peter the Hermit invented his 
scheme for the recovery of Palestine. This great 
enterprise has been a constant and fruitful means of 
discord, of perfidy, of intrigues, and of the greatest 



459 



calamities that have befallen Christianity. The Popes 
and Kings have constantly used this gigantic scheme 
as a basis for all the political swindles, and even now 
it is not over, and never will be, because it served the 
purpose of the rulers, and because the Turks say — 
" Don't you wish you may get it ? " 

Bertholdus wrote in his Chronicle (anno 1093) 
that Urban went to Milan, and there confirmed and 
ordered that Archbishop Arnulphus should preside 
over his church, and be decorated with the Pallium ; 
he had been previously created and installed in that 
place, according to the custom, by the Emperor 
Henry, with laculo et annulo, and withdrew to a 
Caenobio, because the Bishops refused to consecrate 
him. Urban did this act of grace to Arnulphus for 
the sake of obtaining from him the submission of the 
Archbishopric of Milan to that of Eome ; which fact 
I deem of sufficient importance to be known, because 
Milan was never before subject to Eome, so far as 
regarded the Spiritual Power. If the reader refers 
to the Testament of Charlemagne, he will find that 
Milan was one of the twenty-one Metropolitan 
Churches of his Empire. The Monk of Malmesbury 
wrote that Urban went to Germany to visit some 
churches, and made proselytes for the Expedition 
against the Turks, making himself most industrious 
in this enterprise, as he could not put his nose into 
Eome, and Boamundus, anno 1095, Illyriam and 
Macedonian! pervaderet. 

The first General Council of the West was ordered 
at Clermont in the year 1095, and it was the very 
first that had been called by the Pope ; and this was 
the object of its indictment: Nos fidelibus Chris ti- 
anis, qu^ contra infideles arma susceperint immensas 
pro suis- delictis pcenitentias relaxamus, et sub 
Ecelesise defensione, beatorum Petri et Pauli protec- 
tione, tamquam verse obedientise filios recepimus. 

With this programme they made up an army, 
and started for Palestine. I have no business to 



460 



speak here of their success ; but I will ask Mr Anto- 
nelli if, with such a prospect, he could have enrolled 
the twelve thousand brigands that he has now got, 
in expectation of making them cavalieri di Cristo, 
after the second edition of the sack of Perugia, or any 
other town, as it matters not to those wandering 
knights of the road and forest. I pass on to the year 
1099, when the unfortunate Emperor, Henry the 
Fourth, died, through vexation and grief* Sigonius 
says (anno 1100, lib. 9) : Nee multo post anno 1100 
Conradus Henriei filius eo nomine succedit, qui nun- 
quam a consiliis Mathildis et Urbani discesserat. 

At that time Pope Clement was still in Eome, and 
the pretended Pope, Urban, was at Clermont Eerrant, 
and both of them playing their parts in the most 
tragico- comical way, excommunicating each other, 
instituting and destituting each other's favourites 
and adversaries, to the amazement and consternation 
of the people; thereby proclaiming the falsity of their 
principles and morals, and spreading anarchy, crime, 
and corruption, instead of love and charity — a 
motto which they and their predecessors had oblite- 
rated from their escutcheons. 

About the year 1096 the first famous expedition 
took place for the liberation of Palestine. What 
those famous knights did as a first exploit it does 
not become me to state here ; and, though they con- 
sisted of really educated persons, and belonged to the 
most civilised States of Europe, yet their first work 
was that of — but I will let Aventinus relate it himself, 
in words as unequivocal as they are expressive : Deus 
vult, inquit, relictis regno urbibus, castellis, sacer- 
dotiis, templo, contuberniis, uxoribus, liberis, prse- 
diis, aratro, in Asiam gregatim migrant duces, 
prefecti, tetrarchse, dynasthas, Episcopi, sacrificuli, 
monachi : sub specie religionis, nefanda scelera 
impune perpetrant, Anserem proe-ferunt, Spiritum 
Sanctum esse, Carolum Magnum revixisse predicant. 
And every Hebrew family they found in their way, 



461 



or in any place where they went, were treated in this 
manner : Ubicumque eos, haebreos, occidunt, nisi Bcrth©idu9Hi 
illico convertantur, recusantes compliant, et bonis ic9& * J 
omnibus spoiiant. Pars Judaeorum, am ore legis suae 
mutuis se vulneribus considerunt : alii simulacro 
Christianismo rursus deserto Christo ad Mosem re- 
lapsi sunt. This was the result of the famous in- 
vention of Peter the Hermit's first expedition ! 

Sigonius (in lib. 9) speaks of this expedition also, 
and says that Urban calculated to establish for him- 
self a monument out of it : yes, an execrable one, 
which turned out as profitable to Christianity as the 
hereditary disease of Lepra. And the Monk of 
Malmesbury (lib. 4) says of this expedition, that it 
was necessary to bind up perpetually superstition 
with hypocrisy. 

England, till the year 1103, was equally subject 
to the capricious will of the Popes. But William See Mattk 
the Second was no fool ; and as he was not ambi- aSSim 
tious to become a Saint, he thought of opposing 
Urban the Second, when he declared he had the 
right to confirm Anselm Archbishop of Canterbury, 
who had already been elected by the King's consent. 
The Archbishop went to Italy against the will of 
the King, wiio had already given him notice that if 
he went to the Pope for the investiture of the Pal- 
lium, he would exile him, and prevent him re-occu- 
pying his See. The Archbishop went to Eome, and 
the King kept his word ; and as long as he lived 
Anselm remained an exile at Lyons. 

The French Government has given a warning to 
its Bishops to abstain from going to the Roman in- 
surrectionary Episcopal Congress, which will take 
place after Easter, under the pretext of the Canonisa- 
tion of some meddlers in the business and consciences 
of other people. Will the French Government keep 
its word to the Bishops who absent themselves with- 
out permission, or will the Government be afraid of 
the Red Woman who pulls the first strings of the 

K K 2 



462 

bell at the Imperial Council-room ? This problem 
we shall see solved very soon, after the Idus " Mai" 
(Italice) . 

At last Urban the Second died in the year 1099, 
and Rainerius Hetruscus, who took the name of 
Paschal the Second, succeeded to the Roman See. 
He was a pupil of Hildebrand, and highly commended 
by Urban; therefore, the reader must prepare to 
read new scenes of commotions and horrors. 

Platina was rather favourable to Paschal the 
Second when he wrote : S. Petrus Rainerium virum 
optimum Pontincem elegit. We must not forget 
that Clement the Third was still occupying St 
Peter's Chair, in opposition to the young Emperor, 
and with greater right than Paschal the Second. 
Young Henry, or Henry the Fourth, according to some 
historians, and to others, Henry the Eifth, called a 
general Synod at the Lateran, with the intention 
of devising the best means of getting rid of Pope Cle- 
ment ; and Clement excommunicated him again, and 
excited a number of his German enemies against him, 
particularly as he had not gone to Palestine. 

I have passed under silence the battle which the 
Emperor Henry the Pourth fought against his son, 
instigated and assisted by the Pope and the Bishops. 
The son was defeated, but the Bishops and the 
Legates of Paschal, when the Emperor entered 
Mayence, traitorously took him prisoner, having 
taken care to exclude the Emperor's followers in the 
town, and having left strong guards at the gates to 
prevent the Emperor's army entering it. While the 
Emperor was unconscious of the treason, the Pope's 
Legates with fifty Bishops re -united in Synod and 
traitorously deposed him, excommunicated him, and 
deprived him of the Crucem, Sceptrum, Scurim, 
Regnum Ensem, et Coronam ; and when he asked 
them why they did so, they answered because he — 
Heimoid. lib. eum in conferendis Episcopatibus et Abbatiis Simonia 
i,c.32. usum fuisse. Then the Emperor said, " Now you 



463 



Maguntine Bishop, and you Bishop of Cologne, 
speak the truth, by the Eternal God, what did you 
give me V They dared not to answer ; then the 
Emperor said, " Glory be to thee, God, that at 
least you are faithful in this." It will not be amiss 
to extract from Krantzius (lib. 5, c. 10, in Saxon 
Hist.), a few lines to convey to the reader the truth 
of the facts which passed at that time in the City of 
Mayence, where the Papal conspiracy succeeded in 
putting in the trap the Emperor Henry the Fourth, 
after he had conquered his son who revolted against 
him, instigated and supported by Pope Paschal, the 
old Countess Mathilde, and fifty Bishops, who were 
then the scourge of humanity. — Mandatum, inquit, 
Moguntino, Coloniensi, et Wormacensi Episcopis, ut 
eum adeuntes Imperialia insignia auferrent invito. 
Crucem Sceptrum, Securim, Eegnum Ensem, et 
Coronam, Imperatori autem causam requirenti 
(respondent), eum in conferendis Episcopatibus et 
Abbatiis Simonia usum fuisse. Tunc Imperator; 
Die Maguntine, die Coloniensis, per nomen Dei 
geterni, quid a vobis acceperim. Dixerunt, Nihil; 
Tunc Imperator, Gloria Deo in excelsis, quia vel in 
hac parte fideles inventi sumus : Certe maximse 
vestrse dignitates potuissent magnum camerae nostra?, 
si. ita quasreretur, qusestuin prestitisse. Dominus 
"Wormacensis novit et nos non ignoramus, qusestus 
an gratis ilium receperimus : Nolite patres temerare 
fidem vestram. Ecce jam senio laboramus, sustinete 
modicum, et nolite in confusione gloriam vestram 
terminare : Generalem Curiam expetimus ; Si ceden- 
dum propriis manibus filio coronam trademus. Illis 
renitentibus et vim ostendentibus, parumper secedens 
Imperialibus se vestivit insigniis et reversus, Haac, 
Inquit, Imperialis honoris sunt insignia, heec mihi 
prsestitit aeterni Eegis pietas : et Principum electio. 
Potens est Deus, nos in his conservare, et manus 
vestras ab opere ccepto cohibere, quamvis sumus 
armis et militia nostra destituti; Securi de tali 



464 



violcntia nobis non prospeximus : Sed timor Dei vos 
coerceat, quos pietas non revocat. Quod si neutrum 
reveremini, ecce presentes snmus ; non possumus 
viribus refragari. Hsesitant Pontifices, sed invicem 
cohortantes, accepto conamine Imperatorem adeunt, 
eoronam capiti detrahunt, et sede detractum 
omnibus Imperialibus exuunt Imperator, ab alto 
ductis suspiriis, sic eos alloquitur : Deus ul- 
tionnm Dominus videat, et vindicet iniqui- 
tatem quam facitis ignominiam sustineo ante 
inauditam, sed delicta juventntis apud justum 
Judicem Deum luo. Vos tamen immunes a crimine 
non eritis, quia jusj ur and urn prsevaricati, justi vindicis 
ultionem non effugietis. Non prosperetur honor 
vester, sit portio vestra cum eo qui tradidit Christum. 
Haec est, in quit Krantius, narratio nostrorum anna- 
lium. And I will say, these were the actions of the 
incarnate thieves who w r ore mitres at that time, and 
whose manners and tastes have not much improved 
even now on the Continent, and who would be ready 
to do the same if the opportunity was offered. They 
are preparing the plan now, and for a rehearsal they 
have come out with pastorales and bulls to excite 
the populations, as they find that there are fools 
enough to believe in their mysterious and miraculous 
power, and rogues ready to be bought at so much 
per day or month, to be in prompt attendance for the 
execution of their villainous and unchristian plots. 
We are now in the same identical political circum- 
stances ; the plan would be mature enough for them, 
but they must defer the execution of it, to give time 
to the substitute to grow up a man at least of seven- 
teen years of age, when his virgin mind can be easily 
inebriated with glory and power by the Jesuitical 
inspiration which will then confuse, sieze, and oppress 
the whole of his mental faculties, which are trained 
up now with a cautious administration of doses of 
Jesuitical milk. As history repeats itself perpetually, 
I shall not be surprised at the events, and for the 



4C5 



present I turn another historical leaf, pitying, with 
Sigonius, the betrayed Emperor Henry the Fourth, 
by those very Bishops whom he had invested and 
loaded with honours which they did not deserve. 

Conrad, his son, who, after his father's death, 
was called Henry the Fifth, before and during the 
time that his father was in prison, led a miserable 
life, full of dangerous vicissitudes and spite, provoca- 
tion, and Episcopal oppression. The Ecclesiastics, 
having used him as a tool, now thought of snubbing 
him ; and set themselves to work with determined 
animosity and persevering political cabals, still 
managed by Pope Paschal the Second. They found 
it hard work, and were compelled to use their great 
micidial bomb, the excommunication. They came to 
war, and Henry, who had taken lessons of roguery 
from them, with 80,000 men, went to Rome and 
locked them up, until they became reasonable and 
crowned him Emperor, and renounced all and every- 
thing that they had absorbed belonging to the 
Empire. When everything was settled, he returned 
to Germany ; and in his absence with the troops, the 
Popes and Bishops tore and burned the treaties that 
they made with him, and excommunicated him again ; 
and these Reverend Ecclesiastical Fathers, Popas or 
Papas, showed Christianity that they were a lot of 
perjured liars, dressed up in anti-Christian parapher- 
nalia, fit for nothing else except scandalous usurpa- 
tions, discord, and crime. I have copied the diplo- 
matic documents that were made by Paschal the 
Second and the Emperor Henry the Fifth, in the 
years 1110 and 1111, which will illuminate the 
people about those affairs, and support my assertions. 
I have placed them in another chapter, containing 
many other diplomatic documents, and in this one I 
will be satisfied by saying that Paschal was a second 
Hildebrand, that he excommunicated two Emperors, 
that he was an usurper and perjurer, a rebel to the 
throne, to the altar, and to his flock. After all his 



466 



Papal opposition to Henry the Fifth, in France, in 
Germany, in Italy, and everywhere ; after preaching 
sedition openly in the Eoman pulpits ; attempting to 
call again the Greek Calojohannis, son of the 
Emperor Alexis, to reinstate him in the Eoman 
Empire ; expelling the seditious and stupid Teutons, 
as he called them ; after upsetting everything sacred 
and profane, and spreading so many calamitous wars 
and miseries, Henry the Fifth returned to Borne, 
was consecrated by Mauritius Episcopus Bracarensis, 
and Paschal ran away to the province of Apulia, 
where he died in 1118. Sigebertus, and the Abbas 
Urspergensis in his Chronicles, the Monaeus Malmels- 
buriensis, Petrus Diaconus in Chronic. Cassineus, and 
others, have left a pretty good account of this rascal, 
and Aventinus (lib. 6) wrote of Paschal, " that the 
Greek Emperor sent Legates to Paschal, exhorting 
him to expel — ut relictis furibundis et ebriosis Ger- 
xnanis saevissimis praadonibus — the ferocious German 
drunkards and atrocious assassins, and to return 
under the ancient legitimate Emperor; and that 
Paschal placed by his right side those Legates while 
he addressed the Eoman people, saying, — Perplacet, 
reddamus diadema legitimo et antiquo verum Eoma- 
narum Principi : Deficiamus a Teutonibus seditiosis 
et stolidis ad veterem Eomani Imperii moderatorem 
vettis Eoma cum nova, Occidens cum Oriente, rursus 
conjungatur. Post quae Paschalem Papam concio- 
natum in Imperatorem Henricum quartum atque ejus 
filium quintum, crimina injurias, vitia commemorasse. 

Before I leave Paschal, I will state that Matthew 
Paris, in his English Historj^, left written that Pas- 
chal gave plenty of trouble to King Henry the First, 
with regard to the Episcopal Investitures, and was 
the cause of Archbishop Anselm losing for a time 
all his property in England. The King consficated 
it; but he restored it in the year 1107. After Pas- 
chal the Second's death, in 1118, Pope Gelasius the 
Second was surreptitiously elected. The Emperor., 



467 

Henry the Fifth, as soon as he heard of it, quitted 
Padua for Eome; and when he arrived there he 
found Gelasius had already hurriedly departed for 
Terracina, where he was consecrated by a number 
of his partizan Bishops. The Emperor, in the mean- 
time, elected, and had consecrated in Eome, one of 
his favourite friends, Bishop Burdinus, as Pope Gre- 
gory the Eighth. Schisms and excommunications 
were freely dealt with by both Popes ; the Emperor 
was also excommunicated, and in the year 1119, a 
Synod was held at Vienna, where the French, 
German, and Italian Bishops concurred, as well as 
those Cardinals who were the supporters of Gelasius. 
About that time the Abbot of Clunny died, those 
Prelates who had been at the Synod reunited again, 
and elected — "Widonem Vienna Episcopum eligunt 
— as Pope, who called himself Calhtum Secundum. 
This new Caliste was a man of great influence, 
being the brother of Stephen, Duke of Burgoyne, 
uncle of Baldwin, Count of Eianders, and a near 
relative of the Emperor Henry. 

With three Popes the Emperor soon found him- 
self confused, and in danger of losing both crown and 
life ; therefore he determined to settle affairs as best 
he could, making concessions against his will and 
interest, in expectation of obtaining a few years of 
peace and happiness. To this effect, by the inter- 
ference of his and Caliste' s friends, they agreed 
mutually to the following concessions. The Abbas 
Urspergensis reports the treaty or agreement, and 
at the end of it is the following oath : — Ego Hen- Abbas Urs- 
ricus Dei gratia Eomanorum Imperator Augustus chroSc'. m 
pro amore Dei et Sanetse Bomanse Ecclesiae et 
Domini Papas Calisti ; et pro remedio aniniae mess, 
dimitto Deo et Sanctis ejus Apostolis Petro et Paulo, 
Sanctse Catholicse Ecclesiae omnem investituram per 
annulum et baculum, et concedo in omnibus Ecclesiis 
fieri electionem et consecrationem, &c. The Emperor 
signed, sealed, and had this treaty witnessed, &c. 



468 



Sr.s™^t The Pope Caliste wrote, signed, and sealed the fol- 
Sigoniusqiio- lowing : — Ego Calistus, &c, Concedo electiones 
itai, m Regn# Episcoporum et Abbatum Teutonici regni, qui ad 
Regnum pertinent in praesentia tua fieri absque 
Simonia et aliqua violenta, &c. Electus autem 
Eegalia a te per sceptrum recipiat, exceptis omnibus 
quae ad Eomanam Ecclesiam pertinere noscuntur, et 
quae ex his tibi jure debet, faeiat, &c. 

When Caliste came from Prance, and went to 
Rome, the anti-Pope, Gregory the Eighth, was given 
to him a prisoner by a few facinorous gentlemen who 
wanted to captivate the new Pope's favour. The 
Abbot, Sugerius, in the life of Ludovieus Crassus 
(anno 1119), described the anti-Christian triumph of 
Caliste over his victim (Gregory the Eighth) in the 
following words : — Tortuoso animali camelo, tor- 
tuosum Antipapam, imo Antichristum, crudis et 
sanguinolentis pellibus caprinis amictum, trans- 
versum supposuerunt, et ignominiam Ecclesiae Dei 
ulciscentes per medium civitatis via Pegia ut magis 
publicarentur aducentes, imperante Domino Papa 
Calixto, perpetuo carcere in montanis Caxnpaniae 
prope S. Benedictum captivatum damnaverunt et 
tantae ultionis memoriae ad conservationem in camera 
Palatii sub pedibus Calixti conculcatum depinxerunt. 
This is a capital specimen of Papal humility towards 
another who had occupied St Peter's Chair for more 
than three years. If a Pope did not respect another 
who had been invested with the same dignity a few 
years previously ; if, to satisfy his priestly and 
jealous vengeance and rivalry, he treated him so 
contemptuously and degradingly, what good did he 
obtain for himself and the Holy See ? I am per- 
suaded that the degradation fell upon himself instead 
of his victim, and that the scandal and demoraliza- 
tion of his own acts fully demonstrated the imposture 
of the one as well as of the other, the pretended 
Vicars of that Christ whom they never ceased cruci- 
fying with their ambitious desire for pomp, power, 



469 



and rapacity, to attain which they perpetrated the 
blackest crimes. 

Here follows a chapter of Ecclesiastical rascalities, 
and a few admonitions, which may be useful to the 
gentlemen in black or scarlet. 



Peteus Blasiensis de Institutions Episcopi. 

Legimus inquit : Christum dixisse ad Petrum, si 
amas me, pasce oves meas, haares es et Yicarius 
meus, pasca oves meas, Evangelizando fac opus 
Evangelists et pastoris, non erubescas Evangelium, 
si erubescendum non credis Pastoris officium. 
Ministerium tuum plus oneris habet, quam honoris. 
Si affectas honorem, mercenarius es, si onus am- 
plecteris, potens Deus est augere gratiam suam, ut 
lucra ex lucris, et ex profectibus profectus accedant. 
Quod si abhorreas onus et insufficientem te reputes, 
sera quserela est. Dixerat antea — Modus omnibus 
cave, ne secularibus te involvas, nulla enim con- 
sonantia est spiritus Dei, ad spiritum hujus mundi, 
permane in vocatione tua. Mundus in maligno 
positus est. Eb hoc repetit pernio post : Animabus 

PB2ELATUS ES, NON COEPOEIBUS, NIHIL PE^ILATO COM- 
MUNE EST CUM PlLATO, ChEISTI VILLICUS ES, ET PeTEI 
VlCAEIUS ; NEC TE EESPONDERE OPOETET C^ESAEI DE 
COMMISSA TIBI JUEISDICTIONE, SED ChBISTO. 

P. Blasius said, we read that Christ told Peter : 
If thou lovest me, take care of my flock ; thou art 
my heir and Yicar ; Peter, feed my flock. In 
spreading the Evangels, thou dost the work of the 
Evangelist and of the Shepherd. If the office of 
Shepherd is humble, don't be ashamed of the Evan- 
gels. Thy ministry is more of responsibility than 
of honours. If thou attemptest at riches, thou art 
mercenary. If thou acceptest the responsibility, 
the Lord, all-powerful, shall increase His grace to 
thy profit, and accumulate benefits to thee ; and if 

s s 



470 

thou abhorrest the responsibility, thinking thyself 
incompetent to the work, later thou shalt account 
for it. He had said before this, — Take care by every 
means to avoid meddling in Temporal affairs, because 
the Spirit of God is inconsonant with the Spirit of 
this world ; follow thine avocation. The world is 
plunged in abominations. And soon after he re- 
peated ; Thou art elevated to the care of the souls, 
not of the bodies. The exalted has nothing in 
common with Pilate. Thou art the Farmer of God's 
land and Vicar of Peter, and to Christ, and not to 
Csssar, thou shalt answer for the jurisdiction that 
thou hadst accepted of Him. 
cifrwiAvent ^P u( ^ Jo aim em aperte, apud Matthaaum Mar cum > 
lib. 5.' ^ ' Lucam apertissime explicat. "Pax vobis, in quit, sicut 
misit me Pater, et ego vos mitto; accipite Spiritum 
Sanctum, quibus remiseritis peccata, remittuntur 
quorum retinueritis, retenta sunt. Et ut concordiam 
assereret, et unum se verum Pastorem esse indicaret 
uni dixit, ' Si quidem amas me, pasce oves meas,' id 
est, ite in mundum universum, predicate Evangelium 
omni creaturae ; atque data est mihi omnis potestas 
in coelo et in terra, ite ergo docere omnes gentes." 
Hanc ob causam aperuit discipulis men tern ccelestis 
doctor ut intelligerent Scripturas, Moysem, Pro- 
phetas, et Psalmos, jussitque eos nomine suo 
pcenitentiam et remissionem peccatorum prse- 
dicare apud omnes gentes, testesque horum esse. 

"What have you to say, Monsieur Pie, of Pilate 
renown ? Have you followed the above doctrine, or 
your own caprices ? Here are some more Christian 
Apostolic arguments to convince you of your crimin- 
ality against Church and State — take the trouble to 
translate the preceding quotation from Sigebert ; who, 
with his history, intended to read a lesson to the 
infamous Pope Urban and his followers, Cardinals, 
Bishops, and Company. Rebels to the State and to 
the Church, like you, they were attempting by 
disorder and revolution to overthrow the Eoyal and 



471 



Imperial rights ; and as your situation is analogous to 
theirs, I have no doubt that the same iniquitous cap 
that fitted them will fit you, even after eight 
centuries, and it will serve to prove to the people of 
the present age that by their vices and corruptions the 
high Ecclesiastics were then what they are still, a 
rotten, incorrigibly mendacious lot, much in want of 
great reform, if not of extirpation. 

I charge you again, before your Ecclesiastical 
tribunal, and condemn you with your own judges. 
MrEoot, of Pilate renown, pray read these few pages. 

Eor the edification of the present Bishops, rebels 
to the Church and State, I will point out, before I 
go any farther with these historical excerpta, two 
works written by two exceptionally good Ecclesi- 
astics ; the first of them was by Peter Damianus, a 
learned and pious hermit, who had at heart the 
welfare of society, and who wrote many letters to 
Bishops, Abbots, and Popes, begging their assistance 
and interference to reform the abuses and crimes of 
the Clergy. Demoralization, vice, and crime were 
the principal ornaments of the Prelates and Clergy, 
and Peter was inspired to write a book — qui inscri- 
bitur Goniorraens, cui prefixa est Epistola Leonis IX, 
anno 1049 ; and Leo the JSTinth actually received 
the book, and, according to Peter Damian's advice, 
made a few laws to attempt to suppress that 
abominable crime ; but to what purpose, and for how 
long ? and Baronius (art. 10 et sequent.) said of the 
Clergy, in the year 1049, u Vepres infausti, spinas et 
urticae agrum Patrisfamilias in immensum appleve- 
rant, qui ex putore carnis, corruptionis fimo turpiter 
excreverant ; omnis quippe caro corruperat viam 
suam, ut non tantum ad eas abluendas sordes vide- 
retur satis esse diluvium, sed nefanda scelera ignem 
a Ccelo Gornrnorrhaeum, quo exusta est Pentapolis, 
postularent. If the French Rebel Bishops had 
attended to their duties, instead of meddling with 
secular and political affairs, they would have done 



472 



much better, and might have succeeded in eradicating 
from their clergy that ancient abomination which 
stained their characters for so many centuries ; and 
in the year 1861 society would have been spared 
reading in the Gazette des Tribuneaux of about 
100 of those infamous and abominable cases which 
have been prosecuted and condemned by the laws of 
France. From Leo the Ninth, in 1049, to Pius the 
Ninth, in 1861, the Ecclesiastical moral progress is 
imperceptible, and it is visible only in the hypo- 
critical manner of s avoir fair et savoir corrompre sens 
esclandre ; and, nevertheless, now and then surpassing 
all bounds of human toleration, they are caught in 
flagrante crimine, and brought to trial. 

An ancient really pious and learned Ecclesiastic, 
devoted to humanity, is found in William, Bishop 
of Paris, at about the year 1250. He wrote a work 
— De Collatione Beneficiorum et de Clero, of his 
time, in which he says that the Priests had neither 
piety nor erudition; that they were learned in 
all the Diabolical turpitudes, and in all sorts 
of monstrously dirty and filthy vices and crimes; 
that their sins were not common sins, but horrible 
crimes; that the Prelates and the Clergy did not 
edify the Church of God, because they were fond of 
Babylon, Egypt, and Sodoma, and instead of sancti- 
fying and venerating the Church, they were destroy- 
ing it, as if they could delude God ; and, with the 
other high and low priests, they profaned and 
polluted the Body of Christ ; that the Prelates were 
the members of the Devil, loaded with Ecclesiastical 
honours ; that they honoured the enemies of God, 
and, finally, that they would place Lucifer in heaven, 
instead of the Christian Church. 

In eis nihil pietatis ac eruditionis apparere, sed 
' potius Diabolicas turpitudines, omnium spurcitiarum 
ac vitiorum monstruositatem : eorum peccata non 
simpliciter peccata esse, sed peccatorum monstra 
terribilissima, eos non Ecclesiam, sed Babylonem 



473 

JEgyptum ac Sodomam. esse. Prselalos non edificare 
Ecclesiam, sed destruere ac Deo illudere, eumque 
aliis sacerdotibus prophanare ac* polluere Corpus 
Christi, Prgelatos omnibus Ecclesiasticis honoribus 
membra Diaboli, et Dei hostes honorare, in ccelum 
denique Ecclesiaa Christi Lueiferum restituere. And 
Bishop "William takes particular care of those Eccle- 
siastical parasites, who are constantly flattering 
the Pope to obtain a greater number of prebends 
and Canonries and other sources of income ; and 
some of them are not ashamed of having as many as 
seventy, and others as much as a hundred of them. 
This seems to me to beat by far a certain nobleman 
whom the ' Times/ about six years ago, severely 
excruciated, while he was peacefully and charitably 
devouring Christ's Cross. Although this Ecclesiasti- 
cal rat did not belong to the same species, yet he 
seemed to resemble the original kind, inasmuch as 
he devoured at the same rate for at least a hundred 
years before he became affected with dyspepsia. 
But as this is not in any way connected with the 
above cases, except by a trifling analogy in taste, I 
pass on to ask the opinion of the modern immaculate 
Eight Reverend eminent rebels, the Erench pamphlet- 
eers, who have been condemned by public opinion 
and other tribunals. Monsignor Pie e Grugno di 
Porco y and others of that class, can, if they will, con- 
firm these statements, and at their leisure write another 
pamphlet, swelling it with the enormous progress 
made by the Clergy from the above-named periods 
to the present day ; and they are particularly re- 
quested to insert in it the list of all the good that 
they pretend to have done to society, against the 
catalogue of the iniquities that they have committed 
to its detriment ; they are at liberty to use all the 
rhetorical figures and the flowers of language 
that they generally use in their printed hallucina- 
tions and bulls, at the banquets and in the pulpits, 
in hivio, in trivio et Synagoga. 

s s 2 



474 



A Miraculous Bottle. 

A miraculous tale, which suited many ancient 
fools, might be a relief to the modern reader, who 
may be fatigued of the Papal criminal history. I 
take this from the Dialogo of (sic) Miser Sancto Gre- 
gorio Papa ; a rare book, printed at Venice by John 
de Colonia in the year 1475. It is full of that 
arrant and gross superstition and ignoranee which 
the Ecclesiastics have constantly forced on the minds 
of their parishioners. 

St Gregory tells of a miracle performed by Bishop 
Boniface to two Goths, pilgrims, who called on him 
for charity and hospitality while they were passing 
from Florence on their way to Eavenna. Boniface 
gave them a flask of wine, which might have been 
sufficient for them for a single dinner ; however, 
"they miraculously drank out of it as the Goths do, 
being good drinkers, and continued to drink, until 
they travelled, and stayed for some time at Eavenna, 
and back again; and the more they drank the 
more the flask was filled, and they never ceased 
drinking out of the said flask — e nullo di ces- 
sarono di here del dido fiasco, e sempre il trovarono 
moltiplicato, si che parea che vi nascesse" (sic). I do 
not think that the editors of the holy Tablet, of the 
Gazette de France, of that of Augshourg, and others 
of the class, possess each of them one of these holy 
flasks ; though it might be inferred from the raving 
stuff that they offer daily to the public that they 
really are under the mesmeric influence of the 
mysterious flask. I have given this extract to show, 
by the testimony of the ancient holy writers, that 
the ancient Eoman Catholic Prelates as well as the 
modern, and particularly the Northern, have been, 
and are still, celebrated for their drinking propen- 
sities. Without illustrating the above assertion 
with recent cases, to avoid exposing names, I take 



475 



the case of the German Bishop who was travelling 
to Rome, and, to avoid being deceived by hotel- 
keepers about the best wines to be drunk during his 
pilgrimage to the Holy City, he took care to choose 
a courier who was a good judge of wines, and 
instructed him to be always in advance of him, 
and, stopping at every town, that he should have a 
bottle of the best choice wine ; if he found it good, 
being well provided with chalk and money, he 
should write visibly on the walls and door of the 
inns the word Est, Est. The Episcopal scheme 
answered uncommonly well to the prelatic palate ; 
and, arriving at Montefiascone, and finding the 
magic Est, Est, Est, superlatively written, he 
decided on halting, and resting for some time. 
Joannis de Euer was in his highest glory when he 
reached the temple of his God, Bacchus, The exqui- 
siteness of the nectar of Monteflascone soon brought 
him miraculously to his end, in a state of perfect 
drunkenness. It was supposed that an apoplectic 
fit carried him to the Stygian River all at once; 
whether his courier gave him the penny to pay Mr 
Caronte's barque or not, the historians have not stated ; 
though it is almost certain that his zealous servant 
had done so, as he took the trouble of having him 
most reverently buried in that parish churchyard, 
and placed a sumptuous monument over his wine- 
barrelled bones, on which was sculptured his es- 
cutcheon, and on each side of the sarcophagus, 
besides his family arms, were also sculptured a 
couple of drinking-glasses : On the lid lies the 
portrait of the Bishop, with his mitre on his head. 
His pedigree is engraved in Gothic characters at 
his feet in the following manner : 

Est, Est, Est, propter nimium Est, Jo. De Etjer 

D. Metjs mortutjs est. 
Bishop John de Eueris, my master, died, and is buried 
here, for having drunk too much of this best wine. 



476 



The Episcopal squibs succeed each other with 
insolent rapidity ; but as it is not very easy to 
obtain them, I obstinately refuse to read any of 
them, and satisfy myself to know that the liberal 
public press announce their appearance and their 
condemnation. Therefore, I think it waste of time 
and paper to read or answer any of the tirades of 
the Preeclarus custos ovium, lupus, the Lycaon of 
Orleans, or of his last Confrater the Pie de Co. . . . 
who is now standing in the pillory of public 
opinion,— for them it is a sufficient punishment to 
know that the springs of the miracle-machinery are 
much out of order, and so worn out that they do 
not work at all, and that the machinery itself must 
shortly be set aside altogether, to make room for 
something working entirely upon a new principle, 
that will just suit the time we live in, going 
speedily and straight a-head like a steam-engine, 
and as fast as public opinion, with economy of 
combustibles, and engineers who will not have any 
more opportunities of fattening so rapidly, thereby 
incurring premature death by the superabundance of 
perquisites and surreptitious pilferings of all sorts. 

The press have condemned loudly enough the last 
Allocution of 1860, and I spare my time and feelings 
by refusing to read the effusions of Antonelli or the 
Pope, knowing them to be nothing better, but cer- 
tainly much worse, than Tisiphone's doings in the 
fourth book of Ovid's Memamorphosis, by order of 
Juno. These splendid lines are quite ad rem, and 
much shorter : 

. . . . Mens estj quaa diros sentiat ictus. 
Attulerat secum liquidi quoque monstra veneni, 
Oris Cerberei spumas, et virus Echidnse ; 
Erroresque vagos, csecaeque oblivia mentis, 
Et scelus, et lacrymas, rabiemque et csedis amorem ; 
Omnia trita simul : quae sanguine mixta recenti 
Coxerat sere cavo, viridi versata cicuta. 



477 



Dumque pavent illi ; vertit furiale venenum 
Pectus in amborum ; praecordiaque intima movit. 
Turn face j aetata per eundem saapius orbem, 
Consequitur motos velociter ignibus ignes. 

It is the mind alone that feels the cruel contagion. 
Tisiphone brought with her also a strong compound 
of liquid poison ; that is, some foam of Cerberus' s 
mouth, some poison of the Hydra, and the wandering 
blunders and forgetfulness of an ignorant mind ; a 
few villainies, tears, rage, and the love of murder ; 
the whole well pounded together, and mixed with 
fresh blood, she cooked it in a brass cauldron, stirring 
it with a stick of green hemlock. "While they are 
trembling, she pours on both their breasts the raging 
poison, and tortures the internal viscera. Then run- 
ning round them several times with a lighted torch, 
she threw it on the fires, to add flame to flames. 

The only difference that occurs in this passage is 
that, in applying it to the Italian people, instead of 
trembling, they are imperturbably bold, demanding 
their sovereign rights with the eternally blessed 
Charter in their hand, regulating the laws — laws of 
justice, equity, and moderation, as becomes a people 
entitled to it, after having spread so much civilization 
in the world. The unmistakably firm and noble 
attitude of the Italian population, in contempt of 
the degraded government's repeated provocations, 
shows that the people are sovereignly mastering the 
situations, and as calm as Jupiter's answer to the 
vile provocators — 

Adveniet justum pugnce ne lacessite tem^us. 

All of you Blacks, you have tried too many 
times lately, and by all sorts of savage deeds, and 
infernal means, with the assistance of mercenaries, 
the refuse of all nations, misled by a few honest, 
but fanatic men, for a bad cause ; instead of cor- 
recting, or of attempting to mend partially your 
faults, you have aggravated your dangerous situation, 



478 



and burned your tattering garments with your 
lighted torch of discord ; while the people, full of 
noble contempt for your madness, silently approving 
and applauding to your own destruction, have deter- 
mined to leave you to your irrevocable fate, 
baffling entirely all your dishonest efforts, attesting 
to you and to the world in general that a people 
endowed with wisdom and moderation, strong in 
its moral progress, and the justice of its cause, 
with these simple arms and determined will, is 
powerful enough to overpower, upset, and burst all 
the infernal machinations of its unscrupulous and 
demoralized enemy. 

The times of the Gregories, Pascal, Alexander, Syl- 
vester, Boniface, Innocent, the Johns, Benedict, 
and Maledict, and other sanguinary usurpers of 
States and Empires, with their excommunications 
and lulleSy are entirely forgotten, and the present 
people know how to master the bull, and the drover 
too ! Moreover, the people are aware that ex- 
communication now fattens, and brings good fortune 
to the excommunicated,— and wherever the Pope's 
blessings reach and take root they bring discord, 
family disunion, demoralisation, poverty, and misery 
in all its worst features. Look, for instance, at the 
richest lands, where God has most kindly and most 
liberally distributed all sorts of treasures, and every- 
thing necessary to human life ; the Promised Lands, 
for instance, Italy, Spain, Portugal, Ireland, and go 
to the JS T ew "World, Mexico, and the other Southern 
States, &c. ; in spite of the abundance of the natural 
riches, 3^ou see the populations reduced to constant 
strife and miseries through the insatiability of the 
ruling Priestcrafts. ITow look at the reverse of the 
medal, and see the power and influence of this 
country since the Eeformation, and compare it with 
the time when Queen Eleonora sent her son Eichard 
to Palestine. "When King Eichard was returning 
from Palestine he passed through the territory of 



479 



the Duke of Austria, who made him prisoner, and 
gave him into the hands of the Emperor Henry the 
Sixth. The Emperor awarded a sum of money as a 
ransom, although Richard was a friend of the Pope 
and the Emperor. The King's mother wrote to 
the Pope and the Emperor in a splendid style — see 
these letters 144, 145, and 146 in the works of Petri 
Elasiensis — De Institut. Epise. and De Peregrinat. 
Tractat. To the Pope, Queen Eleanora wrote, 
saying : — Give me back my son, you man of God, if 
you are such an one, and not inclined to be a sangui- 
nary man, &c. See the Latin text, which is infinitely 
superior to what I could write if I were to translate 
it — Redde mihi fllium meum, vir Dei, si tamen vir 
Dei es, et non potius vir sanguinum, si filii mei 
liberatione torpeas, ut sanguinem ejus de manu tua 
requirat altissimus, lieu Heu si summus Pastor in 
mercenarium pervertatur, si a lupi facie fugiat, si 
commissam sibi oviculam imo arietem electum, ducem 
dominici gregis in faucibus cruentse bestiae derelin- 
quat. Sane sero vestram pro eo poneretis animam, 
qui pro eodem adhuc unum verbum dicere aut scribere 
noluisti, &c. See when Erance was partly emancipated 
from Rome, how that country prospered in those 
epochs, when the Gallician Church was strictly 
adhered to by the power and will of the Ruling 
Sovereign. If the Sovereign slackens the reins to 
the Rishops, they soon emancipate themselves from 
the State, and curb it with the Church, as they have 
done whenever they have found a fool or a rogue to 
connive with them ; when they have soon brought 
confusion, fraternal war, and deplorable revolutions, 
from which they were ready to grasp all the power 
with its inherent benefits, and always to the detri- 
ment of the industrious populations. The fact is, 
they kick and thump, and try now with their meek 
insinuations and pulpit propaganda, but finding it a 
tough and very hot job, and for fear of burning 
their fingers, they suspend the contest, and prudently 



480 



shrink into nothing, I should like these few facts 
to come under the notice of that long, thin, white- 
choked, atrabiliary-coloured old Jesuit, who, two 
years ago, had a short political discussion with me 
upon the affairs of Italy, and ended his argument by 
telling me that — malgre tons les succes de Napoleon il 
ne servira que d'echelle aux Bourbons pour remonter 
sur le trone de France. 

Look at the time of the Brandenbourg Electors, 
and see what Prussia has acquired in ninety years of 
Ecclesiastical emancipation and conquest. Again, 
see the thirteenth or fourteenth consecutive centu- 
ries of happiness and wealth of the presque-indepen- 
dent States of Venice from the Holy See, and com- 
pare it with the present time, and you will soon 
satisfy yourself that all the ruins and pestilent 
miseries of that once greatest of people did not 
emanate entirely from the destruction caused by the 
Austrian locusts. It emanated from the Ecclesias- 
tical power, which came in to follow suit when the 
once-powerful and venerated flag of St Marco was 
lowered to give place to the abominable colours of 
the Austrians. This it was that completed the ruin 
of the Yenetians. 

I will say no more now in comparison of the 
Eoman Catholic and Protestant countries, but revert 
to the consideration of the best means for the libera- 
tion of Italy from the priestly brigandage of the 
present day. And I am in hopes that the enlightened 
policy of the followers of Cavour will soon disinter 
that international law with which Louis Philippe 
worked the expulsion of Louis JNapoleon, Mazzini, 
and company from Switzerland in 1834. As I was 
amongst them, I managed to find my way through 
the mountains of the Jura, and was at Lyons, at the 
premiere place, before the first scene of that revolu- 
tion began — not as a mercenary, but as a volunteer 
for liberty anywhere, as I had been from the 3rd of 
February, 1831, up till that time. The precedent of 



481 



that law ought to be enforced now, to expel from 
Eome and other towns of Italy all that sacred clan 
which wait there the mot oVordre for a civil war, 
directed by the modern Antichrist ; by an old, dis- 
carded, intriguing wanton, of Quixotic habit ; by 
Marco Boinba the Second, and Company; by the 
Barliere, trovaroba facendiere Jesuita Belgio Monsieur 
Oiler . , . , of the celebrated anagrammatic effluvia, 
with ail his foreign marrani mangiapolenta, who 
wait there that Jupiter Stator should make again 
the miracle of the pagnotte. These, and all the rest 
of them, ought to be forced to quit the land first of 
all, to avoid the inevitable ruin of the civil wars and 
the increase of miseries ; this done, we are quite 
sure that Italy will properly and conveniently settle 
her own affairs, progress, and take rank with the 
other civil nations ; and the Priestcraft should be 
satisfied if the people, in their merciful generosity, 
neglect to take an account of them, for the hundreds 
of millions of human sacrifices perpetrated upon them 
by the present and past inhuman rulers, from the 
sixth century, when they began to abuse the then 
little power, and continue to do so to the present 
day. Yes, be satisfied, you Cardinals and Bishops, 
if the people forget the griefs and tears of millions of 
mothers, sisters, and fathers, born in riches, and who 
died in misery to satiate your libidinous cupidity of 
spoliation and power of opulence. Be thankful to 
the Eternal Father if, fatigued by your misrule and 
disgusted by your crimes, He tears from history all 
the pages stained with the blood of the martyrs to 
liberty, and replaces them with blank leaves already 
headed in His indelible writing with these three 
words : Christianity, Love, Chakitt. 

A retrospective glance at the history of the Holy 
Roman See, written by a very few really venerable 
men, Bishops, Cardinals, Abbots, and other lay 
historians, who dared to pen what was passing at 
their times, unfolds such a chaos of abominations, 

I T 



482 



instituted and fomented on for centuries by the 
constantly increasing demoralisations of the Popes, 
seconded by the highest clergy of all Europe, that it 
is impossible to believe at the present day that such 
monstrosities were for a moment countenanced or 
tolerated, not only by the general clergy itself, but 
by any single individual of the most degraded mob. 
And yet such has been the case ; and it was even so 
after the advent of the Eranck King, Charles Martel, 
to Italy. The union of Church and State was the 
cause of all these sacrileges ; and although the Church 
of Eome at that time had not contracted such union, 
yet, through impudent abuse of power, she acted 
always as if she had done so, and as if she was 
entitled so to do. Unless the State uses its power 
to correct the aberrations of the Church, and the 
Church her influence and morals to guide the State 
when it takes a footpath leading to perdition, the 
combination is not beneficial to the public. I can 
quote here some most honourable Ecclesiastical 
writers, contemporaries of those villainous and 
barbarian Popes, Cardinals, Archbishops, Bishops, 
Abbots, Prelates, Archpriests, Monks, and Eriars, 
humanised serpents, whom it seems to me had no 
other mission in this world than that of deceiving, 
perverting, and destroying the works of the benevo- 
lent God, who gives them the sheep to feed, to milk, 
and the wool to shear, when too long, as their com- 
pensation, and not to skin and quarter, or chop them 
^up at their caprice, as they do. Dear readers, I will 
beg of you to be patient, and suspend the opinion 
that you may hastily form of me, if I am bold enough 
in these times to exhume and give to the public some 
few extracts which are buried in the literature of the 
olden time, and written in a language that very few 
read now, except the interested parties who always 
endeavour to conceal them from the public gaze. I 
have no interested motives in this exposition, but for 
the good of humanity, which has been unmercifully 



483 



treated so long ; and as this is a time in which I 
hope that the greatest abuses may be reformed, if not 
entirely extirpated, I freely give some extracts, 
knowing where to find them, and also knowing much 
about the Priests. Having been absent from my 
home fully thirty years, I gladly contribute to 
redress its wrongs, with all my power, by thus re- 
producing a few of the black deeds of the Priesthood. 
By disclosing their crimes ; if they are susceptible of 
being ashamed, they might correct themselves ; but 
I doubt their honest susceptibility and their modesty, 
knowing them to be incorrigible. 

As a note en passant, I may state here that the 
Italian rulers had carried oppression to such a point 
in 1831, that on the 3rd of February Francis the 
Fourth of Este, after fomenting a general revolution 
in Italy (for the sake of expelling the other Sove- 
reigns, and with the favour and influence of a few 
liberals whom he had already seduced in advance to 
place him on the throne of Italy after the successful 
movement), being on that day persuaded by Prince 
Canosa, that if the revolution took place the liberals 
would not choose him for the throne of Italy on ac- 
count of the many victims of liberty he had already 
sacrificed in his own States, — he determined on that 
night to destroy the whole of the liberals. He knew 
their regular place of meeting, and at seven o'clock on 
that evening he put himself at the head of his troops, 
surrounded the house of Menotti, and, with artillery 
and shot from all sorts of arms, besieged and de- 
stroyed the place, which capitulated at half-past 
eleven, after resisting for three hours and a half. 
Thirty-six gentlemen were taken prisoners, and 
would have been shot, if the neighbouring towns and 
villages, on hearing the cannon, had not risen in 
insurrection. Eeggio, Bologna, Parma, and the cities 
of the Komagna, joined and freed themselves for a 
short space of time, and we marched from State to 
State making common cause. Two of the Cardinals 



484 



were taken as hostages, and the others had packed 
up everything, and were in consternation with the 
last Pope of degraded memory. The Universities of 
those States carried the day, as I have said, for a 
short, time, and I was one of the quorum who re- 
sisted everything for a long period while a foot of 
ground could be maintained anywhere in Italy ; and 
I did the same after I arrived in Erance, to avenge 
the treason of the French Government, which had 
sent the unfortunate and truly liberal Colonel Combes 
to fraternise with us in Ancona, until he was super- 
seded by General Cubieres, who came there merely 
to act the part of gendarme, taking us prisoners, and 
delivering the town and forts of Ancona to the Pope's 
authority. I was glad to see his name emblazoned in 
the Gazzette de Tribuno at the time of Louis Philippe, 
on account of mismanaging the pronoun mens-a-um. 

I must be excused if I do not relate anything 
more of these events, as it is out of place here. I 
merely wish to show who I am, where I come from, 
and to satisfy the inquisitive curiosity of an insolent 
person who wrote to me anonymously some time ago. 
At present all the leading men of the Italian affairs 
are the survivors of the revolution of 1831 and of 
that of 1848, to whose experience in the political 
management the physical power of the youngest 
generation has been lately added by the organization 
of the Volunteers. 

I now resume the Ecclesiastical part of my sub- 
ject. Hildebertus Episcopus Csenomanensis (anno 
1130) hac SBtate percelebris, in quadam Epistola de 
curia Romana verba faciens scripsit. Romanos pecu- 
liariter hsec provincia manet, inferre calumnias, de- 
ferre person as, afferre minas, auferre substantias. Hi 
sunt quorum laudari audis in ocio occupationes, in 
pace prsedas, inter arma fugas — inter vina victorias. 
Hi sunt qui causas morantur adhibiti, impediunt 
praatermisti, fastidiunt admoniti, obliviscunt locu- 
pletati. Hi sunt qui emunt lites, vendunt interces- 



485 



siones, deputant arbitros, retrahunt transigentes, &e. 
Hi sunt qui negant reverentiam Clericis. originem 
nobilibus, concessum Prioribus, congressum sequali- 
bus, cunctis jura. Nullum illis genus hominum, 
ordinum, temporum, cordis est. In foro Scythse, in 
cubiculo viperse in convivio scurrse, in exactionibus 
harpy as, in collocutionibus statuse, in questionibus 
bestiae, in tractatibus cochleae, in contractibus trape- 
zitae. Ad intelligendum Saxei, ad judicandum lignei, 
ad succensendum flammei, ad ignoscendum ferrei, ad 
amicitias pardi, ad facetias ursi, ad fallendum vulpes, 
ad superbiendum tauri, ad consumendum minotauri. 
Spes firmas in rerum motibus habent, dubia tempora 
certius amant, et ignavia pariter, conscientiaque tre- 
pidantes, in prsetoriis Leones, in castris lepores, 
timent fcedera ne discutiantur, bella ne pugnent. 
Quorum si nares afflaverit rubiginosi aura marsupii, 
confestim videbis et illic et oculos Argi ; et manus 
Briarei, et ingenium Sphingis. 

Bishop Hildebert, in a letter, described the Holy 
See or Boman Curia in these words : " The llomans 
are specially fit to invent calumnies, to impeach 
persons of quality, to prepare mines and steal the 
property of others. These are those who you hear 
frequently praised, occupied in robberies in time 
of peace, running away in time of wars, and sing- 
ing victories when drunk. These are those who, 
accustomed to retard all the causes, forgetful they 
prevent the conclusion of anything; warned they 
disdain, and enriched they forget everybody. These 
are those who buy the lawsuits, sell the intercessions, 
depute the arbitrators, dictate the sentences, revoke 
their given opinions, convoke the wranglers, remand 
the hearing of them; they drag along the inveterate 
disputants, and abandon those inclined to agree, &c- 
These are those who deny the respect to the Clergy^ 
to the nobility their origin, the sessions to the 
Priors, the meeting to the equals, and to all their 
rights. They have no sympathy for any class of 

t t 2 



486 



persons, nor for order of things nor time. In the 
markets they are Scythians, in the drawing-room 
vipers, at the banquets the chafferns to warm the 
dishes; they are harpies in exacting, and statues 
in the conferences ; they are beasts in putting 
questions, snails in' the treaties, and bankers in the 
bargains. They are hard as stones to understand, 
and wooden to adjudicate ; they are ready to ignite 
like fire, and to pardon they are of iron ; they are 
like panthers in friendship, bears in pleasantries, 
deceiving like foxes, haughty as bulls, and devourers 
like Minotaurs. They are hopeful in the instability 
of things; they love the dark, doubtful political 
times, as well as the cowardliness, trembling through 
remorse of conscience ; they are lions in the courts, 
and hares in the camps ; they fear the discussions of 
treaties, and the disputes of war. If their nostrils 
smell the foul air of war, there you will see them 
directly with the eyes of Argus, with the hands of 
Briareus, and the disposition of the Sphynxes/' 

Oh dear, oh dear, what a blessing to a man to be 
far away from the Roman Curia's clutches ! What 
a relief to those populations who have emancipated 
themselves from them, and can assert their own 
rights, and the whole of the truth without fear or 
moral restraint. Many thoughts present themselves 
to my mind for insertion here, in analysis of this 
quotation; but, as it is plainly described by this 
Reverend Bishop, it would be profanation to add to 
it any remarks of my own, therefore I shall pass on, 
taking another quotation from a letter of this Bishop 
Hildebert, when he was promoted to the Turonensis 
See, in writing to Pope- Honorius the Second, anno 
1132. I shall not take the trouble to translate it, I 
leave that to the pamphleteering Bishops, and wish 
they should be buried as it says here. Quaslibet 
appellationes in Romana vigere et suscipi Ecclesia, 
in Alpes auditum non est, nec ex sacris traditum 
institutis; Quid si forte hujusmodi emersit no vitas, 



487 



ut placeat omnem indiiFerenter admittere appella- 
tionem, Pontificalis censura peribit et omnino 
conteretur Ecclesiasticse robur disciplinae. Quis 
enim raptor, ad solam anathematis comminationem, 
non statim appellabit ? Quis Clericus aut Presbyter, 
frustratoriae appellationis refugio, non putrebit aut 
etiam non sepelietur in stercore suo ? Quis Episcopus 
habebit in promptu, non omnem dico, sed aliquam 
ulcisci in obedientiam ? Ejus virgam quae vis ap- 
pellatio quassabit, solvet constantiam, severitatem 
emolliet, adducens et illi silentium, et reis impuni- 
tatem delictorum.. Sic net ut sacrilegia, ac rapinaa, 
fornicationes ac adulteria pernicioso inundent incre- 
mento ; cum prassul ad supernuas appellationes 
clauserit ora, et desierit persequi, piorum persecutores 
locorum, cum viduarum injurias desierit ulcisci et 
orphanorum dilatione nimirum censurse, facinora 
fovebantur et venient in profundum iniquitatis 
impune delinquentes. 

I will now take an extract from another well- 
intentioned Bishop of the same epoch, who wrote 
many works uselessly, tanquam later em lav are. His 
venerable name was Honorius Angustodensis Epis- 
copus an Abbas, and of the Roman Church he said 
as follows : 

Verte te ad cives Babiloniae, et vide quales sint et 
per quas tendent plateas, &c. Yide, veni hue ad 
supercilium montis ut cuncta possis sedificia cernere 
damnataB civitatis. Intuere Principes ejus et judices 
(nempe Cardinales, Archiepiscopos), &c. Ecceposita 
est in eis Bestiae sedes, omni tempore ad malum sunt 
intenti, semper negotiis iniquitatis inexplicabiliter 
occupati, flagitia non solum faciunt, sed et alios 
facere instruunt, sancta vendunt, scelera emunt, 
totis viribus laborant, ne soli ad tartara veniant. 
Yerte te ad Clerum et videbis in eis Bestias tento- 
rium, Dei servitium negligunt, terrenis lucris inser- 
viunt, sacerdotium per immunditiem polluunt, popu- 
lum per simulationem seducunt, Deum per mala opera 



488 



abnegant, omnes Scripturas ad salutem parti tientes 
abdicant, omnibus modis laqueos ad ruinam populo 
substernunt, quern caecum ipsi caeci ad interitum 
praecedunt. Contemplare et llonachorum Concilia- 
bula, et videbis in eis Bestiae tabernacula, per fictam 
professionem Deum irridentes iram ejus provocant, 
normara regularem moribus et vita ealcant, per 
habitum seculum fallunt, multos deceptos decepti 
ipsi decipiunt, secularibus negotiis impliciti sunt, in 
servitio Dei desides existunt, plerique illorum gulae 
et illecebris dediti sunt quidani in immunditiae 
sorde computrescunt. Aspice etiam habitacula 
monialium, et cernes in eis Bestiae praeparatum 
thalatum H33 a tenera aetate impudicitiam discunt, 
complices sibi plurimas ad cumulum suae damna- 
tions adsciscunt, vel se operire festinant, quo magis 
fraena luxuriae laxare queant, omnibus fornicariis 
pejus prosternuntur, et ut insatiabilis charybdis, 
nunquam stercore immunditiaB replentur. Hae 
animas juvenum illaqueant, et gaudent si plures 
illaqueant atque haec vult palmam victorias quae 
aliis prevalent in scelere. 

" Now look at the citizens of Babylon, and see who 
they are, and in which directions the great streets 
stretch out, &c. Come here, and see from the top 
of this mountain, and you can contemplate all the 
edifices of this damned city. There behold the 
Princes and the Judges (that is the Cardinals and 
Archbishops, &c.) In them now is placed the abode 
of the Beast, and at any time they are inclined to 
evil, always occupied in in explainable iniquitous 
bargains; they not only debauch the women, but 
they instruct others to do so likewise ; they sell the 
sacred things, and buy villainous lewdness, and em- 
ploy all their exertions to avoid going alone to hell. 
Just look at the Clergy, and you will see in them 
the pavilion of the Beast ; they neglect the service 
of God ; they devote themselves to mundane profits, 
and pollute the Church with filthiness ; they seduce 



489 



the people with hypocrisy ; they deny God with their 
perverse works ; they are divorced from the Holy 
Scriptures, and hy every means they throw baits to 
the people to bring them to ruin, who ignorantly 
and blindly follow them to perdition. Contemplate 
the meetings of the Monks, and you will see in them 
the tabernacle of the Beast ; with their false profes- 
sion they laugh at God and provoke his just wrath ; 
they tread upon the proper rules, and with their 
lives and manners they deceive their contemporaries 
with their costumes, and deceive themselves while 
they mislead many others ; they are entangled in 
secular affairs, and live entirely idle, neglecting the 
service of God ; the greatest part of them are glut- 
tons, addicted to charms, others rot together in filthy 
scurf and nastiness. See also the JSTun convents, and 
you will see in them the bed prepared for the Beast. 
There girls of tender age learn unchastity ; they 
associate in complicity with many others already 
degraded, and to complete their condemnation they 
.contrive to conceal themselves where they are able 
to obtain new and greater lust ; they abase them- 
selves worse than all the common prostitutes, and, 
insatiable like Carybdis, they are never satis- 
fied or disgusted at the abominable filth. These 
Nuns ensnare the souls of the young, and rejoice if 
they can entangle others, and the one that surpasses 
all the rest in these abominations attains the palm 
of victory." — So much for the Monasteries and 
Nunneries. 

The above text is the basis of my sermon, and is 
particularly recommended to fathers and mothers 
who send their sons and daughters to nunneries and 
monasteries for holy education. There is no doubt 
that the above doctrine, as it was taught 700 years 
ago in these Convents, is also taught now, that the 
old system and principle was and is still in vogue is 
also clear ; in witness thereof, look at the few cases 
that have oozed out lately in the courts of Prance; 



490 

and somewhere else, when the Eight Reverends 
have been either too rough or too bestial in the 
treatment of their victims. Some time ago I filed 
a number of cases collected and taken at different 
epochs from various newspapers, all of them scored 
to the accounts of the Eeverends, but I will not 
produce them here. 
Sd 0X an 992" Baronius relates cases of high Ecclesiastics tried 
wfc'21,22. ' according to the Decrees and Canons of the Church, 
showing that JEgidius, Archbishop of Eheims, in 
the city of Metz, was expelled from the Church by 
the Trench Bishops, and condemned for life to 
Argentina, while in his place was elected as suc- 
cessor Eomulphus, because he had broken faith with 
King Childebert, and contracted friendship with 
Chilperic ; and it is remarkable that, although Pope 
Gregory the Great was a most tenacious defender of 
the privileges of the Eoman Church, yet he never 
said or ordered anything either pro or contra to this 
condemnation. Nec tamen Magnus Gregorius privi- 
legii Eonianae Ecclesiae acerrimus defensor, quicquam. 
pro his aut contra hsec dixisse reperitur. Then 
follows another case of the destitution of another 
Archbishop of Eheims, named Hebon — apud Theo- 
donis villam a Galliarum Episcopis ob laesam Majes- 
tatem depositus — deposed by the Prench Bishops 
for the crime of high treason. Farther on he says 
that the Eoman Church ought to do her duty, accord- 
ing to the canons of the Council of Mce. 

The present Pope might have achieved something 
advantageous to the Church and himself, but at 
present he is in the hands of the Jesuits, and cannot 
do a single good thing, on account of Merode and 
Antonelli, who never quit him a moment, and who 
exercise a pressure upon his mind and body far 
heavier than the bayonets that prop him and his 
reign up. As Baronius said, to express myself more 
clearly, Eome lost the Ecclesiastical authority after 
the fall of the Empire that she had upon the Church 



491 



of Alexandria, upon that of Antiochia, and those of 
Africa and Asia, while it was much diminished in 
Europe; Constantinople had long ago emancipated 
itself from Rome ; in some central parts of Spain 
the Eomish Church judgments were ignored ; the 
French Church was also emancipated from Rome, 
&c. But I think it will be much better if I let 
Baronius say it in his own words : TJt enim planius 
dicamus, palamque fateamur post Imperii occasum 
hsec urbs Alexandrinam Ecclesiam perdidit An- 
tiochenam amisit, et ut de Africa taceamus atque 
Asia, ipsa jam Europa discedit, nam Constantinopoli- 
tana Ecclesia se subduxit, interiora Hispanise ejus 
judicia nesciunt ; Fit ergo discessio secundum Apos- 
tolum, non solummodo gentium, sed etiam Ecclesi- 
arum, quoniam cujus ministri Gallias occupaverunt, 
nosque totis viribus premunt, Antichristus instare 
videtur. Et ut idem Apostolus ait, jam mysterium 
iniquitatis operatur, tantum ut qui nunc tenet, teneat, 
donee de medio fiat, ut ille perditionis filius reveletur, 
homo peccati qui adversatur et extollitur supra Dei 
nomen, Deique culturam. Quod jam in aperto fit, 
ut Romana potentia conquassata, religione profligata, 
nomen Dei frequentibus perjuriis impune humilietur, 
ipsius divinse religionis cultus, etiam a summis Sacer- 
dotibus contemnatur. Ipsa in super Roma jam pene 
sola a seipsa discedit, dum neque sibi neque aliis 
consulit. Well, Messrs Antonelli, Me-Herode, and 
Co., what do you think of this exposition of the 
affair that you manage ? Do you think of carrying 
on the business any further, or will you give it up ? 
Is it not monstrous to continue upon such a fallacious 
system, so ruinous and so long ago condemned by 
your confederates and satraps? Take my advice, 
give it up ; as you are accustomed to do, sneakingly 
and clandestinely take your grabatum et amlula ; go 
to Palestine, as the place is open now for a new 
excess of misery, and to your access it is already 
prepared. 



492 



I think I am in duty bound to offer a few words 
of apology to my readers for interrupting the his- 
torical narrative of Henry the Fifth's political affairs 
with these last few pages, descriptive of the cha- 
racters of the Clergymen and Church of Rome. I 
have been drawn into this error by the sole desire 
of giving to the reader a precise idea of the moral 
characters of the above-named Clergy, and to prove 
historically, by the testimony of contemporary Eccle- 
siastical and secular historians, the truth of my 
assertions. All the time I am writing I am aware 
that the Priests will deny every fact exposed, and 
invent all sorts of fictitious arguments and calumnies, 
in the regular style of Don Basilio ; but this shall 
not stop my pen ; and though the ink is bad, and 
will not run fluently upon the paper, nevertheless, I 
will continue to blot it with the dirty Episcopal, 
alias Papal deeds. 

Before proceeding any further, I have also to 
apologise for seemingly taking the parts of the 
Henries, Erederick, the Bavarian Ludowick, and 
other Emperors. The reader must take into consi- 
deration the fact that I am writing the criminal 
history of the Popes, not of the Emperors. And 
it is manifest that if the Popes had not encroached 
upon the temporal power, these Emperors would not 
have had &i&y cause for war, and would very likely 
have been at peace for many consecutive centuries. 
Instead of this, the picture has been reversed for ten 
succeeding centuries; and solely on account of the 
Popes, who have invariably provoked the Emperors, 
or the Imperial vassal, and thus brought about such 
a series of horrible strifes, as will cause the reader of 
history to turn pale at their narration. Had the 
Popes confined themselves to the exercise of their 
spiritual duties, the Emperors would have been spared 
the pain of carrying on their wars against Papal 
usurpation, and thus have had no cause to sacrifice 
thousands of unoffending human beings and their 



493 



property for the single purpose of teaching the Popes 
their proper duties. The injuries which those 
Emperors have inflicted upon the Italians, then, 
very clearly laid with the Popes, and not with them- 
selves, as they had no choice, but were bound to 
assert their own rights by the force of arms ; and 
for this reason I have not confounded them with 
those who were the really guilty parties in those 
transactions which depopulated and devastated my 
country. 

I cease abruptly the foregoing quotations, as I 
think I have given enough of them. I also quit 
Henry the Fifth, to take up the political and Eccle- 
siastical affairs of the time of " Barbarossa," or 
Frederick the First. 

First of all, I will state that when Frederick the Hubens, His- 
First arrived in Italy he compelled, by an order, all tor * Raven * 
the Ecclesiastical dignitaries who were enjoying Pro- 
vinces and States belonging to the Empire to appear 
before him, to recognise him as the supreme Lord ; 
and it is stated that the Ambassadors of Eavenna 
went to recognise him as the Sovereign, and that 
Archbishop, as an Imperial feudatory, went to take 
the oath of fidelity to him. At that time Frederick 
the First was on friendly terms with the Pope; 
nevertheless, he gave the Exarchate of Eavenna to 
Anselmus, to be governed by him, who had also just 
been elected Archbishop in that year (anno 1154) : otthoFrisbg. 
Circa idem tempus Anselmus Hamelburgensis Epis- Frider^Prin. 
copus a Grecia reversus Eavennatensem Archiepisco- imp., lib. 2, 
patum per Cleri et populi electionem simul et 
ejusdem Provincise Exarchatum, laboris sui magnifi- 
cam recompensationem a Principe accepit. 

We see that the Emperor disposed of the Exarchate 
to the Archbishop of Eavenna, and in the year 1160 
Frederick the First confirmed most specially to 
Guido, the succeeding Archbishop of Eavenna, the — 
Comitatum Comaclensem, et districtum Eavennas ex- 
ceptis illis nostris Eegalibus, &c. ; as reported by 



494 



Ughelli, who quoted this and another Diploma in his 
work (Ital. Sac.) given by the Emperor Frederick to 
the people of Comacchio, dated the 17th of May, 
1177, recognising them as Imperial subjects. The 
Popes, through jealousy, subsequently attempted to 
deny and ignore that Diploma, but they entirely 
failed, and could not succeed because the people had 
already accustomed themselves to live in freedom, 
and had all their official acts registered and intro- 
duced in their history, and took good care to adhere 
strictly to the law, and abide by the Imperial com- 
mandments (see Ughelli, Ital. Sac, 1177). Frederick, 
in that Privilege or Diploma, reconveyed and recon- 
firmed to those people all their property and rights, 
and absolved them a Ripatico et a Teloneo in foro, 
and ordered that no person should dare to put any 
penalty upon them for more than 100 denarii, and 
that no one should enter upon their property, except 
his Judges once every two years, to administer the 
law and justice to the people : Msi Foster Nuntius 
semel per omne biennium ad legem et justitiam faci- 
endam, &c. At last he fixed the penalty to be paid 
to his Cameras Nostras ; ^nd after the peace with the 
Roman See in the year 1177, he continued to recog- 
nise and possess the Eoman States as of the Empire. 
In another chapter I shall speak of the schism and 
Avars of this Emperor, Frederick the First, against 
the Popes. 

Adrian and Pope Alexander the Third had a 
lengthy war against Frederick, which is too long to 
relate in full here, and I shall give only a few sketches 
of that event. Many cities were destroyed in Italy 
during these frightful events. "While Frederick was 
coming to Italy to be crowned by Pope Adrian, he 
settled in peace the Terdonenses sibi rebelles. After 
his coronation, he established peace at Spoleto \ then 
he quelled many rebellions in Lombardy ; and while 
he, with his army, was passing near Verona, the 
people rolled stones from a mountain upon his troops, 



495 



and gave him cause of stopping for another peaceful 
settlement before he returned to Germany to divorce 
the daughter of the Marquis of Wobburg, and to 
marry Beatrice of Burgoyne, daughter of Comitis 
Bisuntini, who was very rich, and had besides 5,000 
soldiers to add to those of the Emperor. He after- 
wards returned to Lombardy, and made war against 
the Milanese and the people of Brescia ; and the Tor- 
tonians, who had already rebuilt their town walls, 
also arrayed themselves against him. The people of 
Cremona and of Pavia, commanded by their Bishop, 
Obertus, gave to Frederick 30,000 soldiers, to 
augment his army, and the JSovarienses cum copioso 
et splendido exercitu junguntur also against the 
Milanese and the Brescians ; and it was a very 
serious battle and a tremendous loss to Brescia, and 
much worse to Milan, whose faubourgs were burned 
by Frederick's troops, and they were compelled to 
make submission to the Emperor. After this the 
Emperor went to Germany, and the Milanese revolted 
again ; when he returned, and with his Lombard 
troops besieged Crema, and with all his Teutonic 
hordes he destroyed the farms, the crops, and cut 
the trees, and burnt and laid waste the castles and 
villages which he had not destroyed in the first war: 
Tunc relictis Lombardis in obsidione Cremae cum Editio 
exercitu Teutonicorum jam secunda vice processit ad ^^11^ 
vastandam omnem segetem mediolanensium, et arbo- uota ffistor 
res extirpandas et oppida quae remanserant funditus pSmi!"* 
destruenda. In obsidione autem Cremae plures 
de principalibus Alamaniae remanere permisit pre- 
fatum videlicet Conradum fratrem suum et Welfum 
avunculum suum qui praeter alias divitiarum et 
militum opulentias ex possessione comitisse Mathiidis 
habebat militum duo milia ; Bohemorum quoque 
regem nepotem suum et ducem de Austria. At ipse 
secum in expeditione Heinricum ducem cum Bavariis 
et militibus uxoris suae cum quibus hanc devasta- 
tionem perfecit. The reader will find out the two 



496 



objects that I have in view of exposing in this quota- 
tion, — that is, the excessive barbarity of the Northern 
savages ; and that the successor to the property, and 
the temporal power over the subjects of the late 
great Countess llathilde, was one of the Welfs of 
the Teutonic branch of the stock of the family of 
Este of Eerrara ; and if this "Weif, or Guelph, had 
her property and her vassals, it is evident that the 
Koman See had it not, and that the Donation of the 
great Countess Mathilde to the Apostolic Eoman 
See was a dream, or a subterfuge to escape confisca- 
tion of her estates, while she united her arms and 
money with Hildebrand to wage war against the 
Emperor. This stratagem succeeded for the moment, 
but after her death this fact proves that the States 
devolved part to the Empire and part to her late 
husband's family, and I am not sure whether I have 
already stated it in another chapter. At all events, 
I have proofs enough respecting this for another long 
chapter. 

These monstrosities happened in the year 1158, 
and I see that after this event Pope Adrian received 
an immense sum of money from Wilhelmus, King of 
Sicily, to place himself at the head of a great con- 
spiracy with the Princes, Dukes, Cardinals, Bishops, 
and all the nobility of Milan and Brescia, against the 
Emperor Erederick. Eirst of all, Adrian excom- 
municated Frederick, and persuaded the people of 
Crema to join the league ; and as their town was 
strongly fortified by a castle, the populations fell in 
that priestly intrigue, and from the friendly alliance 
and support that they had given to Erederick, they 
became his greatest enemies. Unfortunately, they 
had ultimately to pay the highest penalty. Town 
and citizens were destroyed ; only a few women, 
with whatever they could carry away, were saved 
from total destruction, and this inhuman proceeding 
happened in the year 1160. The author from whom 
I take this extract calls Erederick, Imperatorem 



497 



Christianissimum, because he allowed the women and 
children to come out, and saved their lives. Per- 
pendat jam quilibet lector prudens, quanta miseria 
ibi fnerit, ubi mulier parvulos suos gressu uti non 
volentes, potius quam res exportavit, vir quoque 
mulierem febricitantem, aut mulier virum profide 
conjungi exportarunt, pregnans quoque jam par- 
turientes semivivum puerum eduxit. Everything 
was then destroyed, anno Domini 1160. I have now 
found the author of this ancient book, and I will 
insert here his words, which serve to confirm the 
sentences expressed above concerning the conspiracy 
against Frederick. Refert supradictus scriptor Cre- 
monensis, videlicet Johannes Sacerdos, quod supra- 
dictis testimoniis bonorum virorum didicerit qui 
interfuerunt, quod illo conspiratio cum Apostolico 
Adriano, juramentis adeo firmata sit ut nullus ab 
altero recedere posset vel Imperatoris gratia sine 
omnium consensu requirere. Quod si mortuus est 
Papa iile de numero conspiratorum alium eligerent 
Cardinales. And so it was, as stated by our ancient 
author, Priest John of Cremona, that after Adrian's 
death, Pope Alexander, another conspirator, was 
elected, who carried on the war most resolutely, and 
with all the ferocity of the times, and added to the 
scisma his own anti-Christian spite. 

In the same year, 1160, I see that Frederick, for 
the third time, devastated and ravaged Lombardy, 
and at last Imperator a Medialanensibus anno 1161, 
fugatus est — " Ah ! at last/' the Milanese must have 
said, " here we are quite free. What shall we do 
now that the incubus is gone ! " Foolishly they did 
nothing for their preservation, and they neglected to 
organize themselves or to arm, and be ready for any 
other event. And I hope that the moderns will take 
a lesson from History, to avoid the same fatality, 
as Frederick, upon learning their inactivity and their 
disorganization, returned the next year with a 
powerful army, anno Domini 1162, and Imperator 

xj u 2 



498 



mediolanum destruxit. The following year he went 
to Constance to attend a Council called to divorce 
Duke Henry from his wife Constance, daughter of 
Conrad, Duke of Zaringia. This Prince afterwards 
married the daughter of Henry, who killed Thomas- 
a'Becket, Bishop of Canterbury, and thereby made 
him a worthy martyr to God. 

I should ieel inclined to extract a little more of 
this old work, but I am afraid of going out of the 
question, and of swelling too much this book of 
horrors. 

Here is another trifling proof that the so-called 
Patrimony of St Peter belonged to the Empire. 
Frederick returned from Germany after the Bohemian 
wars, and went to conquer the Eoman States, and 
placed in various towns some of his confederate 
Princes and Vassals, and several Generals of his 
army. In some parts of Tuscany and of the Eoman 
States he built several Castles, and left them gar- 
risoned with troops, principally Teutonics. In 1168, 
he built in Badicofani, in a most elevated situation, 
a Castle to command the road and the Bomans ; so 
that Pope Alexander found himself so checked that 
he thought it prudent to abandon Borne and Italy 
itself. Ut Alexander papa coactus secederet ab urbe 
et in partes Francise seu Angliae vel Aquitanise sive 
Hispaniae se conferret, nam exortum scisma durabat 
intantum, ut mortuo Octaviano Vido in Papam eli- 
geretur, quo defuncto tercius successit Johannes 
Prunensis quos Imperator fovit et manu tenuit in 
Apostolica Dignitate. So says my Priest, John of 
Crema ; and as he was a contemporary, he gives this 
evidence that at his own time the Popes were very 
cheap and very numerous; and somebody else will 
perhaps say the rest for me. Alexander had been 
here and there to prepare another revolution. In 
the meantime the Milanese rebuilt the town, which 
had been destroyed by Frederick, and called it Alex- 
andria, in honour of Pope Alexander. The Cre- 



499 



monese and those of Pavia, who were Imperialists, 
in mockery called it Alexandria of Straw. Many 
Lombards flocked to Alexandria to prepare them- 
selves again to resist Frederick, who, in the year 
1175, as soon as he learnt that the Milanese had 
sent away the Imperial officers from various towns 
and had hung some others to provoke him, hastened 
there with all his army and war implements, machi- 
neries, &c, and regularly besieged them. After a 
long year of useless efforts and loss of men, finding 
it difficult to resist the activity of the besieged and 
their frequent sorties, Frederick gave it up, as it 
happened also that his nephew, Henry, Duke of 
Saxony, had deserted him, and had received a good 
sum of money for his treason. Frederick then dis- 
missed his army in the road of jSovara and Turin, 
and went to Bourgoyne to his wife's estates. In the 
year 1176 he returned, and again fought the Milanese; 
but without any victory, and was once more com- 
pelled to retire. In the same year, as Alexander's 
partizans had increased in many parts of Italy, 
through the mediation of the Venetians, he made 
peace with the Milanese and with Pope Alexander, 
who went to Venice ; and there they also made a 
treaty, which is reported in the Chronica MS. of 
And. Dandolo, and in those of many other illustrious 
secular and Ecclesiastical writers. In the year 1181 
his son Frederick married the daughter of the King 
of Hungary, and King Henry, another of his sons, 
married the daughter of the defunct Kugerus, King 
of Sicily. This lady, called Constance, was brought 
up under the care of her Uncle Wilhelmus, who was 
one of the chief conspirators with the Pope against 
Frederick. 

Anno 1181. — Imperator Magonciam maximum 
festum et convivium celebravit convocatis ibidem 
principibus et baronibus totius regni, sed et de aliis 
regnis quamplurinris. In quo conventu duo de filiis 
ipsius, videlieet, Henricus Eex, et Fridericus dux 



500 



gladios accinxerunt. Desponsavit quoque postmo- 
dum predicto Henrico filio suo doniinam Constan- 
tiam filiam Eogerii quondam regis siciliae, quam tunc 
in potestate habebat Wilhelmus patruus ejus, qui 
earn enutrivit et ipsius nomine regnum gubernavit. 
Alteri quoque filio suo Federiei duci desponsavit 
filiam regis ungarise qui tamen morte perventus ipsam 
non traduxit. Frederick, the son, died before he 
consummated the matrimony. Pope Alexander held 
a great Synod or Council-General in Home in the fol- 
lowing year ; and as my Priest John, from whom I 
have borrowed these few accounts of Frederick the 
First, does not give me any information about the 
Anti-Pope, and of other important affairs of that 
time, I must leave him, and take up my ancient MS. 
Chronica, which will supply me and my readers with 
some further information. 
Chronica MS. Pope Alexander made his triumphal entry into 
de ^itat. j^ ome) -with gorgeousness and pomp, on St Gregory's 
day, in the year 1176 — juxta more Eomanorum Pon- 
tificum. I leave him there ; and the Emperor from 
Ravenna, he went to Spoleti, and from there to Tus- 
cany and Genoa, usque ad Lombardiam rediit. He 
then went and stayed at Turin during the summer, 
to arrange affairs peacefully with the Lombards, and 
at last departed for Germany. At that time John 
de Struma, who was the Anti-Pope, called Callistus, 
having heard that Alexander and Frederick had 
made peace, became frightened of his rival — timore 
correptus Biternum deserens. Counselled by the 
Prefect, and assisted by an escort, he went to Monte 
Albano ; and John, the proprietor of the Castle, re- 
ceived him with tolerable kindness, As soon as the 
Archbishop of Magonza heard of it, however, he 
went there to besiege him, and destroy the vineyards 
and the crops. The few troops Callistus had deserted 
him, and he was compelled to abandon the place and 
go back to Biternum, when the people of that city 
gave him into the hands of the Pope. The nobles 



501 



of that town were in opposition to the people, and 
would not submit to the Pope ; and they were still 
adhering faithfully to the dominion of Conrad, the 
son of the Marquis of Montferrato. The Eoman 
people and the Senate sent an army to Biternum, 
headed by the Bishops Haguntinus and Biternensis, 
to conquer the nobles who manfully resisted the Papal 
attempts to subdue them and that town ; but Alex- 
ander, seeing that many murders and disagreeable 
consequences might arise from this war, prudently 
ordered his subjects to desist and withdraw. Soon 
after, the Prefect of that city went to Rome quietly 
to make his submission, and was reconfirmed by the 
Pope as Prefect. Alexander considered and reflected 
that during the past nineteen years of scisme many 
things must have been innovated ; and to regulate all 
the Ecclesiastic affairs he convoked all the Italian 
Bishops in a great Council in P a - Dominica Quadra- 
gesima?. 

Eomualdus Secundus, Archiepiscopus Salernitanus, MS. Chronica 
and Count Eugerius, on the part of the King of " Etat * 
Sicily, had met and agreed with the Emperor 
[Frederick in the city of Adria, near Yenice, to 
establish peace between the Empire and Sicily, and 
all the principal points were then settled between 
themselves. Then the Emperor named and delegated 
Count Hugolinus Boni and Eodegarius Magister 
Camerarius to proceed to Sicily w T ith the already 
stipulated treaty of peace for fifteen years, to obtain 
the Boyal signature, and to exact the oath of 
fidelity to the Empire for the specific term. The 
King received the Imperial Envoys kindly, 1 signed 
the treaty, and in their presence caused Count 
Eugerius of Avellino to take oath of fidelity to 
Frederick and to the whole Empire, and promised 
that he would maintain a real peace with him for 
fifteen years. Eleven of the principal inhabitants 
also took the same oath. After this, in confirmation 
of the said peace, a privilege was ordered to be 



502 



drawn up : et bulla aurea insignitum eisdem fecit 
nunciis assignari. When tliis transaction was con- 
cluded, they received the licence to depart, and were 
escorted by the Eoyal Sargeant-at-Arms. When 
they arrived at a Castle, near a certain black lake, a 
row ensued between the Sargeant-at-Arms and the 
jjeasants, who soon accumulated and surrounded the 
house where the Imperial Messengers and the Armi- 
geri had sheltered themselves ; they assaulted the 
house with stones, and most temerariously broke in, 
opened the box of the Count Hugolinus Boni, took 
away his silver cup and the Eoyal privilege that 
was destined for the Emperor, and acted like true 
robbers, to the great dismay of the Imperial Envoys, 
who were compelled to return to Salerno to de- 
mand justice for this indignity; and they accused 
Gualterius Ammiratus and the Archbishop of per- 
petrating this violence. It was a fatality in the olden 
time, as well as it is now, that this same locality 
was infested with brigands and assassins, under 
the orders of the highest Ecclesiastical authorities. 
When the King heard of the proceeding, he was 
highly indignant and offended ; and to prove to the 
Imperial messengers his good intentions to the Em- 
peror and to themselves, he ordered the judges to 
deal criminally and most severely, and to hang im- 
mediately all the culpable parties. King William 
was fond of justice and of equity, and never would 
tolerate — maleficia in regno— in his kingdom any 
malefactor, nor let them pass under silence or with 
impunity. The King had made -another privilege to 
confirm the peace, and had it decorated with the 
Bulla Aurea; and sent with it also the Notar}- Tan- 
credi, to consign it to the Emperor. 

In the year 1178, according to the MS. Chronica 
de JEtat., in August, on St JohnVda}^ John de 
Struma, the Anti-Pope, called Callistus, knowing his 
faults, descended from Mount Albano (near Cicero's 
villa), and went and threw himself at the feet of 



503 



Alexander, with some of his clerical adherents. 
They were received by the Pope, in presence of his 
Cardinals. Calliste confessed his sins, professed 
repentance, and supplicated the absolution, abjuring 
heresy and scisma. Pope Alexander, who was good 
in this instance, or pretended to be so, after an 
exordium which is too long to quote in this work, 
concluded saying, Ecclesia te hodie poenitentem in 
filium recipit, et pro malis bona tibi retribuente pro- 
curabit. " The Church receives thee to day as a 
penitent son, and will provide to retribute good, to 
thy evil actions/ ' De caetero Alexander Papa eum 
in curia et in mensa sua honoriflce habuit. Then 
Alexander received him at his table, and introduced 
him to the Curia, and treated him with honours. 
This conclusion is the greatest piece of hypocrisy 
that I have ever read, and from what I find in 
history is the only case where a Pope, or an Anti- 
Pope, received kindly and treated with distinction 
his antagonist, and allowed him a place at his table. 
It is a parallel case with the " happy family " that 
used to reside daily (I don't know where nocturnally) 
in Charing Cross. 

Secunda autem die stante ejusdem mensis Luna ms. chronica 
in signo Yirginis post mediam noctem passa est de ^ tat - 
Ecclipsim et pene in 3 a parte sui obscurata est. E Lune ati ° 

Tertio decimo vero die intrantis mensis Septeinbris Ecciipsatio 
in XII. Sol in signo Virginis circa horam. ^g- Inan ' 

Those who are fond of superstition will perhaps 
make some remarks about these two eclipses that 
happened in the same year, and within a month. 
At that time we have seen peace was established 
between the Empire and the Eoman See, &c, and 
the celestial phenomena might account for the 
startling terrestrial fact of the Pope and Anti-Pope's 
peace. 

Note. — Here ends the ancient MS. Chronica in 
my possession. There is a note in the margin 
which says that in the original Chronica of the 



504 



Vatican (from which this one is copied) there* are 
still 314 pages so obliterated with ink, that it is not 
possible to copy any further ; however, that if with 
patience and other means it can be read, it shall be 
faithfully copied in the space left on purpose in my 
copy. The Colophon says that it was copied while 
Cardinal Baronius was President of the Vatican 
Library, and was writing his Annales, &c. Prom 
what I can read in my copy it is evident that there are 
things in it which may not be strictly in accordance 
with the general notions of Christianity, although it 
is in favour of Papism, as it has skipped over parti- 
cularly the many historical misdeeds of the Popes. 

I suppose the Eeverend Vandal found out that it 
was not possible to continue to enumerate any good 
actions of the superior Clergy, and of the Popes, 
from that time to his own, and that a history of the 
Papal deeds would read to posterity like a long list 
of accusations of great crimes. As these Ecclesias- 
tical sins, and faults of all kinds, were unpalatable 
to him — in a saintly fit, and perhaps when nearly 
drowned through the abuse of the bowl, he con- 
demned and destroyed that most ancient and most 
valuable book, which had no parallel (as it differs 
from Orosius and others, who wrote about the origin 
of the world), and contains a sketch of the Jewish 
history, of the Eoman history, the history of 
Christianity, and of the Popes, &c. 

The Donations of Constantine and other things I 
have taken from this Chronica, which the Popes had 
taken good care should never be^published. 

I resume again the Secular, Ecclesiastical, and 
Diplomatic history, to continue the Criminal History 
of the Popes. Undoubtedly Frederick the Pirst was 
Sovereign Lord of Eome, Eavenna, and the Eoman 
States, because he not only disposed of them as he 
pleased, but Pope Adrian the Fourth did not complain 
or interfere in any way ; so much so, that on the same 
day that he was crowned Emperor in Eome by that 



505 



Pontiff in the year 1154, Frederick invested with the 
Exarchate Archbishop Anselmus, of Eavenna, and 
Pope Adrian the same day, also, invested that Arch- 
bishop with the Pallium. This Anselme was an honest 
and pious man, a friend to the Ecclesiastical hierarchy, 
and was esteemed by the people. His name is also 
found in the Eoman Hartyrology. I have repeated 
this fact, but have used the words of the histo- 
rian, Ughelli, Italia Sacra (to. 2, page 367) : Eodem 
die quo Eridericus ab Adriano IY, Pontifice Imperii 
insignia accepit, et ipse Anselmus Archiepiscopus 
inauguratus in Roma, ac Pallio insignitus Eavenna- 
tensis Provinecise Exarchatum laboris sui magnificam 
recompensationem a Principe accepit. 

Here is the corroboration of another fact which 
I shall repeat also in the words of another historian : 
Whilst Frederick was still friendly with Pope Adrian, 
in 1152, as soon as he was created King of the 
Eomans, he gave to his uncle on his mother's side, 
Guelf, " We^nus," one of those Princes of the 
German line, a branch of the family of Este of 
Ferrara, the Duchy of Tuscany and that of Spoleti, 
the principality of Sardinia, and the States of the 
late great Countess Mathilde. This happened two 
years before Adrian crowned him Emperor, and he 
never objected that he should do such things, either 
before or after his coronation. We have seen how 
he disposed of the Exarchate, and of the other States 
in the Eoman territory ; therefore it remained a mag- 
nificent nothing to the Pope. 

With regard to the Temporal power, as Frederick 
was de jure et facto absolute Sovereign Lord of 
Eome and of the Eoman Empire, so Pope Adrian 
was the esteemed Sovereign Euler of the Spiritual 
Power. The city of Ferrara, in the year 1158, had 
revolted, and Frederick sent there Otho, Count 
Palatine, with an army which soon settled affairs, as 
Eadevicus states in De Gest. Freder. 1, lib. 1 — 
" Supervenit improvises ac inopinatus Otho Comes 



506 



Palatinus qui ordinatisque ad votum omnibus rebus 
xl vadibus acceptis rediit." In the same year, 1158, 
some few trifling disagreements had happened between 
the Pope and the Emperor, which had been arranged 
by themselves, without the interference on either side 
of their Legates or Ministers. Besides, we must 
not forget what Otho Frisingensis and Gunterus 
wrote about the coronation in 1158; and the cele- 
brated Eadevicus Canonicus Frisingensis, the most 
renowned of the historians of that epoch, wrote that 
Adrian had sent two Legates to Frederick to recog- 
nise him as the Lord Sovereign — <: Salutant vos 
universi Cardinales tamquam Dominum, et Impera- 
torem TJrbis et Orbis." Gunterus mentions the same 
fact, and corroborates it with these two hexameters : 

" Totaque Eomani nunc maxima Curia Cleri 
Te velut eximium Eegem, Dominumque salutant." 

Who was the Master of Eome ? Answer, Mr Cull en. 

The Pope, excited by some of the Bishops, 
Cardinals, and Italian Princes and Barons (who 
were jealous of Frederick's supremacy and success), 
leagued himself with them, and prepared a secret 
conspiracy ; and at last Pope Adrian broke out with 
Frederick in the following manner, which I take 
from Eadevicus, lib. 2, c. 30. It was in the year 
1159 that the Pope raised his pretensions — " Nuncios 
ad Urbem Ignorante Apostolico, ab Imperatore non 
esse mittendos, cum omnis magistratus inibi B. Petri 
sit cum universis Eegalibus. De Dominicalibus 
Apostolici fodrum non esse colligendum, nisi tempore 
suscipiendaB Coronse. Neque Nuncios Imperatoris in 
Palatiis Episcoporum'suscipiendos. De Possessionibus 
Ecclesise Eomanse restituendis, et tributis Ferrariae, 
Massse Ficorolse, totius terrae Comitisse Mathildis, 
Ducatus Spoletani, Insularum Sardinia, Corsica?," &c. 
This insolent request of the Pope sounds like an 
ancient cartel, and it will do very well to take the 
chance of deriving good from bad, because we see, 
first of all, that up to that year, 1159, the Emperors 



507 



continued to send their Judges and Messengers, or 
Legates, as they were sometimes called, to Rome, 
without saying a word about it to the Popes 
or the magistracy ; and the administration of 
Eome and of everything was still in the Imperial 
hands and power. The taxes for the maintenance 
of the army were still levied there, and when the 
Judges or Legates were in Eome, they occupied the 
Episcopal Palaces, The Pope wanted to recover 
possession of the Roman Church, and the tribute- 
money upon Ferrara, Massa, the lands of the Countess 
Mathilde, the Duchy of Spoleto, Sardinia, and Corsica, 
and this great Papal lamentation goes only so far 
as to show that at that time he had nothing of the 
kind ; and I think that I have sufficiently proved 
already how the Greek Emperors and the Lombard 
Kings were absolute masters of those States ; that 
after them the Carlovingians, then the German 
Emperors had them, and disposed of them as they 
thought convenient ; and I am puzzled how to explain 
why the Pope called restituenda, the demand for a 
thing or things that he never had before. This is 
one of the particular cases in point now, and by and 
by I shall take the liberty to recommend and sub- 
mit it to the wisdom and consideration of the 
liberal-minded minister Eicasoli, and to the eminent 
Antonelli. I ask if he is prepared to upset the 
above-stated fact, and with what means, and with 
what proofs ? It is not enough, and it will not clo * 
to say in this case that the prescription and pos- 
session constitute the point of law; because it is 
universally admitted that what has been stolen, or 
taken by violent hands, can be recovered at any time. 

The reader will excuse me if I go back to 
relate the following facts concerning the Templars. 
Baronius says that the Order of the Templars was 
instituted in the year 1118, in Jerusalem ; and he 
copied the words of William, Archbishop of Tyro, 
that, Eex cum suis Proceribus, Lominus quoque 



508 

Patriareha cum Prselatis Ecclesiarum, de propriis 
JDominicalibus certa eis pro victu, et amictu beneficia 
contulerunt. As we have seen from Adrian's Cartel 
to Frederick, not only the people paid this Domini- 
calian tax, or tax to support the troops, but the 
Pope himself, the Cardinals, and Bishops used to 
pay it not only for the lands and States that they 
governed, but they all paid it equally upon their 
private and allodial possessions. It seems to me to 
be synonymous with the Queen's taxes, which I 
think are paid also by the Archbishop of Canterbury 
out of his private property. This Dominiealian tax 
was exacted by the Imperial collectors from all the 
Church States in Italy, and everywhere the Imperial 
jurisdiction extended. 

When Frederick the First received the Pope's 
warlike message, he understood directly that it was 
the premonitory symptom of serious affairs ; he did 
not lose his temper, but coolly sat down and wrote a 
letter to the Archbishop of Salzburgh, in which he 
told him that the Pope had sent to demand of him — 
E ^ ev 2 ic ^ 30 $Tova, et gravia, et Nunquam Prius audita, &c, 
' ' new things, serious and never before heard. He 
told the Papal Legates who brought the message, 
concerning the first proposition contained in it, that 
Haec res fateor, magna est, et gravis, graviorique et 
maturiori egens consilio. JSTam cum Divina ordinatione 
ego Eomanus Imperator, et Dicar, et Sim, speciem 
* tantum Dominantis effingo, et inane utique porto 
nomen, ac sine re, si Urbis Bomse de manu Nostra 
Potestas fuerit excussa. " This affair, I confess, is 
too serious, too great, and greater, and it requires 
more mature consideration. But as long as I am by 
Divine ordination the Eoman Emperor, and can 
say I am, I shall not be any sort of Puppet with an 
empty name, nor, without cause, shall I allow any 
one to take from my hands the Imperial Power that 
I have over Borne." Bravo, Emperor ! I would have 
uttered if I had been there, though I do not know 



509 



what Antonelli and Co. would have said ; but if I 
were the King now, I would call Antonelli on one 
side, or his master, and repeat to him, word by word, 
this little ancient ditty, as a premonitory, that should 
teach them to beware of any act of their accustomed 
imprudence. In fact, Frederick was not badly 
disposed towards the Pope, though he was provoked 
and aggravated by this priestly insolence : it appears, 
after consideration, he sent word that, to meet in 
some way the Pope's demands, he would condescend 
to have these questions decided by just and honest 
arbitrators ; and as the Pope would not accept this 
proposal of settling the differences, it confirmed 
Frederick and the whole of the historians that the 
Papal provocation was instigated by the coalesced 
conspirators. Gunterus, in Ligurino, lib. 9, supports 
what I have stated about this fact in these three 
lines : 

Sed nec in hoc Praesul consensit et omnia nutu 
Ire suo cupiens, justae se subdere legi 
Bespuit, ut magnae causas qui quaereret iras. 

Bishop Otho Frisingensis, that venerable con- 
temporary historian, was considered a holy man on 
account of his pious actions, and his learning made 
him also estimable to posterity. Otho, St Bernard, 
and Gunterus blamed the acts of Adrian against 
Frederick ; and from their writings it is evident 
they did not intend to make apologies in favour of 
the Imperial Power in Eome and in the Eoman 
States, because at that time there was no question 
whether Borne belonged or not exclusively to the 
Pope, with the remainder of the Eoman States; 
there were only trifling differences, arising through 
the impetuosities of the Popes against the Imperial 
Power. Though these differences sometimes assumed 
a gigantic attitude, and brought on wars, yet the 
Emperors invariably succeeded in recovering their 
influence, and the Estates, with Eome itself, and 

x x 2 



510 



kept them always under their Imperial Power, and 
had Eome and the Soman States ruled by their 
Imperial Vicars, under various titles of Dukes, or 
Princes, Ecclesiastics or Seculars, and left always the 
Pope to manage freely and despotically the spiritual 
power in Eome, and anywhere else he pleased, 
except only in the few cases named in other chapters, 
where the Popes, with the Kings and Emperors, 
had mutually agreed to leave the Episcopal Inves- 
titures in the hands of the Sovereign Eulers. 
Schism and war resulted from this, but, nevertheless, 
Frederick did not give up possession in the Exarchate 
and the Eoman States, as we may see by a docu- 
ment, dated Ferrara, after the year 1159, which was 
in the Archives of the family of Este at Modena, 
and was dated 12th Eebruary, anno 1161. In that 
Document it is stated Judge John administered jus- 
tice in that Marquisate in the name of the Emperor 
Frederick, and in which the Judge styled himself, 
Eriderici Imperatoris Legatus ad partem Ferrariae. 
In another Document, dated 1162, Conrad de Bela- 
mite was invested as Governor of Ferrara, per part 
of Frederick, and attested by the relation of the 
contemporary historian, Acerbus Morena, in his 
work, De Eebus Laudabilibus, &c. : Comitem Con- 
radum de Belamite prseposuit Ferrarias. The said 
Emperor Frederick, after the year 1168, invested 
with the Marca of Ancona and the Duchy of 
Eavenna, Conrad of Luzelinort, and this fact is 
supported in the writings of the Abbot Urspergensis : 
Marchiam quoque Anconse, et Principaturn Eavennse 
Cunrado de Luzelinhar Federicus contulit. Ughelli, 
in the Italia Sacra, to. 2, pp. 679 and 682, also 
notes two privileges granted by Frederick to the 
City of Imola, in which he recognised the citizens 
as subjects of the Empire, one dated 1159, and the 
other 1177. No writer has stated that Frederick 
abandoned that city, or any other of the Eomagna, 
to the Holy See ; on the contrary, he always retained 



511 



these States under his Imperial sway ; and in the 
celebrated peace of Constance in 1183, Ferrara and 
the other cities of the Eomagna were considered Im- 
perial domains : it was so agreed with the Milanese, 
and they promised Frederick that they would assist 
him to maintain under the Empire, Lombardy, the 
Marquisates, and Eomaniola, as fully detailed by 
Puricelli (in Mon. Eas. Ambr., ad anno 1 185). Im- 
perium in Lombardia, Marchia, et Eomaniola, &c. 
All this clearly confirms the fact that in the peace 
signed at Yenice, Frederick continued his Imperial 
Domination over those States, as named by Puricelli. 
We must also take into consideration that at that 
epoch the people of Lombardy were exceedingly 
religious, and inclined to favour the Holy See ; 
nevertheless, for the justice of the Imperial rights, 
they bound themselves to recognise the Imperial 
Sovereignty of those States. Moreover, in confirma- 
tion of the above, I relate here the words of the 
impartial historian Claromont, who affirms the 
Caesarian Domination of these States by the Em- 
peror Frederick, in the year 1185. 

Ex his constat, Totam Eomaniolam sub Impera- Claromont. 
toris Ditione turn fuisse, quod et subinde magis con- c«sar.', lib. 
firmabitur. 7,p. 260. ' 

He then proceeds to say that his son, Henry the 
Sixth, remained in Italy to govern the province of 
Emilia, in lieu of his father : Henricus in Italia re- 
mansit, iEmiliamque, quo Pater, Imperio rexit. 
This historian had taken these facts from the An- 
cient Chronica of Cesena, which contained also, in 
anno 1185, — D. Eertoldus D. Imperatoris Legatus 
cum Eavennatibus, Ariminensibus, Caesenatibus, 
Ficoiensibus, &c, super Faventinos incessit, &c. — 
that Earth old, the Imperial Legate, with the above 
people, went to make war, and subjected the people 
of Faenza to the Imperial obedience. 

In the year 1184, at the Council of Yerona, Pope 
Lucius and Frederick treated and conferred together 



512 



about the Patrimony of the great Countess Mathilde ; 
but the Pope did not pretend to have any title to 
the States of Romagna, as was stated by Arnoldus 
of Lubeck, a contemporary historian, in his Chron. 
Slav., lib. 3, c. 10. And this was another proof 
that neither Alexander nor Lucius felt that they 
had any rights in the Ro magna, and recognized that 
those cities should remain under the Imperial 
dominion : tractabant inter se D. Papa, et Imperator 
de Patrimonio D. Mathildis. Of these Imperial 
Conferences there exist some documents which were 
written in an Ancient Eegister kept by the commu- 
nity of Modena ; one of them is headed with these 
words : Petitio Eectorum LombardiaB et Marchise, 
atque Venecise et Romanise a D. Imperatore. Then 
it begins — Nos civitates, silicet Cremona, Medio- 
lanum, &c. Perraria, Brixia, et Bononia, Ravenna, 
Ariminum, Mutina, Regium, &c. volumus facere D. 
Imperatori P. accepta ab eo pace, et recuperata ejus 
gratia, omnia quso Antecessores nostri a tempore 
mortis posterioris Henrici Imperatoris, Anteces- 
soribus suis sine violentia vel metu fecerunt, &c. 
silicet Podrum Regale et consuetum, et consuetam 
paratam cum vadit Romam, &c. et consuetum Tran- 
situm, et sufficiens Mercatum, et transeat pacifice, 
&c. et fidelitatem a Vassallis recipiat, omni offensione 
remissa. A civibus quoque secundum mores cujus- 
que Civitatis Pidelitatem suscipiat, omni offensione 
remissa, &c. 

These Documents speak for themselves, and require 
no observation ; therefore, I shall proceed to name 
another fact, a concession, which I had almost 
forgotten, made by the Emperor through the inter- 
cession of Pope Alexander when they met at 
Venice ; and this concession is evidence that 
Alexander acknowledged the Emperor's exclusive 
Sovereign Dominion. It is inserted by Sigonius in 
his work De Regne Italico, lib. 14, ad ann. 1177 : 

Nos Pridericus Imperator interventu Yenerabilis 



513 



Patris D. Alexandri Pontificis promittimus Lom- 
bardis, Marchionis, Eomaniolis et reliquis de 
Societate ipsorum Vassallis nostris et iis, qui debent 
esse Vassalli Nostri, nos pro Eidelitate Nobis non 
praestita, vel opera non navata, vel Investitura non 
petita, quamdiu inducias manebunt, neminem de 
Societate Judicaturum, aut judicari jussurum, nec 
Eeudum alicui adempturum, &c. ; and after this, 
Pope Alexander — has tabulas ad Magistros Societatis 
misit vi. Id. Octobr. Venetiis ex Eivoalto 1177. 
And so also did the Monks of the Abbey of Pomposa, 
who went to Venice to ask for and obtained the 
confirmation of their lands and States from the 
Emperor a few days after the above act, with a 
special declaration that that Abbey was entirely 
subject to the Emperor in any temporal affairs 
whatever. In full confirmation of these Imperial 
Acts, as the Emperor remained a few days at Venice, 
he renewed the Pacta with the Eepublic of Venice, 
and in it were named, as his subjects, the above 
populations, and the Eavennates, the Comaclenses, 
&c, as stated by Erancis Sansovinus in his 
history (Venet., lib. 2, p. 322) and before him it 
was written by Andreas Dandolo (in his MS. 
Chronica) in these words : Imperator vero Erede- 
ricus in Palatio Ducis residens, et per ea quae secuta 
erant, Venetorum opera grata habens, solita illorum 
Eoedera die xvii Augusti renovavit. 

The Emperor Erederick the Eirst, in the celebrated 
peace made at Constance, known to all legislators, 
comprised Eerrara, and other towns of the Eoman 
States, as part of the country reserved to the Empire ; 
and in the year 1185, in the peace made with the 
Milanese, he specified more clearly his rights, saying 
in this document, inserted by Puricelli (Monument. 
Basil. Ambr., p. 1032) : 

Adjuvabunt Nos et Eegem Henricum filium 
Nostrum manutenere Imperium in Lombardia, 
Marchia, et Eomaniola, et specialiter in Terrain 



514 



quondam Comitissae Mathildis. Si quos etiani pos- 
sessiones, Justitias, jura et rationes in prsedictis 
terris, silicet Lombardia, Marchia et Romaniola et 
nominatim de Terra quodam Coinitissae Mathildis 
amiserimus, adjuvabunt STos bona fide recuperare. 
In the years 1191 and 1195 his son Henry the Sixth 
had the same Estates, and gave Diplomas of Donations 
of various cities to several Imperial vicars, as shown 
by Eossi, in the history of Ravenna, lib. vi. Can 
the defenders of the Papal Pretences, with their 
Episcopal and Jesuitic pamphlets, quash the above 
historical and diplomatic proofs ? 

Let us see what Pope Eish was doing at that 
time. Pope Lucius the Third, in 1185, excommuni- 
cated the Waldenses and the Albigenses — quod 
€appam et sandalia in pedibus induerentur — and 
this was merely a pretext of jealousy ; the fact being 
that these men were honestly religious : follow- 
ing the Evangels they had done a vast deal of good 
to society in general, avoiding all the scandals of the 
Eoman Prelates, and had attracted to their congre- 
gations the elite of the intelligent communities. If 
such acts could constitute a crime, that was what 
they did, and they never denied to have done good 
to humanity. In spite of the horrible persecutions, 
they practised and spread Christianity, with caution 
and prudence, all over the various districts into which 
they penetrated. The Abbas Urspergensis, in his 
Chronic, reports the following satire upon the Pope : 

" Lucius est piscis Eex atque Tyrannus aquarum 
A quo discordat Lucius iste parum 

Devorat ille homines, hie piscibus insidiatur 
Esurit hie semper, hie aliquando satur, 

Amborum vitam si laus eequata notaret, 
Plus rationis habet, qui ratione caret. 

Frederick's son, Henry the Sixth, in 1191, as 
stated by Sigonius in a Diploma given to the people 
of Eerrara (Hist. Eonon., lib. 4), recognised them as 



515 



his subjects — and in the year 1 195, the Emperor con- 
firmed, as I have already said somewhere else — to 
the Archbishop of Eavenna, all his States, including 
in it Comacchio, as narrated by the historian Sigo- 
nius. In the same year, 1195, by the testimony of 
the Abbot Urspergensis, the Emperor Henry gave 
to Marquardus, one of his officers, Ducatum Eaven- 
nse cum Eomania, Marchiam quoque Anconae. It 
was not for this transfer of the Duchy of Eavenna 
and Eomagna, and the ]\Iarquisate of Ancona, that 
he was excommunicated, but because he detained 
prisoner Eichard, King of England, whom I have 
named in another chapter. Eossi, in the history of 
Eavenna, lib. 6, p. 361, relates the transaction 
agreed to by the people of Eavenna, of Eomagna, 
and of Ancona, with Marquard, and concludes 
with this — Salvis Eegalibus, quas Imperator et ipse 
Marqualdus in civitate Eavennse et ejus districtu 
habere Consuevit, &c. Salva in Omnibus his fideli- 
tate Domini Nostri Imperatoris. 

Nothing can show more forcibly the Imperial 
Dominion in those States than the above transaction, 
and though the proofs that I have already produced 
are even more than the necessary, yet I will give some 
others. In the year 1197, Henry the Sixth con- 
firmed the Pacta with the Venetian Eepublic in the 
same manner as the former Emperors Otho, Lotha- 
rius, and Frederick, his father, compelling his sub- 
jects to adhere strictly to his injunctions, to 
maintain fidelity to him and his allies, and named 
amongst his subjects the Comaclenses, Eavennenses, 
&c, as written by Andreas Dandolo. Henricus an- 
tiqua fcedera apud Castrum Johannis Venetorum cum 
Subjectis Imperii renovavit, &c. Pope Innocent 
the Third was very sharp, and studied every 
opportunity to acquire States and jurisdiction over 
them. Upon the death of Henry the Sixth, he 
raised claims upon various provinces, but he did not 
obtain them. 



516 



Otho the Fourth, of the Este family, the branch 
of the Guelph of Brunswick, was named Emperor, 
and Philippe, brother of the late Henry the Sixth, 
was also elected Emperor. The Pope fomented the 
discord in those elections for the motive, pure and 
simple, of possessing what he could obtain by trea- 
chery of the Imperial States, after the old proverb — 
inter duos litigantes tertius gaudet ; and in fact he 
possessed himself of several castles and towns belong- 
ing to the Empire. Otho was chosen in preference 
to Philippe, and was crowned, and after his corona- 
tion repossessed himself of the whole of the Imperial 
States ; and the Pope again found himself with empty 
hands. Otho was skilful enough to baffle the Eoman 
Ecclesiastics. At his time they had such extra- 
ordinary pretences, that any one aspiring to the 
Empire was obliged to give way, in many 
cases, to some of their extraordinary claims. The 
Imperial sagacity conquered the priestly inventions, 
and the Emperor having repossessed himself of 
everything belonging to the Empire, Pope Inno- 
cent the Third, seeing his own delusion, and thinking 
to frighten Otho, excommunicated him, and brought 
against him a terrible war. — See the apology of the 
Emperor Otho the Pourth, written by the celebrated 
Henry Meibomius, in the torn. 3, Germ. Script., a 
Meibm. edit. Matthew Paris, the contemporary 
English historian, in his Hist. Angl., ad an. 1210, 
says — Eo tempore, quo vacabat Imperium, idem 
Papa Castella plurima cum rebus aliis occupaverat, 
quae ad dignitatem Imperii pertinebant. Unde Im- 
perator, qui quod suum erat, revocare studuit, ipsum 
Papam sine merito ad odium provocavit. Otho was 
advised to act in that manner by the counsel of the 
most eminent men of his time, yet he said — Si 
Summus Pontifex Imperii jura injuste possidere 
desiderat, a Sacramento, quod tempore consecrationis 
meee ad dignitatem Imperialem me jurare compulit, 
absolvat, quod videlicet dispersa Imperii jura revo- 



517 



carem, &c. These irrefragable testimonies proved 
the folly and usurpations of Innocent, as well as the 
rights of the Imperial dominion vindicated by the 
Emperor Otho. I need, therefore, say nothing further 
about it. 

Sansovinus, in his Venetian History, lib. 2, p. 322, 
says that Otho renewed the Pacta with the Venetian 
Signoria, in the year 1209, and the historian Ughelli, 
in Italia Sacra, T. 3, p. 374, copied the Imperial 
Diploma of Investiture of Eavenna, and of many 
other little States to that Archbishop, named Ubal- 
dus, dated in the same year 1209 : Otho gave him — 
Comitatum Cesenat. Coniitatum Eicolens. Comitatum 
Eobii, Foropompilii, Eorolivii, &c. Comitatum Coma- 
clensem cum ripa et piscariis suis et Districtum. 
BarainaB cumportis, ripis, et excerptis illis INostris 
Regalibus cum Districtu, quorum custodiam homo, 
et Missus Foster, qui in eadem Civitate manere Con- 
suevit, in feudo a nobis habere dignoscitur, &c. All 
these things the Emperor gave with the usual 
Imperial clause — Salvo jure Imperii. 

In the following year, 1210, he gave to Azzo, 
Marquis of Este, the Marquisate of Ancona. The 
conclusion of these Donations by the Emperor Otho 
the Eourth to any other person in preference of the 
Pope, shows that he knew that he could dispose 
freely of what belonged to the Empire, reserving 
always to himself the Supreme Temporal power ; and 
that he did not want to give anything to the Pope, 
because he knew that it would establish a precedent, 
and that it would be difficult to get anything 
returned by the Holy See, which was, as usual, more 
than industrious to find intrigues and pretexts to 
usurp the Imperial States. In fact, Urban invoked 
the Donations of Ludovicus Pius, and Otho proved 
that Ludovick, as well as the other Emperors, and 
amongst them several who had been reckoned Saints 
by the Popes themselves, had given nothing, except 
nominal Donations of Pomp ; and regarding temporal 

T Y 



518 



jurisdiction and power, there is no document to be 
found, nor any mention made by any contemporary 
writer, that Otho gave any town or States to the 
Holy See, nor was there any complaint raised by the 
former Popes against the late Saint-Emperor's ingra- 
titude, or avarice, or egotism. 

I have taken this quotation from the Historia 
Frederici Imperatoris Magni huic nominis Primi 
ducis suerorum et parentale sue. The original is full of 
abbreviations, and without any diphthongs. At this 
time two Emperors reigned— Otho the Usurper, and 
Frederick, who was elected, and made war against 
him, in the reign of Pope Innocent the Third. Eo 
tempore, 1211, mundo jam senescente exorte sunt 
due religiones in ecclesia cujus ut aquile renovantur 
inventus que etiam a sede apostolica sunt confirmate 
videlicet minor fratrum et predicatorum que forte 
hac occasione sunt approbate. Quia olim due secte 
in Ytalia exorte adhuc perdurant quorum alii hu- 
miliatos alii pauperes de luduno se nominabant. 
Quos lucius papa quondam inter hereticos scribebat 
eo quod supersticia dogmata et observationes in eis 
reperirentur. In occultis quoque prsedicationibus 
quas faciebant plerumque in latibulis ecclesie dei et 
sacerdocio derogabatur. Vidimus tunc temporis ali- 
quos de numero eorum qui dicebantur pauperes de 
luduno apud sedem apostolicam cum magistro suo 
quodam ut puto bernhardo et hii petebant sectam 
.suam a sede apostolica confirmari et privilegiari. 
Sane ipsi dicentes se gerere vitam apostolorum nichil 
voientes possidere aut locum certum habere circuibant 
per vicos et castella. Ast dominus papa quedam 
supersticiosa in conversation e ipsorum eisdem objecit 
videlicet quod calceos de super pede prsecidebant 
et quasi nudis pedibus ambulabant, preterea cum 
portarent quasdam cappas quasi religionis capillos 
capitis non attendebant nisi sicut laici. Hoc 
quoque proprosium videbatur in eis quod viri et 
milieres simul ambulabant in via et plerumque 



519 



simul manebant in domo una et de eis diceretur quod 
quandoque simul in lectulis accubabant. Que tamen 
omnia ipsi asserebant ab apostolis descendisse, &c. 

This must have been a very pretty specimen of a 
religious sect, and I dare say that these pretended 
new followers of the old Apostles regularly selected 
the finest girls to sleep with them in order to per- 
form the miracle of abstinence, or of what I will 
not say ; however, it is evident that in the Middle 
Ages, as well as in the present day, the most immoral 
or criminal acts were and are always perpetrated by 
the most assuming religious impostors. ~We have 
had a great many specimens within the year 1860 
of an extraordinary number of very Eeverend Par- 
sons and Priests who have nauseated society more 
than sufficient with their crimes. It is useless to 
make a catalogue of them, because society is consti- 
tuted in such a manner as to give such annual results, 
and it would be out of the way to say here anything 
against it. Therefore I shall merely remark that 
the notorious Mormon, Mr Prince, who was prose- 
cuted on the 9th June, 1860, for bamboozling the 
persons and money of the three sisters JSTottidge, at 
the Agapemone, must have known and taken the 
basis of his own swindle from the above- cited old 
one. 

Frederick the Second came to power about 1213, 
at which time the Holy See had taken care to have 
ready a number of forged Imperial Diplomas of 
pretended anterior Donations ; and no person will be 
surprised to hear that the Holy See had dared to 
adopt such dishonest practices, they were long before 
accustomed to do such work, therefore they did not 
in the least scruple about it. In the thirteenth and 
fourteenth centuries there was a great, a principal 
Papal industry, w T hich was carried on to such an 
excess, that in the next century historical readers 
found themselves so puzzled by all those fictitious 
legends inlaid in so many different works, that it 



520 



was difficult for the superficial reader to find the 
truth of the real history. However, the truth of 
the facts of the positive history are to be found still 
in the many contemporary authors, in spite of the 
forged Documents of the EE. P.P. Germont, a very 
industrious French Jesuit, who wrote many things 
in favour of the Holy See, putting aside the evidence 
of the ancient contemporary writers, inventing the 
most extraordinary falsities, to the amazement of the 
living authors, who buried him and his lies under a 
thousand convictions of well-meant and truthful 
arguments, and proving, with the contemporary 
writers of Frederick the Second, his real deeds and 
his Imperial power in the Eoman States, as well as 
in others belonging to the Empire. 

Therefore, the Diplomas dated 1213, 1218, 1224, 
and 1231, by Frederick to the Holy See and to the 
Archbishop of Eavenna, are forgeries, and are com- 
pletely stigmatised as such by the writers of the 
subsequent epochs, because the real, impartial, and 
truthful historians proved that Frederick the Second 
continued, like his predecessors, to possess the Eoman 
States, and disposed of them as he pleased to any 
other persons, except the Holy See ; and that he 
resided at Eavenna the whole of the month of 
January, 1231, as stated by the ancient writer, the 
Monachus Gotfredus, in his Annales, and by Eicardus 
de Sanct. Germano, and by the documents inserted 
by Eossi in his History of Eavenna, lib. 6, p. 401. 
From the History of the Duchy of Brunswick, 
published by Henry Meimbomius, Eev. German, 
t. 3, p. 206, it will also be seen that Frederick the 
Second's Secretaries and Chancellors, who used to 
sign his Imperial acts and documents, were — Conradus 
Metensis et Spirensis Episcopus, Imperialis Aulse 
Cancellarius, S. Eatisponensis, Imperialis Aute Can- 
cellarius,who used to sign the Diplomas in this manner 
— Ego Sigfridus, Eatisponensis Episcopus, AulaB Im- 
peratoris Cancellarius vice, &c. ; and in others, — Ego 



521 



Sifridus Katisponensis Episcopus Imperialis Aulas Can- 
cellarius, vice Domini SifridiMoguntini Archiepiseopi, 
et totius Gernianiaa Archicancellarii. In the works 
upon Jurisprudence by John Schilter, to. 2, Tit. 1 5 
and 16, speaking of and referring to the official 
documents by the Emperor Frederick the Second, 
that writer noticed also amongst the signatures at- 
tached to them that of Bishop Conradus Metensis 
as Imperial Chancellor ; and the forged documents, 
with the Donations to the Holy See, either 
bore no signatures at all, or those of Chan- 
cellors who had not existed, and which was the 
principal cause of the discoveries of those forgeries 
by the learned ancient historians and ecclesiastical and 
secular writers. Frederick the Second occasionally 
granted Diplomas without the signature of his Chan- 
cellor, but then, in such instances, there were the 
signatures of several Bishops and Archbishops as 
witnesses, which will account for the absence of the 
Chancellor's. An instance of this kind is noted by 
Margarinus in the Bollarius Cassin., to. 2, Constit. 
246 and 252. It was the grant of a Privilege; 
and it was witnessed by — testes sunt Magdeburgen- 
sis, Mediolanensis,etEeginus Archiepiseopi, Curiensis, 
et Cicensis Episcopi. Ughelli, in his Italia Sacra 
(to. 1, p. 469; to. 2, pp. 712, 713; to. 3, p. 732, 
&c), also notes six or seven of those concessions, 
and Privileges, and Diplomas, granted by the 
Emperor Frederick the Second without the Arch- 
Chancellor's or Chancellor's signature, and without 
the day of the month, but noting the month and the 
year of reign, and the inditions, and signed by the 
Bishops and Archbishops as witnesses. It was his 
own style, and it passed without any one daring to 
make remarks. Some of the predecessors of Frede- 
rick the Second had occasionally granted Diplomas 
witnessed in that manner. In the year 1495 the 
Notary and Mayor (Podesta) of Comachio, by order 
of the Council, made a memorandum in a book 

T Y 2 



522 



signed with the letter H, number 1492, in the 
Archives of that community, extracting the Privi- 
lege accorded to that city, in the year 1177, by 
Frederick the First, which was also without the day 
of the month. Nevertheless, that Privilege of 
Frederick the First was confirmed by Henry the 
Sixth and by Frederick the Second, and other 
Emperors, as stated in the extract made by the 
above-named Notary and Mayor of Comachio, who 
wrote it in Italian, (almost in patois) and it ends so : 
Masse, rason, giurisdizion possession, et esenzion, 
che furon azunte et confermade da Hinrigho il 
Sesto, et Fidirigo il Secondo et altri Imperatori, &c. 

I repeat that Frederick the Second was the 
Sovereign Lord of Ravenna and the other Eoman 
States, in spite of the scisma and wars which raged 
most fearfully in the year 1239, when Gregory the 
Ninth fulminated his excommunication against 
Frederick the Second, because he had occupied 
Ferrariam, Pigonnagam, Bondenum, Massam Lucensis 
Diocesis, et terram Sardinia. He had already 
disposed of many other little States in favour of 
Azzo, Marquis of Este, of Ferrara and Ancona, with 
a Diploma of Investiture, dated anno 1221, which 
is inserted by Sigonius in his works de Episc. Bonon., 
lib. 2. It would require too much time to enumerate 
all the different dispositions by that Emperor to 
his adherents, of cities and lands here and there, 
always avoiding to give anything to the Eoman See, 
which conspired and named a rival King of the 
Horn an s amongst the German Princes, and Henry, 
the Landgrave of Turingia, at the instigation of 
the New Pope, Innocent the Fourth, was elected in 
the year 1246, as the Imperial antagonist King. 
At last, after some years of war, Rubeus (or Eossi), 
in the Hist, of Eav., says, in the year 1253, that that 
population took solemn oath of fidelity and subjec- 
tion to Philippe, the Legate of the Apostolic See, 
Matthew Paris, in Henry the First, says that it was 



523 



in the year 1239 that the Emperor Frederick the 
Second complained in public letters to the Pope that 
lie had subverted from his Dominion the citizens of 
Ravenna (very likely this is a trifling error of date) : 
Civitatem Nostrum Eavennaa per Paulum Traversa- 
rium antea fidelissimum nobis, et factum postmodum 
per corruptionem Papalis pecuniae proditorem. I 
must note this fact, that some arrangements were 
concluded between the Empire and the Roman See, 
and that an anonymous contemporary historian, in a 
Chronica which he wrote and which was lately in 
the Archives of Modena, stated that the Emperor 
Frederick, in his will and testament (which was 
written in full in that MS.), left to the Eoman Church 
the restitution of everything that belonged to it, 
reserving in full for himself and his successors, and 
for the honour of the Empire, all his Imperial rights, 
on condition that the Church restored to the Empire 
all its due. 

I happen to have in my Library, three MS. 
official relations of the Venetian Ambassadors at the 
Courts of Eome, of King Philippe, and at the Court 
of the Emperor Charles the Fifth (and these private 
informations about the political and private affairs 
of these Courts were never published, though they 
contain the most minute accounts of those Monarchs 
and their political intentions and views, and would 
be invaluable to the statesmen of the present time), 
in which I have chanced to find two Biographical 
sketches of the origin of the Austrian house 
founded by Eidolph or Rudolph the Eirst. I will 
insert here a part^ of his biography, as written by 
the Ambassador, the Illustrious Marino Cavallo, 
when he returned from his mission to Charles the 
Fifth, in the year 1551. He wrote : " The present 
house of Austria has not been many years established 
in greatness, because Eudolph, who was the first to 
make it illustrious, and to enrich it — possessed 
nothing more of his own than the County of 



524 



Hapsburgh, which, at that time gave the name to 
that family, and wa3 situated in Switzerland, near 
the Canton of Berne, and Itudolph had served as 
Majordomo (Palace Chamberlain) to Ottoacre, King of 
Bohemia, when fortune elevated him and his family 
to such greatness." 

Christendom had been in commotion, and without 
an Emperor, nearly eighteen years, through the 
discords of the Electors and others ; one party had 
already elected Eichard, brother of the King of 
England, and the other party had elected Alphonso, 
King of Castillia ; neither of whom could obtain the 
Imperial possession. At last, in 1223, the Electors 
agreed to elevate to the Empire Eudolph, on account 
of his services to Germany during the reign of 
Frederick the Second, and of his virtue and ability 
in arms, and administrative capacity; and because 
at that time a great confusion reigned all over 
Germany on account of Ottoacre, the Bohemian 
king, having possessed himself of Austria and of 
Styria, under the pretext of his marriage rights with 
the widow of Henry son of Frederick the Second. 
This lady was, Margaret, of the ancient house of 
Bamberga, whom King Ottoacre married for her 
patrimony, and put her aside, as she was too old, 
and could not have children. This pretext for a 
divorce was good, and Eudolph, with the assistance 
of the Hungarian King Stephen the Second's army, 
in several battles succeeded in expelling Ottoacre 
from the States, and in installing himself in the 
Empire — and we shall see that it was not a bed of 
roses, because the Pope served him with the usual 
tricks of scisma, excommunication, and war. 

Giovanni Yillani, the Florentine historian, bor- 
rowed from the history written by Eicordano 
Malespini, the contemporary of the Emperor 
Eudolph, the chapters 98 and 99, in which he gives 
a Biography of Eudolph in these translated w r ords : 
"In the year 1272 the Imperial Electors elected 



525 



Budolph, Count of Furinborgo, a valiant man at 
arms, though of little power. Pope Ghirigoro (sic) 
confirmed Ridolph, Count of Furinborgo (perhaps 
he meant Freiburg), King of the Romans, so that 
he might come to Rome to be crowned, and to go 
as Captain-General of the expedition to Palestine. 
The said Count promised that he would be at 
Milan for that object on a certain day, under pain 
of excommunication — which promise his private 
affairs, and the wars in Germany prevented him 
fulfilling and coming to Italy, and, of course, he 
never had the Crown nor the Papal Benediction of 
the Empire, but he remained excommunicated ; and 
at last, to make peace with the Pope and with the 
Church, and to be absolved from excommunication, 
he was compelled to grant some privileges to the 
Pope, and he gave him the privilege of the County 
of Romagna — as though he could privilege the 
Roman Church. This is what the contemporary 
Ricordano and Villani repeat about this Emperor : 
and in this privilege granted, many legal questions 
could be raised, and were raised, because Rudolph 
could not dispose of what he had not yet acquired, 
and never did acquire, and cannot be acquired 
except after the Coronation as Roman Emperor. 

I leave Rudolph for a time, and I will explain as 
well as I can, by means of official acts, in what con- 
sisted the Privileges or Donations to the Holy See. 
In the olden time many States, cities, isles, and pro- 
vinces were given as a gift of pomp to the Holy See, 
as a mark of respect to the Pontiff, or to the Arch- 
bishops and Bishops as the venerated representatives 
of Christianity. Emperors, Kings, and Princes, 
knowing what were the Roman Curia, to keep them 
in order and quiet, they adopted the political strata- 
gem of ostentatious generosity by the gifts of pomp 
and the so-called Privilegia, or donations to the Holy 
See. Whether the Emperors or Princes made the 
gift, or confirmed the gift made previously by their 



526 



predecessors, the Popes, Bishops, or Archbishops 
knew well enough what rights and privileges they 
would acquire by such gift, donation, or privilege ; 
while they would know also perfectly well that the 
given city, estate, or province would still remain 
under the control and high jurisdiction or dominion 
of the Emperor or the Prince who had ' granted the 
privilege or donation of pomp. For instance, it is 
said by several Papal parUtmti writers that the pro- 
vinces of Yenice and of Istria, in ancient time, were 
given and confirmed to the Holy See, with the ex- 
press condition that the said Holy See should not 
take possession of them ; and in fact, the Eoman See 
never had them, nor took possession, nor was ever 
offered possession of those States. 

Anastasius asserts that Charlemagne denned the 
limits of the Estates that he gave to the Holy See in 
these words : " a Lunis cum insula Corsica, deinde in 
Suriano, deinde in Monte Bardone, inde in Verceto 
deinde in Parma, deinde in Ehegio, et exinde in 
Mantua atque Monte Silicio, simulque et universum 
Exarchatum Eavennatium, atque Provincias Venetia- 
rum, et Histriam, nec non et cunctum Ducatum 
Spoletinum et Beneventanum." I refer the reader 
to the Will of Charlemagne, w T hich I have 
copied in extenso in a former part of this work, and 
which contains the above expressions in part only, 
but then these provinces were left to his son Charles, 
and not to the Holy See, as observed by Anastasius. 
The assertion of Anastasius, though erroneous and 
false, was maliciously inserted in the spurious 
Diploma of Donations to the Holy See by Otho the 
Eirst, and in that of Henry the Second, also apocry- 
phal ; I shall remark only that the concessions or 
privileges to the Holy See, when made, were so 
frivolous and useless that they were entirely ridicu- 
lous, and of no effect with regard to the transmission 
of the high Dominion of those places. The fact is, 
that such concessions contrasted too much with the 



527 



historical truth, and will serve only to confirm and 
establish my opinion that, in the olden time, the 
Monarchs and Princes used to grant and give Dona- 
tions and Privileges to the Holy See, and to other 
high Ecclesiastics, merely as gifts of Pomp. This 
assertion is corroborated so powerfully by undeniable 
historical facts, that no one will dare disprove that 
the Emperors ruled and enjoyed the Supreme Do- 
minion of the Provinces of Lunigiana, Montebar- 
done, Berceto, Parma, Eeggio, Mantova, Monselice, 
Le Provincie di Venezia, that is, Padova, Yicenza, 
Verona, and other cities {except Venice and other 
places), like Comacchio, the other Provinces of the 
great Countess Mathilde that are not yet named, and 
the Exarchate, although several of the above-named 
towns had been, at various times, made the object of 
ostentatious gift, or privileges upon them had been 
granted by the Emperor or Princes to the Holy See. 
These pretended Donations were then quite useless, 
for the great reason that most of them did not 
convey with them either the possession or the 
useful dominion, much less the high, supreme, 
or Imperial dominion. 

The Holy See was not put in regular possession 
of the Cities and Provinces given to her as Privi- 
leges, Regalia, or Donations : on the contrary, the 
Holy See had frequently seen with indifference and 
calmness the Imperial Investitures of those same 
cities ;and provinces given to various princes, Counts, 
Archbishops, and Abbots, who were put in posses- 
sion of them by the Imperial Judges and Chancellors 
without any complaint being raised by the various 
Popes to whom the said cities had been conceded 
before, as an ostentatious show of Pomp, alias Dona- 
tion. 

Anastatius was a clever man, to be sure, and 
worked very hard for the Holy Shop ; but with all 
that he did not know that ancient prescription, how 
to cook a hare, and forgot that before he could roast 



528 



it, lie should catch it, and that then he might hare 
it prepared as he liked. Pipin and Charlemagne 
could dispose of V enice and of Histria as I can dis- 
pose of the money of the Bank of England, just in 
the same manner; with only this difference, that 
Pipin tried very hard, and the Venetians defeated 
and dispersed his naval army, as I have related 
somewhere else. Charlemagne and his Father had 
"been at Yenice onlv as friends, and it seems that 
Charlemagne much esteemed the friendship of the 
Venetians, and never attempted to molest the His- 
trian and Dalmatian provinces, which were then 
friendly, and soon after under the protection of the 
Venetians. 

In this work I have reproduced cases corrobora- 
ting my assertions, and demonstrated also a few 
cases in which the Popes, and other Ecclesiastics, had 
received Donations of cities and lands, followed by 
regular Investitures and Possession of the given 
places, with the usual Imperial reserve — 64 Salvo tamen 
jure Imperii ;" and later, the Emperors added to this 
clause — f 'more antecessorumnostroruro.'' That is, ex- 
cepting always on our behalf the Imperial Dominion 
over these gifts, according to our ancestors' custom. 
"When such Donations were made with these clauses, 
sometimes the Popes, and at others not, enjoyed 
only the Useful Dominion over them, that is the 
right of levying tithes upon such Estates or Cities. 
I may even assert that sometimes the right of levy- 
ing tithes, according to the privileges of the Useful 
Dominion, did not extend any further than upon 
those lands which were the property of the Episco- 
pate, Churches, and Monasteries, and the Popes 
could not interfere with the remainder of the Pro- 
perties in the same Towns and Provinces. 

I have already given many proofs, and will still 
continue to give others, that some of the Emperors 
never intended to give the High Dominion or the 
Useful Dominion of certain States to the Holy See, 



529 



although they had granted the privileges to it, and 
sworn to be in favour and maintain friendship with 
the Popes ; they, the Emperors, have retained the 
rights of disposing of such Estates in favour of other 
parties, and have actually done so several times, as 
can be proved by the Diplomas of several Emperors, 
who were much esteemed, and considered pious men, 
and were in capital odour with the Pontifical Courts. 
For instance, I will take the case of Eudolph the 
First, who was very religious and virtuous, and was 
much lauded by the Roman Court. The Holy See 
said that in 1274 and 1275 he made the Donation of 
the Exarchate of Ravenna ; nevertheless, the Emperor 
continued master in possession of almost every town 
and province, without the least lamentation or quarrel 
on the part of the Popes, who had attempted domi- 
nation also in the lands of the great Countess 
Mathilde, but the Emperor disposed of them as he 
liked, although anterior and subsequent Popes had 
pretended to those States on account of previous 
Donations. 

The states of the great Countess Mathilde con- 
sisted in great part of the Duchy of Mantua, of 
of Parma, Reggio, Modena, Garfagnana, and other 
towns and lands which before her death she had 
given to Hildebrand, so that he might have the 
means to carry on the war against the Emperor, &c. 
But the Holy See never possessed her estates. It was 
pretended also that Rudolph the First and his prede- 
cessors had granted to the Roman See the provinces 
of Yenetia, Histria, Montebardone, Monselice, the 
counties of Gavello and Adria, and that those 
Emperors had sworn to maintain and protect it in 
such possessions. In spite of the protestations of 
the Holy See, and of such concessions and Donations 
by the predecessors of Rudolph and of Rudolph 
himself, we see that the Emperor Rudolph the First, 
by three of his Diplomas, gave to Obizzo, Marquis 
of Este, one of his Imperial Vicars, two diplomas, 

z z 



530 



one of them dated 1281, the other dated 1285* 
reported by Eossi, in the history of Ravenna, lib. 6, 
from which this extract, showing to whom the 
Emperor gave those States, is taken. Causas appel- 
lationum per totam Marchiam Tarvisanam, sive 
Veronae in rectum feudum, &c. Castrum Montis 
Silicis, Eustum Caloanum et Montagnanam, &c, 
Comitatum Ehodigi et Adriam et Adrian um, using the 
words concedimus et donamus. In the third Diploma 
he conferred upon him Lendenara, &c., and in the 
year 1280, Bonifacius Archiepiscopus suo Ecclesise 
Eavennatis et successorum nomine, auctoritate sibi 
ab Imperatore concessa, si Eespublica Eavennas 
' tentasset, permisit societati Amanatorum, ut Mone- 
tam Eavennse excuderent. What was the Pope 
doing or talking about, all the time that the Emperor 
Eudolph was disposing of those provinces, which, 
according to alleged previous Donations, had been given 
to the Pope or to the Holy See ? The Pope never 
came forward to claim them as his property, nor dared 
to say anything even when Eudolph disposed of the 
Exarchate, nor did he interfere in any manner, or 
even remonstrate with the Archbishop Boniface 
when he granted to others the power of coining 
money. All this proves, then, that the Pope knew 
perfectly well that he had no right of any sort, nor 
the least pretext for interference. Therefore, the 
Donations of Pipin, Charlemagne, Ludovicus Pius, 
the Othos, Mathilde, the Henries, Frederick, and 
the other Imperial predecessors, made to the Holy 
See, were as good and as valid as a sack of fresh air. 
The same thing happened in 1320, on the 3rd of 
April ; when Erederick of Austria was elected King 
of the Eomans, in opposition to the Bavarian 
Ludovick, he granted, in a Diploma dated as above, 
to Castruccio Castrseane degli Antelminelli, the In- 
vestiture of Lucca and Garfagnana. That Diploma 
is reported in the MS. history of that place by the 
historian Micotti, and Aldus Manutius also inserted 



531 



it in the life of Castruccio ; it is also inserted in full 
in the Recueil des Traitez de Paix de Treves et 
d' Alliances, &c. Again, I will notice here that, at 
a later period, the Emperor Charles the Fourth, 
although he had confirmed to the Holy See the 
Lands and States of the Countess Mathilde, yet, 
with a Diploma dated 1355, on the 11th of June, 
he invested the family of Yalvassori of Garfagnana 
with all their Estates, confirming to them a privilege 
already granted by Frederick the Second. In the 
Archives of the family of Este still exists that 
Investiture, and the historian Micotti reported the 
Diploma with which the Emperor, in the year 1369, 
on the 8th of July, confirmed the Province of 
Garfagnana to the Council of Lucca in the name of 
the Holy Eoman Empire. Where was the Pope ? 
What did he say ? Nothing ! 

Moreover, in the year 143 3, the Emperor Sigismond 
invested the family of Este with the said Province 
of Garfagnana by an Imperial Diploma, which was 
successively renewed to the D'Este family by every 
succeeding Emperor up to the beginning of the 
eighteenth century ; and they remained always in 
possession of that Province until they were expelled 
at the end of the last century, and again and for 
ever by the last Italian war. The Popes never 
made any opposition or any lamentation upon this 
Investiture. The Emperor Charles the Fourth 
likewise invested the D'Estes with several Estates 
which had been given previously as Donations of 
Pomp to the Holy See. 

Sigonius, De Episc. Bonon., lib. 3, relates that 
Aimericus, Bishop of Bologna, begged of Charles 
the Fourth to be reconfirmed in the Investitura of 
Cento, of St Giovanni, Unzola, Rocca, Badalo, 
Masiniatico, Poggio, Dugliolo, and other places, 
which was executed by the Emperor in the presence 
of the Electors and other Princes of the Empire by 
a Diploma, bearing date 1365, Indizione 3 a , 4 t0 , Id., 



532 



Feb 1 '. The Bishop of Bologna, Arrigus, had been 
invested with such places by a Diploma of the 
Emperor Frederick the Second, in the year 1220, 
which Diploma was printed by TJghelli in bis Italia 
Sacra, to. 2, p. 22. 

The Emperor Charles the Fourth, in that Diploma, 
called Bishop Aimericus — Nostrum et Si. Emi. Im- 
perii Principem ; and in it he ratified, renewed, 
confirmed, and gave to him — de Imperialis potestatis 
plenitudine, ex certa nostra scientia animo deliberato 
non per errorem, aut improvide, sed ex mere liberali- 
tatis arbitrio, — the above Investiture. A small 
portion of this territory, through a revolution, was 
lost by the Bishop, when the Pope got hold of the 
city of Cento (the birthplace of Guercino), but, 
nevertheless, the Emperors considered that territory 
as part and parcel of the Koman Empire. What 
is to be remarked as singular in the above Investiture 
is, that the Emperor gave it to the Bishop, and not 
to the Pope, nor yet to the Holy See. That this 
Donation, which conferred on the Bishop the 
Useful Dominion, was made to an Ecclesiastic well 
acquainted with etiquette, and who was a friend to 
the Boman See, with which he was on the best 
terms, and the Pope or his Legates did not complain. 
Charles the Fourth, about the same year, also made 
a Donation of Privileges to the city or municipality 
of Perugia, and that population recognized the 
Imperial Dominion and protection, as stated by 
Bartholus, who was sent as an Ambassador in these 
affairs. Several other cities were governed as 
Republics under the protection and with an Imperial 
privilege granted to them, at various epochs by the 
Emperors ; and at that time the Popes did not, and 
knew that they could not, say anything to the 
contrary. 

Before proceeding any farther, I think it necessary 
to recapitulate the statement that Pipin, Charle- 
magne, Ludowick, Lotharius, and, more particularly, 



533 



the Othos, Henry the Second, and Rudolph the 
First, were great friends with the Popes, and were 
considered by them as pious saints, and I don't 
know what ; yet the whole of them were masters of 
Rome, Ravenna, and all the Roman States, and 
disposed of them as they liked, and, as I have 
shown, to other persons to enjoy the Useful Do- 
minion, while they always retained for themselves 
and their posterity the Imperial Dominion, in 
spite of having made to the Popes the pompous 
Donations of those States, which amounted, as I have 
said, in many different ways, only to the privilege 
of levying tithes upon the lands of the Churches 
and of the. monasteries. I must not forget to state 
that Charles the Fourth was also considered a 
pious Emperor and a great friend of the Pope ; 
though he did not give him the temporal power in 
any province, although he had plenty at his disposal. 
In fact, he gave to the ILarquis of Este the Con- 
firmation of the Investitures of Ferrara and of 
Comacchio, the Counties of Rovigo, of Adria, of 
Adriano, and many other little States that had 
belonged to the great Countess Mathilde. The 
Pope said nothing, as usual, and was satisfied with 
the Confirmation of the privileges of the Holy See, 
which we have seen amounted only to pompous 
pretences. 

In 1355, when Charles the Fourth made a journey 
to Rome with the object of being crowned, he did 
not hold up his Imperial dignity, and, instead of 
leaving Rome as a master, he left it as an humble 
and obedient servant. He, therefore, deserved the 
following remonstrance from Petrarch : " You have 
then promised the Pope by oath never to return to 
Rome ? How shameful for an Emperor that Rome 
should have the power, or rather the audacity, to 
constrain him to be satisfied with the title of Caesar ! 
What an affront for him to whom the universe 
ought to be subject, not to be his own master, and 

z z 2 



534 



to see himself reduced to obey the commands of his 
vassal ! " 

Jesus has said, "My kingdom is not of this 
world." Jesus would not consent to be armed with 
the sword, Charles the Fourth betrayed St Peter 
by betraying himself. Of all religions, that which 
excludes in the greatest degree priests from all civil 
authority is assuredly that of Jesus : " Render unto 
Caesar that which is Caesar's. There will .be among 
you neither first nor last. My kingdom is not of 
this world." 

The quarrels between the Empire and the 
Papacy, which have covered Europe with bloodshed 
for more than six centuries, have therefore only 
been, on the part of the priests, rebellion against 
God and man, and a continual sin against the Holy 
Ghost. 

I must now go back a little to notice some other 
affairs with regard to the motives of the Popes in 
sending the Emperors to Palestine, which they did 
in order that, whilst they were absent from their 
German and Italian States, they (the Popes) might 
avail themselves of the opportunity of swindling the 
Empire out of their interest and revenue in those 
States, and of establishing laws, regulations, and 
usages palatable to themselves, and poisonous to the 
populations and to the Empire. 

If I were not afraid of overswelling this volume, 
I could select from the materials that I have at my 
disposal many forcible historical facts to convince 
any one of these obstinately incredulous Papists, 
who deny everything on principle, and prove nothing 
by malice and ignorance. However, I will say that 
Udalricus, alias Henricus Mutius historicus, in his 
Chron. Germ., lib. 21, states that at the time of 
Rudolph, many of the Italian Princes were in great 
contention with the Pope Nicholas the Third; 
because, during the absence of the Emperor, the 
Pope, abusing the Imperial authority, accomplished 



535 



whatever lie thought of or desired ; and amongst hig 

pretty deeds named and constituted Charles, King 

of Sicily, King also of Tuscany, entirely in defiance 

and against the will and rights of the Emperor 

Eudolph : usus auctoritate Eudolphi absentis, effecit 

quidquid cupiebat, &c. Nicholas was not satisfied 

with the expectations of his protege, and soon after 

he disturbed him in those States ; and Pope Honorius 

the Fourth, who succeeded Nicholas in the year 1286, 

had the impudence to name, as Vicar- General of the 

Empire, the Genoese Count Pinzivallem De Elisco, 

and to send him to Germany with Papal letters to 

take the Imperial confirmation from Eudolph, who 

was much annoyed at it, and would have preferred 

to name another person to the one derogatorily 

named by the Pope : Honorius fecit Comitem HonoriusMu- 

Januensem nomine Pinzivallam (Prinzivallam) de an. 3 i286? n? 

Elisco Yicarium Generalem Imperii, misitque eum 

in German iam ad Eudolphum Imperatorem eum 

mandatis, ut Eudolphus hunc Vicarium confirmaret. 

Quod fecit in gratiam Pontificis Imperator quam- 

quam invitus ; male enim habebat eum, quod 

Pontifex hoc jus in Imperio sibi arrogabat, alium 

enim Yicarium Eudolphus maluisset. Pope Innocent 

the Eifth, in the year 1276, succeeded Honorius, 

and was endowed with the same unlimited holy 

impudence as his predecessor, and had the courage 

to write a letter to Eudolph in which he ordered 

him not to go to Italy, and if by chance he was 

then travelling towards that country, bid him go 

back. That letter is inserted in the Dissertazione 

Historica (No. 11, p. 38), published in Eome in 

1710, by the Papal Lawyer defending the Holy See 

against the Imperial rights violated by the Popes 

Gregory, Clement, and Innocent. 

The historian Einaldi, concerning the political 
events of the year 1277, says that Pope John XXI 
wrote another letter to that Emperor, telling him 
imperatively to stay in Germany. Ptolomeus 



536 



Lucensis (Bibliot. Patr. ? to. 23, p. 966), a Dominican 
friar, Bishop of Torcella, and contemporary historian, 
wrote in his short Annales the innovations of Pope 
Nicholas the Third in the following words : Nicolaus 
multas Novitates fecit in Mundo. Prirao Rodulphum 
requirit de Comitatu Romagnolse, et obtinuit ex jure 
Ecclesise concesso per Ludovicum Imperatorem. 
Lucensibus molestias intulit de 'Vicariatu Yallis 
Nebulae, &c. He had already said of Pope John, pre- 
decessor of Nicholas, that he also had attempted 
many novelties, and that he hazardously did many 
things. And in the year 1282 the same Bishop 
Ptolomeus says that the people of Lucca burned 
Pescia, because they had submitted to the Imperial 
Chancellor of Rudolph, and that they should not 
have done so without the confirmation of the Pope. 
Causam autem combustionis fuerunt fuisse, quia se 
subjecerunt Cancellario Imperatoris Rodulphi, cui 
subjici non debebant, nisi appareret confirmatio ejus- 
dem per Summum Pontificem. 

It is reported by Blondus (Dec. 2, lib. 8), who took 
it from Ptolomeus Lucensis, that Bishop Ptolomy 
registered an historical fact which had a great 
analogy to the political state of Italian affairs two 
3 r ears ago, and which were entirely baffled by the 
prevoyance, diplomatic ability, and patriotic spirit of 
Baron Ricasoli, supported by the Florentine popula- 
tions, backed by the universal applause of the whole 
of Italy, and the sympathy of Europe. However, I 
thank Napoleon the Third for the good intentions 
evinced in the whole affair, though the present 
scheme which superseded his own meets most satis- 
factorily the wants of the Italian nation, and will 
prevent in future new causes of European dissension 
and of internal strife. In fact, it has been the dream 
of every patriot for upwards of a thousand years, and 
cannot be respited, except at the risk of a general 
European conflagration in the style of that of 1848, 
with the exception that the people will know now 



537 



what to do with their conflicting elements. Uxpe- 
rientia docet. And it is natural enough that there 
shall be unity and force to resist the attacks of the 
enemies and the strangers, and that that land so 
many times baptised with the blood of its liberal 
martyrs, shall be manured with the bones of its future 
tyrants. — The scheme that the imagination of Nicholas 
the Third conceived was this splendid specimen of 
priestly interested motives, favourable to his two 
nephews of the Orsini family. I relate here the 
words of Blondus, as it is the same sentence written 
by the Bishop Ptolomy : Scribit Phtolomeus Lu- 
censis Nicolaum Pontificem, nisi ejus consilia mors 
occupasset, Reges duos, unum Lombardiae, alter um 
Hetruscis fuisse daturum, quo Eegibus Siciliae, atque 
Germanis Imperii titulo abutentibus, evertendi 
Italiam, sicut saepe fecerant, facultas adimeretur. 

Platina, the Pontifical historian (in Yita Nicol. Ill), 
repeats the same facts, that two nephews of the Popes 
of the Orsini family were to be made Kings of Italy, 
one in Lombardy and the other in Tuscany, and he 
adds that they might keep back with their armies in 
due obedience the Germans and the French. In 
animo fuerat duos Eeges creare, utrumque Ursinum, 
quorum alteram Hetruriae, alteram Lombardiae prae- 
ficeret, qui inde Teutonicos, sive G alios armis in 
officio continerent. There is not the least shadow of 
doubt that this bold Pope would have expelled the 
Emperor and the other Princes, and ruled Italy in 
his own way, independent of foreign arms ; but his 
independent calculations were stopped by his unex- 
pected death, when the political affairs of Italy 
assumed another shape and modification. I take 
this political fact as the first precedent against the 
Papal non possumus non volumus, and I shall follow 
this hereafter with a long chapter of its kind. 

The reader will easily understand that these were 
really the times when the Popes assumed a power 
which was threatening to the people and to the 



538 



Emperors themselves, and to such an extent that the 
really intelligent political Princes, instead of opposing 
with the whole of their might the indomitable Papal 
thirst for reign, stood indifferently looking on at 
what was being done, and complied with many of 
the Papal caprices, to avoid civil war and excom- 
munication, and their concomitant consequences ; 
therefore it was not to be wondered at if, under 
such circumstances, some of the Emperors made a 
few concessions against their will and interest. 
Nevertheless the Emperors always avoided noting 
prejudicially to the Imperial Dominion. As I have 
shown in many other instances, the Emperors con- 
firmed many Donations to the Holy See, but retained 
invariably the Temporal Power for themselves, and 
invested with the Useful Dominion other Princes 
who were the Vicars or Vassals of the Empire. 
Look, for instance, at this last Emperor, Rudolph 
the Eirst, who knew uncommonly well the temper 
of the Roman Bishop, and knew also that he was 
quite ripe for a great revolution, and a schism. 
With indifference, patience, and flattering concessions 
he disarmed his rival, and compelled him to be peace- 
ful ; and by securing the Imperial Italian States to 
those Princes who could well defend them, and 
keeping himself passively ready for any emergency, 
his reign was comparatively a good and peaceful one. 
He confirmed to the Pope the Donations, as I have 
already said ; but for all that he kept for his own use 
the States of the Countess Mathilde. Again, in the 
year 1281, after having confirmed to the Pope or 
Holy See the privileges of Adria and Gavello, he 
invested with Sovereign power over them the Marquis 
Obizzo of Este, the Lord of Eerrara, as he had pre- 
viously only been invested with those feudal towns 
by the Imperial Chancellor, Eudolph. In conclu- 
ding this chapter, I repeat that the Emperor 
Eudolph merely confirmed the Donations to the 
Apostolic See, as usual, out of Pomp and Venera- 



539 



tion (real or affected, I know not which) ; that he 
never put the Church of Rome in possession of those 
said Donations, but gave them to other persons. 

I have already hinted that from the Middle Ages 
to the eighteenth century the Popes were very 
industrious in inventing and causing a great number 
of Documents to be forged for the purpose of proving 
a number of fictitious Donations by the various 
Emperors to the Holy See. I will add here, as a 
post-scrip turn to the above declaration, that there 
was a private office in the Vatican dedicated to that 
object; that the most notorious and the most expert 
and laborious of those religious forgers was Al- 
fonso Cecarelli, who worked for several Popes, and 
was finally condemned to death by Gregory the 
Thirteenth. 

Carlo Galluzzi was also another famous forger, 
and executed many Documents and Diplomas by 
order of Clement the Eleventh. He was condemned 
to death and burned alive by the Senate of Milan, 
about the year 1707 ; and it is a remarkable fact that 
the Inclement Clement, after he had used this man 
for his own purposes, was one of the accusers, and 
begged the Senate to condemn him. 

Guglielmo Yallawas another clever forger of Bulls 
and Diplomas ; he was an associate of Cecarelli. 

Le Pere Jermon, a French Jesuit, was also another 
forger of Eulls and Deeds, &c. I have been unable 
to trace the period or the circumstances of his 
death ; but, as he was a Reverend, and probably a 
Saint of the Roman school, I suppose that an 
apotheosis transported him from this sinful world 
to that Avernian bolgia where his confederates and 
predecessors were condemned. 

I need say nothing more of these celebrities : I 
therefore leave them in their abode to discount with 
pains the dirty Papal work which they did in their 
lives. I wish I could borrow from the rebel Bishops 
some phrases of that religious cant which is so 



540 



common to them, and employ them here as a 
Miserere to their departed martyrs. I intended to 
have placed here a list of the forged Papal Diplomas 
of Donations ; but, unfortunately, now that I want 
it for press, I cannot find it. I remember that 
there were at least thirty-five of them, all which I 
had duly noted in seven or eight pages ; but I do 
not remember where I placed them, and probably 
I shall not be able to print them. 



Pkecedents and Confutations or the 

"NoN PoSSUMUS, NON VoLUMTJS." 

Oh, ye consecrated, perjured liars ! you sing about 
" non possumus " when it does not suit your in- 
terest to let the Emperor dispose of the towns and 
lands as he pleases ; but if the Emperor proposes to 
name some of your relatives in any State (though 
you pretend that those States belong to the Church) 
as Imperial Yicars of independent Sovereigns, then 
you withdraw the negative particle, and find out that 
you can and will — and are most anxiously disposed to 
do — to agree and confirm what is to be done or what 
others have done (as it is their special right and privi- 
lege to do) ; and for the sake of poking your noses into 
other people's business, and of keeping up the shadow 
of a power which you never possessed, you issue Bulls 
confirmatory of the Imperial grants, as you have 
constantly done to confirm the Imperial investiture 
of Eerrara, Ancona, and other States, to the Este 
family for several centuries. Pope Nicholas the Third 
wanted to divide Italy into two kingdoms, for the 
benefit of his kindred. In the year 1247, after 
Erederick the Second's death, was elected Emperor 
"William Count of Holland, who was a great friend 
of Pope Innocent the Eourth, and pleased him and 
satisfied many of his Papal caprices. Amongst the 
Imperial concessions that he made, he gave a 



541 



Diploma to the Pope, bearing date 1249, in which 
he confirmed to the Eoman See the Donations made 
from the time of Ludovicus Pius to his time ; and to 
increase the Papal satisfaction, soon after, in the 
same year 1249, the Emperor gave a Diploma to 
Thomas da Eogliano. In that Imperial Diploma 
occurs these words: Tibi tuisque heredibus jure 
Eeudi, sive in Eeudum, concedimus in perpetuum, et 
donamus integro Statu omnes res mobiles, et immo- 
biles, omniaque jura, justitias, omnesque redditus et 
proventus quas in futurum nobis acquireretur, vel 
aperiretur, &c, in Civitate, Districtu et Episcopatu 
Cerviensi, et in Bertonoro et Territorio et Districtu 
suo, in Sale, aquis, &c, it a quod ex nunc tu, et tui 
heredes in perpetuum possitis precipere, ordinare, 
disponere, frui, et uti in predictis et de predictis, 
sicut Domini feudatarii predictorum, et sicut Ea- 
tione Imperii facere personaliter in eisdem, et de 
eisdem JNos possemus. What is to be remarked, as 
very singular, is that the Emperor "William, although 
so friendly and affectionately inclined to Pope Inno- 
cent the Eourth, after having given to him the Ex- 
archate, and other towns of Eomagna, a few months 
later (as proved by the above-quoted document), 
gave Bertinoro and the County of Cervia to the Pope's 
nephew, as a feud. In so doing, he again disposed 
of part of what he had previously ceded in favour of 
the Pope. Instead of complaining of this, the Pope 
took no objective notice, and even forgot that the 
Emperor had taken oath to maintain to the Holy See 
those States which he had already given. 

In the above Diploma there are a few w T ords which 
are totally antagonistic to the sayings of the Popes, 
"Kon possumus, non volumus;" and if Pope 
Innocent had been consequent to the traditional 
obstinacy of his predecessors, Thomas de Eoliano 
might have had an Imperial feud in some other 
parts of the Imperial Dominion, without disturbing 
and dismembering the Papal Donation, and I should 

AAA 



542 



liave been at a loss to find such a precedent if Pope 
Innocent had said to his nephew, Non possumus, non 
volumtis. As I have said, in that Imperial Diploma 
there are words which plainly prove the kind dis- 
position of the Emperor to comply with the Pope's 
request, which was to enrich his nephew at the ex- 
pense, in this case, of the Holy See. Considerata 
etiam principaliter pia dementia Sanctiss. P. T$ t D. 
Innocentii Sacrosanctse E. E. Summi Pontificis 
Avunculi tui. 

My inexperience as a writer will not permit me to 
proceed any further without saying a few words 
about Thomas de Eoliano and his brother Giberto, 
the founder of Scandiano. These two gentlemen 
were the descendants of an ancient and noble family 
of Eeggio ; Thomas went to reside in his Eeud, and 
Giberto built a castle which was afterwards partly 
converted into a palace by Louis the Eirst of Este, 
Marquis of Eerraro, and is still partly unfinished on 
account of its extension. Giberto called it Scandiano ; 
probably, a scandere, as it is in a slightly elevated 
place by the side of a sometimes impetuous torrent 
oalled Tresinaro. Scandiano lies on the right-hand 
side of the Yia Emilia, seven miles distant from 
Eeggio, and fourteen from Modena, and only one 
mile distant from the first range of beautiful hills 
which lead to the Apennines. Half-way between 
Eeggio and Scandiano there is a small village, which, 
I think, was originally the residence or the property 
of the Eogliani family, which is called Eogliano. 
Giberto probably abandoned it for Scandiano, because 
it was more adapted for strategic defence on account of 
its hills, and the river, which is sometimes unfordable, 
as is also the river Secchia, which runs parallel with 
it and is distant only six miles, and comprises 
Scandiano between it. Giberto was a warrior, one 
of those valiant Condottieri of the Middle Ages ; and 
probably his eldest brother gave him either grants of 
lands or the whole of the paternal inheritance, as I 



543 



see that Thomas, on the 18th of August, 1259, gave 
also as a Donation to the Bishop of Sarsina several 
Castles, Courts, and small towns situated in Romagna, 
and Pope Alexander the Eourth, who had succeeded 
Thomas's uncle about that time, did not complain, 
or reprove such donation of property, which was 
included in the Donation made by the Emperor to 
Pope Innocent a few years before. Ughelli (Hal. 
Sac, to. 2, p. 815) reports the Document of Thomas 
de Eoliano to that Bishop. 

The Bishop of Sarsina, in 1234, was also generously 
treated by Frederick the Second with lands and 
castles which that Emperor had granted before to 
Gregory the Ninth ; and that Pope, instead of com- 
plaining, actually approved of it. All these things 
tend to confirm what I have repeatedly stated, that 
the Imperial grants of Privileges, or Diplomas of In- 
vestitures to the Popes were merely acts of pompous- 
generosity, void of power to convey the useful 
dominion, much less the absolute temporal power, as 
we see in these cases that other persons enjoyed the 
useful dominion. I cannot pass on without saying a 
few more words about Scandiano, and I most humbly 
beg of my readers to permit me to avail myself of 
this opportunity of paying a debt of gratitude that I 
owe to that Municipality and to its citizens. 

I was born at Scandiano, and was compelled to 
quit that place and the State altogether in 1831, 
having taken part in the insurrectionary movement 
of that time. In 1848 I started from London again* 
to take part in the political affairs, but as soon as I 
arrived in the Lombard fields I caught the inter- 
mittent fever, which compelled me to abandon the 
idea of the campaign. I therefore directed my way 
towards my birthplace. "When I arrived within a 
couple of miles from Scandiano, to my surprise, my 
carriage was stopped by two or three carriages, con- 
taining the whole of the municipal authorities, who» 
had several national flags displayed. They imme- 



544 



diately recognised me, as I did them, and, after ex- 
changing a few words of the joyful emanations of 
that palpitating heart which had guided me through 
so many peripezie, they induced me to ascend to 
their first carriage, under the principal flag. The 
cheerful words of the scion of the immortal Vallio- 
neri, and of all the other friends ; the sight of those 
hills, which then seemed as if they were advancing 
precipitously towards me ; the remembrance that at 
last I was going to my home ; the supposition that 
the shadows of my poor father and mother (both 
dead in the same day within the first decade of my 
ostracism) were standing before me, reproaching me 
with having denied them the last filial duties, over- 
whelmed me. The conflict of these various emotions 
seized my heart ; and whilst we were approaching 
the town, hearing the music of the National Guards, 
and seeing that they were coming to meet us, my 
words and sight failed me, a warm profuse perspira-« 
tion seized me, and brought upon me such a paroxysm 
of fever whilst I was escorted home, that I 
could neither see nor hear anything, in spite of the 
vociferous welcome of my dearest compatriots, who 
were kind enough to take me out of the carriage, as 
I was faint and almost paralyzed. A short time 
after I recovered, and it seemed to me then, and even 
now, when I think of it, as if it had been a dream. 
I ignored, and still ignore, the cause of that honour- 
able reception, as I had not done anything deserving 
such an ovation. I know, however, that from the 
first moment that I embraced the liberal cause I 
never ceased to struggle and fight for liberty 
everywhere I went, encountering calamities, 
dangers, and privations of all sorts ; and yet, 
with the assistance of the Eternal Providence, 
I had force of soul enough to bear them, courage 
to brave them, and presence of mind to resist all 
temptation, and lived as honourably as any honest 
man could by the sweat of his brow and the exercise 



545 



of his profession. If my actions gained me the 
esteem of my compatriots, I regret much I did not 
return to them my thanks at that time, on account 
of my hasty departure from Scandiano, the day after 
my arrival, in consequence of feeling that the fever 
had quitted me through that paroxysm, and that I 
was only affected by the political fever of taking an, 
active part in the affairs of the country, which were 
then in great confusion, as the Archbishop of Parma 
was the leader of a counter-revolution, with the 
assistance of the Clergy of various States, and retro- 
grades of all classes. Knowing the dangers which 
threatened the provisionary Governments of Parma, 
and Modena, I hastened to the latter place, where I 
was immediately invested with various political 
missions and the direction of the Police. 

In order to attest to my compatriots the full grati- 
tude that I then felt, and which I feel I owe them 
still, I take this opportunity of publicly thanking 
them now with all the affectionate feelings of my 
soul, fully rejoicing in the freedom and regeneration 
of the country, under the auspices of the glorious 
champion of Italian liberties, the illustrious and 
gallant King Victor Emmanuel. 

The reader will perhaps excuse me saying a word 
or two more about Scandiano, which, though a small 
place, and, compared with other boroughs a modern, 
one, with a population of about two thousand souls, 
is called Terra Nolile. It is a feud which for more 
than the last three hundred years belonged to the 
family d'Este of Eerrara, Modena, Eeggio, &c. It 
was their family villeggiatura in their glorious time,, 
and renowned for the delicacy of its wine, and the 
extraordinary number of eminent men and celebrated 
ladies it produced. I have not entirely forgotten 
the history of Scandiano ; consequently, I will name 
a few of its celebrities, and say that Count Matteo 
Maria Bojardo, and, before him, his father, Eeltrino, 
were the feudal Lords before the Este family. That 

A A A 2 



546 



Count Matteo wrote the celebrated poem, L' Orlando 
Innamorato, and introduced the art of printing at 
Scandiano, and printed there his own work, with the 
assistance of Pellegrino de Pasquali, in the year 
1495. Before the close of that century various other 
works were also printed at Scandiano. I have seen 
here in England only one copy of that rare and 
incomplete edition, about three years ago, at a public 
sale, and I gave way to a competitor for it. 

The Marquis of Este succeeded to the Imperial feud, 
and at the time of Bojardo many illustrious literary 
men congregated at Scandiano during the summer 
time, as an agreeable and most healthy locality, and 
a rendezvous for the lovers of art and literature. 
The immortal Ariosto, enraptured with Bojardo' s 
original and glorious work, was inspired by it to 
continue that poem with his own extravagantly sub- 
lime and ever-pleasing chivalric conceptions. Ariosto 
was a neighbour, only an hour-and-a-half's walk 
from Beggio to Scandiano ; he was a frequent visitor, 
and with him the flower of patriotism and chivalry 
which always abounded in that town. Tasso, another 
immortal genius, was a frequent summer visitor. 
The pretty ladies and the beautiful Eleonora of 
Scandiano, celebrated for her talent and elegance, 
must have inspired him with many of the sweetest 
descriptive passages in his sublime work. Soon 
after them, the renowned poetess, Laura Bassi, of 
Scandiano, who held the chair of literature, was the 
glory of her sex. But I will now retrace my steps, 
to name a follower of iEsculapius, the celebrated 
surgeon and principal reformer of great operations, 
who in the fifteenth century published a work 
entitled "De Bara Vulnerum Medicatione." His 
name was Caesar Magati. Antonio Allegri was born 
at Scandiano. His father died whilst he was in his 
infancy, and his mother returned to Correggio, to 
reside with her family ; and as her son was brought 
up there, he was called Correggio. The great legist 
Corti was of Scandiano, and so was Cardinal Zani, 



547 

who attained that dignity by merit. I forget the 
name of another Cardinal, but I will not forget the 
names of the Abbate Lazzaro Spallanzani, and of 
Vallimeri. As long as science lasts these two great 
luminaries will lead the philosophical mind to 
inquire into the secrets of Nature, for the better 
understanding of God, and for the amelioration and 
instruction of humanity. There is also still living 
an excellent sculptor, Luigi Mainoni, whose monu- 
mental works will speak for themselves. 

This digression came spontaneously to my mind, 
and has afforded me some pleasant recreation, and 
the opportunity of paying my debt of gratitude. If 
my memory failed to assist me in recollecting the 
names of other great men, my heart will not permit 
me to miss this opportunity of returning my best 
thanks to the whole of the citizens of Scandiano, 
and in doing so I wish them happiness, freedom, and 
prosperity under the new Italian reign, and a second 
edition of the glorious Bojardo, Vallimeri, and Spal- 
lanzani. 

I find that I cannot rest at Avignon, and that I 
must continue this chapter, including in it other 
precedents taken from the history of the last four 
or five centuries of Papal mismanagement, and 
dismemberment of the Ecclesiastical and Imperial 
States, in favour of their relatives, friends, and ille- 
gitimate children. Therefore I resume once more 
the precedents against the Papal Nbn possumus, non 
columns. 

In the Recueil des Traitez de Paix, &c, is in- Vol. i, p. 220, 
serted in full the Constitution of the Emperor Louis and p,22L 
the Bavarian to the Imperial Roman States, in which 
he declares that the Eoman Empire depends only 
upon God, and is perfectly independent of the Popes. 
I will quote here only a few lines, that my readers 
may see the spirit of them : Ideo ad tantum malum 
evitandum de consilio et consensu Electorum et ali~ 
orum Principum Imperii declaramus, quod Imperialis 



548 



Dignitas et potestas est immediate a solo Deo; 
et quod de jure et Imperii consuetudiue antiquitus 
approbata, postquam aliquis eligitur in Imperatorem 
sive llegem ab Electoribus Imperii concorditer, vel 
majori parte eorundem, statim ex sola electione est 
Eex verus et Imperator Eomanorum censendus et 
nominandus, et eidem debet ab omnibus Imperio 
subjectis obediri ; et administrandi Jura Imperii et 
caotera faciendi, quae ad Imperatorem verutn perti- 
nent, plenariam habet potestatem, nee Papce sive 
Sedis Apostolicce, aut alicujus approlatione conjirma- 
iione auctoritate incliget vel consensu. Et ea propter 
hac haac in perpetuum valitura lege decernimus ut 
electusin Imperatorem concorditer vel a majori parte 
Electorum ex sola electione censeatur et habeatur ab 
omnibus subjectis Imperio debeat obediri, &c. What 
arguments can the Holy See oppose to this ; and you 
incorrigible rebel, Pie and Grugno di Porco, what do 
you think of this Imperial Document ? This was 
done at Erankfort the 8th of August, 1338. 

In confirmation of the above, there is the letter of 
the Imperial Electors, which is strong and explicit, 
and tells Pope Benoit the Twelfth that the Diet had 
resolved to support the Empire in all its rights and 
privileges against the Papal encroachments, and that 
they had resolved to do so to avoid the numerous 
execrable dangers to the souls and bodies of the Im- 
perial subjects, and for the preservation of their 
property, as well as for the removal of many enor- 
mous scandals from the Church of God. Propter 
quge in diversis mundi partibus, provinciis et terris 
ipsis regendas, gubernandas commissis, innumera 
execrabilia pericula animarum, personarum et rerum 
et diversa scandala in Dei Ecclesia (quod dolenter 
referimus) sunt subornata, &e. This is really a 
capital Diplomatic Document, and might serve as a 
model now. Do you approve of it, Mr Anton elli ? 
You can read it in extenso in G. G. Leibnitz Codicis 
Diplomatic!, p. 119; and as this is not exactly a 



549 



precedent against the Non possumus, I shall lead 
you further on to the year 1382, when Pope Clement 
the Seventh, with his Bull without horns, had the 
impudence to dispossess the Imperial Vicars of the 
various Eoman and Imperial States, and to reunite 
and form them into a separate kingdom, which he 
gave to his protege, Louis Due d'Anjou, naming 
him, in perpetao, King of Adria. Some right reve- 
rend curious priest might enquire if D'Anjou got it, 
and for how long ? Well, let him enquire about it, 
while I extract from that celebrated Bull the third 
clause, which names and contains all the Towns 
and Provinces that were intended to constitute that 
new kingdom. It runs thus : 

3. Hiis et aliis justis considerationibus moti, de 
Fratrum JNostrorum consilio et assensu, terras ipsas 
videlicet Provincias Marchiae Anconitanae, Eoman- 
diolae Ducatus Spoletani, Massae Trabari, nec non 
civitates Bononiam, Perrariam, Eavennam, Peru- 
sium, Tudertum, cum eorum omnibus pertinentiis 
Comitatibus territoriis et districtibus, et omnes alias 
et singulas terras, quas ad nos et Ecclesia Eomana 
in Italia extra Eegnum Sicilian habemus et habere 
deb emus, per quoscumque et quacumque auctoritate 
possideantur sen detineantur ad praesens, exceptis 
dumtaxat urbe Eomana cum ejus districtu et pro- 
vinces Patrimonii Sancti Petri in Tuscia, Campaniae 
et maritima ac Sabina, seu Eectoratibus dictarum 
Provinciarum Eegi solitis quae terrae specialium com- 
missionum vocantur, nostrisque successoribus et 
Eomanae Ecclesiae expresse, et specialiter retinemus, 
in unum Eegnum erigimus, ipsas Provincias et civi- 
tates cum earum Comitatibus, Districtibus seu terri- 
toriis, dignitate Eegia decoramu3 ; ac Eegnum Adriae 
ordinamus ? statuimus et decernimus perpetuo nun- 
cupari. 

Bravo ! Papa. Bravo ! again ; you give here a 
solemn proof that you did not know how to dispose 
of your own property, though you knew how to 



550 



dispose of that belonging to others ; and this is the 
manner in which you acted throughout, just in the 
same way that a thief would do if he gained access 
to a banking-house, where there happened to be 
plenty of gold — fill his pockets and his hat, but, find- 
ing it an encumbrance, think it convenient to drop 
the surplus to a friend to take care of it for his own 
pleasure and safe keeping. The similitude is 
quite analogous to the anterior and posterior Papal 
actions, and if I were not afraid of going too far,- — as 
I intended to rest myself and this little work when 
the Eoman Court settled at Avignon, to survey and 
collect materials for the continuation of it at a future 
period, — I would immediately prove that Alexander 
the Sixth not only committed the same robberies, 
but murdered, poisoned, and ordered the assassina- 
tions of Counts, Barons, Princes, Bishops, and Car- 
dinals, to the number of between forty and fifty; 
destroying and razing little towns and villages for 
the sake of better spoliating and reducing to sub- 
mission the survivors of those places who had been 
accustomed to a mild rule, and to obey their Lords, 
the Imperial Vicars, for a consecutive number of 
generations. Alexander the Sixth, of infernal 
memory, committed those excesses to make a State 
for the Duke of Candia, for Valentino, and for Lu- 
crezia Borgia, his bastards by Catterina, or Rosa 
Vanozza. He married his daughter Lucrezia no less 
than four times, for the sake of the property of the 
husbands, and the pleasure of doing away with them, 
when he could succeed ; but, in some instances, he 
and Valentino failed. The Aragona families, the 
Sforzas of Milan, those of Paenza, the Savellis, the 
Orsini, the Colonnas, all these families lost several 
victims from his Papal violence. The Protonotarius 
Apost., Jacopo Gaetani, and his nephew, the son 
of Nicholas Gaetani, were strangled by his orders, 
and many others. Don Juffre, another of Alexander's 
bastards, was married to Donna Sancia of Aragona, 



551 



and, to begin with, Cardinal Delia Eovere, who 
was despoiled of his property to enrich them. Charles 
the Eighth, that iniquitous French Monarch, for the 
sake of obtaining Lombardy and Naples, made him- 
self subservient to Alexander and Yalentino, and, 
with the assistance of the French troops and Swiss 
mercenaries under the command of the Bailiff of 
Dijon, and the Papal army, the flower of the Italian 
nobility was destroyed. Those who did not perish 
on the field of battle followed the others by treason, 
murder, and assassination, or were poisoned in a 
friendly way by Alexander or Valentino, or by the 
orders of one of them. Although there was a great 
interval of time between Clement the Seventh and 
Alexander, yet we see that the object of both was 
the same, that is to enrich their relatives. But 
enough for the present, as this is not its chronological 
place. 

I should now mention that Clement was a 
spurious Pope, an anti-Pope, who usurped the 
place of Urban the Sixth, who had been elected in 
1378; and that the Italians would not have him, 
as he was a stranger, and was elected by in- 
trigues and cabals at a time when schism and tumult 
reigned supremely in Borne, and his antagonist 
elected Clement. Soon after, the usual story of 
pelting each other with maledictions of every size 
and kind began, and went on in regular form, to the 
great amazement of the Boman mob, as well as to 
the serious detriment of honest families, inas- 
much as their lives and property were in constant 
jeopardy. The miracle machineries had all stopped 
work for the time being, as there was no one to come 
down with the penny subscription for the oil to keep 
them moving. Urban the Sixth had d eprived 
Queen Giovanna of her Neapolitan reign, and had 
conferred it upon Charles De Durazzo, with conditions 
very favourable to that Pope's relatives ; which con- 
ditions were not maintained, as the Cardinals con- 
spired against Urban, and he was very nearly locked 



552 



up by them ; but he acted severely and promptly, 
and had two or three Cardinals put to death, and by 
that solemn manner of procedure he settled every- 
thing, and reigned on the Stercorarian chair eleven 
years and six months. I have taken this last state- 
ment from the Colonna MS., at page 76, and have 
changed only one word. 

The next precedent, in chronological order, is Pope 
Sixtus the Fourth, who spoliated others to enrich 
his family, and particularly his nephew, Geronimo 
Eiario, whom he made a Prince in the year 1480, 
and endowed him with the towns of Eorli and Imola 
at the expense of the Imperial Feudatory, the Orde- 
laffi family, who had received several regular Impe- 
rial investitures of those towns. Cecco Ordelaffi was 
the first of that family to seize the Temporal power 
of Forli in the year 1315, and was supported by that 
population. He assumed the title of Captain of the 
Province. After him his successors ruled the same 
little States until Sixtus the Fourth took it by force 
of arms for his above-named nephew, who did not 
enjoy it long, as he was assassinated. His widow 
was one of the cleverest women of that age ; which 
was amply proved a few years after, when she began 
to experience a great number of vicissitudes, and 
when she intrepidly resisted the attacks and the 
siege by Valentino and the French troops in a long 
struggle extending over a period of two years, and 
then capitulated, as I shall relate in a future page. 

I will now take a few pages from the History of 
Pope Alexander the Sixth, and as it is impossible to 
separate it from his illegitimate children, particularly 
Valentino and Lucrezia Borgia, I beg to be excused 
if I trespass a short time on my reader's patience 
with the two latter, who, though not belonging to 
the category of the Popes, yet by their position, 
descent, and intrigues with their father, are entitled 
to a conspicuous place in this book of horrors. 

I must furnish the reader with an idea of thepolitical 
state of Italy under the reign of Calistus the Third, 



553 



in order to show the degraded situation of the Eoman 
people of that period. At the same time I will also 
prove how the Popes managed to reign and rule with 
absolute temporal and spiritual power. 

Ciacconius, in the Life of Pope Caliste the Third, 
he being a contemporary writer, said, 1 ' Calisto tertio 
yitio datum, quod permitteret se gubernari a Eoderico 
Cardinali, &c, qui vigesimo quinto setatis anno Dux 
Generalis Ecclesiae Prsefectus Eomae, et Dux Spole- 
tanus, toto Pontificatus tempore adeo se nequiter 
gessit, ut vix ulla esse posset pejor administratio, 
quod homo esset parvus, injustus prsedationes, furta, 
homicidia in Urbe, et extra assidua certamina, et 
contentiones frequenter erant, neque videbantur nisi 
Catalani in Urbe vagari, qui deinde omnes fugati, 
mortui depredati, &c. Ipse Eodericus confugit ad 
Ostia Tiberina> deinde ad Centutn-Cellas, Ursine 
familise odia declinans qua3 contraxerat dum alteri 
factioni magis faveret." 

Eoderigo Lenzolino, of a noble Catalan family, and 
born of a sister of Pope Caliste the Third, was the 
predilect nephew of that Pope, and was allowed to 
take the family name of Borgia, and to have the 
Sovereign Eegency of Eome. He was a very clever 
and shrewd man, fully competent to conduct the 
highest affairs of State, with a prompt and energetic 
mind, seconded by a ferocious and indomitable ambi- 
tion, with such a perverse spirit, fomented by de- 
bauchery, luxe, and riches, that, in the absence of any 
trace of virtue, he lived publicly with the barefaced 
concubine Eosa Vanozza, as if she had been his 
legitimate wife. She had many children : Alexander 
made the eldest Duke of Candia; Caesar Borgia, 
alias Valentino, was the second. Lucrezia Borgia 
was another of that stock, and the eldest of the other 
daughters whom Alexander had by other mistresses. 
At the death of Caliste the Third, Innocent the 
Eighth, of the princely family of Cibo, succeeded to 
the Pontificate ; he reigned eight years, and died in 

BBB 



554 



1492. Cardinal Eodrigo Borgia was then the eldest 
of twenty-seven others, the most powerful in 
authority and wealth, though the least in Christian 
merit. With cunning artifices, humiliations, and 
lucrative promises to the Eoman Barons, and the most 
influential Cardinals, such as the Sforzas, the Orsini, 
the Iliarii, Cardinals Michiel, Savelli, and others 
who had sold their votes, some for the office of the 
Cancelleria, some to obtain sumptuous palaces, some 
for the precious wardrobes, and others for the 
opulently endowed Churches, seduced and corrupted 
by ambition and power, they elected Eodrigo as Pope. 
But in this election the Cardinals did not carry their 
impunity very far, for they soon had cause to repent, 
as observed by Cardinal Egidius, of Viterbo, when 
he wrote of them — in qua quidem re nemo unquam 
erravit impune. INemo corruptione aut dolo mala 
usus, qui non uitorem senserit Deum, qui quo serius 
eo gravius in sontes animadvertit, &c, and truly the 
Cardinals did not escape unpunished for their corrup- 
tions and bad actions — they were punished by God. 

The new Pontifex Maximus changed his name for 
that of Alexander the Sixth, and every one was 
astonished to hear of the election of the ferocious 
Regent, who was most dissolute, rapacious, and 
violent, and great only in the perpetration of the most 
execrable atrocities. Ferdinand the First, King of 
Naples, who was then much esteemed for his wisdom 
and his justice to the people, and who nearly lost 
his kingdom through the Regency of Roderigo, under 
the reign of Calistus, when he heard of his election 
to the Pontificate, said to his attendants, " I cannot 
congratulate myself upon his elevation, nor can any 
honest man do so, because he has always been a bad 
man, and no doubt he will be a bad Pontiff." The 
Cardinal of Viterbo, another contemporary of Alex- 
ander, has left the following statement : 

Numquam in civitatibus sacrse ditionis Seditio 
immanior, nunquam direptio crebrior, nunquam 



555 



esedes cruaentior, nunquam in viis grassatorum vis 
liberior, nunquam in Urbe plus malorum fuit, 
nunquam delatorum copia, sicariorum licentia, 
latronum vel numerus, vel audacia major, ut portas 
TJrbis prodire fas non esset ; Urbem ipsam incolere 
non liceret, pro eodem tunc habitum Majestateni 
laedere, hostem habere, auri aut formosi aliquid 
domi cohibere, non domi, non in cubiculo, non in 
turri tutus : nihil jus, nihil fas ; aurum, vis et 
Venus imperabat. 

This was the state of Eome^and Eoman affairs in 
the year of our Lord Jesus Christ 1493. There 
have been some changes, now and then, but, never- 
theless, the real improvements have always been in 
perspective, and there never has been any actual 
desire to reform the crimes and monstrous abuses 
which have shocked humanity for so many centuries. 
The rooks, the foxes, and the serpents change their 
feathers, their hair, and their skins, but nevertheless 
they remain the same ; and so it ^as, and is still, 
with the so-called Holy See. 

The above sketch really seems to have been 
written for the benefit of posterity, that we might 
know the danger to which any one would expose 
himself by living in Rome, or near it, under the 
domination of priestly rule. Instead of trans- 
lating the above quotation, I pass on to say that in 
the year 1494, Madlle. Sancia, an illegitimate 
daughter of Alfonso d'Aragone, King of Sicily, was 
married to Don Giuffre, minor illegitimate son of 
Pope Alexander. The demoiselle's dowry consisted 
of the Principality of Squillaci, and the County of 
Cariati, and an income of ten thousand ducats, &c. 
Besides this, the Xing of Sicily engaged himself to 
provide an income of twelve thousand ducats for the 
eldest illegitimate son of Alexander, the Duke of 
Candia, and one of the seven principal berths 
that should be vacant in the Neapolitan kingdom ; 
also to keep three hundred soldiers at that Duke's 



556 



service, and at the King's expenses. Don Alfonso 
d'Aragone evidently bought a dear whistle for his 
daughter, particularly when we consider that at the 
time of this transaction Pope Alexander had secretly 
concocted the scheme with the French King Charles 
the Eighth, for despoiling Alfonso of his kingdom. 
I regret I must omit the details of these political 
affairs, as they are out of my proposed narrative, 
but proceed to report a pretty scene which was 
enacted in the Basilica of the Anostles at Rome 
while the nuptials of Donna Sancia were celebrated. 
The Vatican's Master of Ceremony, who saw every- 
thing, and took his share of the general amusements, 
on that occasion seemed to have been disgusted at 
the lewd and indecent ceremonies which took place 
on the eve of Pentecoste in that Church, and wrote 
the following remarks in his Diary : Venit Papa 
in Basilica Apostolorum. Steterunt apud euro, 
super Pulpitum marmoreum, in quo Canonici S. 
Petri Epistolam et Evangelium decantare eonsue- 
verunt, Sancia, et Lucretia filia, cum multis mulieri- 
bus, totum ipsum Pulpitum, et terram circum circa 
occupantibus, cum magno dedecore, ignominia, et 
scandalo populi. "Where were St Peter and the 
other Apostles? Why did they permit the pros- 
titution and desecration of the pulpit by that 
shameless set ? That temple should have been closed, 
purified, and reconsecrated after such a scandalous 
exhibition. And in this case Antonelli deserves a 
certificate, for he has never permitted such scandals, 
and has always been very cautious, and has inva- 
riably celebrated his bacchanals as clandestinely 
and as Jesuitically as he could possibly do within 
the double gates of the nunneries, monasteries, and 
other houses of pleasure for the High Clergy, 
without exciting or giving cause for public scandal. 
Antonelli knows that the Middle Ages and Alex- 
ander's times are past, and that public opinion 
would not countenance such gross immoralities; 



557 



consequently, he preferred ordering violation and 
murder in the public Churches of Perugia, and 
rewarded the heroic authors of such deeds, promising 
them besides, that as Cialdini's cannons did not 
attain them, that they should be canonicaliy ca- 
nonized within 150 years, and sanctified in course 
of time when there shall be a vacant place in the 
Calendars of Newgate. Jor the present, the 
Blessed Anthony Smidth and Co., smotherers, will 
remain in asjpettativa with San Chiavone, the 
French Chouans, the Eorgians Sine Patrocinio, and 
I regret to add to these a great number of deluded 
good-natured men. 

I should like to insert here the secret treaty 
between Bajazet and Pope Alex., concluded by the 
entremise of George Buzardus, the Pope's Legate to 
that Turkish Emperor. This would be a capital 
plot for a tragedy. The Pope was allied with 
Charles the Eighth, and preached the crusade 
against the Turks. The French King, the Vene- 
tians, and others were preparing an expedition 
against the Turks. The Pope was leagued in an 
underhand manner with the Sultan, and received 
a sum of 40,000 gold ducats for the yearly main- 
tenance of Geme, the Sultan's brother, who was a 
prisoner of the Venetians, who were foolish enough 
to give him to the Pope as a gift, and the Pope 
rogue enough to speculate upon that gentleman's 
life. The Sultan feared that if the Erench King 
took with him in his Turkish expedition Geme, he 
would very likely risk losing the Constantinopolitan 
throne, as Geme was much esteemed, and liked by 
the Turks better than himself. To secure himself 
on his throne, it was necessary that the Sultan 
should have in his power, dead or alive, his brother 
Geme ; and for this object he stipulated to pay the 
Pope 300,000 gold ducats for the corpse of Geme, 
or to pay a yearly pension of 40,000 gold ducats, 
provided he would keep him quite secured in a tower. 

£ B B 2 



558 



All this was capitally managed. The French Xing 
demanded of the Pope thatGeme should be given up 
to him, as he wanted to take him with him to Turkey, 
to facilitate the dethronisation of Bajazet. Geme 
was given up, but before King Charles quitted 
Italy he was poisoned by the Pope, who wanted 
to secure the promised gold ducats, which he 
obtained when he sent the dead body. As the Papal 
Legate was returning with the gold, he was ship- 
wrecked on the coast of Sinigaglia, and Giovanni 
Belle Eovere, Lord of that town and Prefect of 
Eome, who was in opposition to Pope Alexander, as 
he had been swindled out of part of his Estates, 
being at Sinigaglia, and knowing the transaction 
between the Sultan and the Pope, took prisoner the 
Legate Buzardus and Company, seized the money, 
the correspondence, and the treaty. He had the 
letters and documents translated by the celebrated 
Lascarus (as everything was written in Greek), and 
published them at Florence, where the French King 
was staying on his way to Naples and Turkey. All 
those traitorous affairs caused much consternation to 
Alexander, and opened the eyes of King Charles. 
Delia Eovere took care to keep the money, in spite 
of the Papal threats and violence, as a compensation 
for his lost property. 

It is a thousand pities that I cannot publish here 
those letters, and the treaty where the Sultan swears 
— per verum Deum quern adoramus, et super Evan- 
gelia vestra observare vestrae potential omnia, &c, 
and the Pope's promises to the Sultan that, with the 
assistance of Alfonso of Aragon, with the Spaniards, 
the English, with Maximilian of Austria, the Hun- 
garians, the Poles, and the Bohemians, with all he 
would use his influence to persuade them to oppose 
the French King's enterprises and success ; and pro- 
mised Bajazet the most loyal and sincere friendship, 
and good offices in all that transaction, &c. 

I must now quit these intricate affairs of the 
Pope and the Sultan, and proceed to expose the dis- 



559 



graceful actions which took place between the Pope 
and the French Kings, Charles the Eighth and his 
successor, Louis the Twelfth. It will be seen that 
the French Monarchs carried on their love of rapacity 
as usual, and by every means in their power ; that 
they were not satisfied with Lombard} 7 , but that 
they also lent their arms and their influence to the 
Pope, for the purpose of affording him assistance to 
spoliate the Italian Princes and Eepublics, obtain- 
ing in exchange the assistance of the Pope in 
dethroning the Aragona family from the kingdom of 
the Two Sicilies. At this period Loyola was born, 
but the Jesuitical spirit had already reigned supreme 
for several centuries at the French Court. 

As Pope Alexander, Valentino, and Lucrezia were 
constantly plotting together, devising which was the 
next best or richest Prince, or Baron, to be despoiled 
of his Estate, they hit upon again marrying 
Lucrezia, and this time to Don Alfonso D'Este, the 
hereditary Prince of the Estates of Ferrara, Modena, 
Reggio, &c, as the most influential and powerful 
that could be chosen. With the support of that 
family, too, Valentino knew he could easily maintain 
his new ill-gotten acquisitions of the Provinces of 
Eomagna, Piombino, and other properties in Tuscany, 
which he had also lately treasonably and forcibly 
taken from the Imperial Vicars. 

The marriage of Don Alfonso and Lucrezia was 
celebrated with extraordinary pomp at Rome, and 
joy was apparently manifested by the populations, 
through fear of that above-named infernal triad. To 
increase the apparent happiness of the Roman people, 
the Pope ordered the Carnival to open in October, and 
to be prolonged to Quadragesima. Races were ran 
several times in Rome, even by w r omen. Bull-fights 
also took place. In the Lateran Palace and in the 
Vatican comedies and tragedies were played daily ; 
and even in the Papal apartments infernal orgies and 
obscene exhibitions of all sorts took place. It is 



560 



stated also that Valentino, on the eve of All Saints' 
Day, gave a banquet in that Papal apartment to all 
kinds of dissolute and scandalous persons, whose 
deeds of lewdness and whose debaucheries were so 
extraordinarily disgusting that the historians did not 
dare to describe them, considering that they were too 
revolting to decency and humanity to permit them 
to do so. 

I have proceeded thus far with the intention of 
explaining the following politico- diplomatic fact, 
which demonstrates another dismemberment of Im- 
perial Feudal States, on the occasion of Lucrezia's 
marriage with Don Alphonso d'Este:— The Arch- 
bishop of Bologna, in fear of Pope Alexander, and 
at the same time to captivate him and gain his 
friendship, agreed to dismember a portion of the Im- 
perial Feudal States and to renounce them to the 
Pope, and Alexander gave them in dowry to his 
daughter. — The City of Cento and Castel delta Pieve 
before that time had invariably belonged to the Im- 
perial States, and we have seen that the Emperors 
invested the Archbishops of Bologna as perpetual 
Commendataries. I will add, that I doubt much 
whether the Archbishop and the Pope could have 
legally made this transfer without the Imperial 
consent. 

On the 6th of October, 1499, the King of Prance 
made his triumphal entry into Milan with much 
splendour and show, being accompanied by a great 
number of his Knights and Barons and his victorious 
army, which had taken Milan without losing a drop 
of blood, through the treason of Jacopo Trialzio, 
who seduced the Commander of the Castle with a 
large sum of gold, through which Duke Sforza was 
compelled to abandon his capital and estates. The 
King had started from Lyons in company with the 
sanguinary son of Pope Alexander the Sixth, Valen- 
tino, and their entry into Milan was ennobled by 
the pompous company of Cardinal Borgia, Legate of 



561 



the Pope at Venice, Cardinals Delia Bovere, Eolian, 
the Dukes of Savoy, of Ferrara, the Marquises of 
Mantova, of Monferrato, and of Saluzzo, the Am- 
bassadors of Venezia, Genoa, and other nobles. The 
whole of these nobles were so splendidly dressed, and 
their horses were so richly caparisoned, and the 
liveries of their servants and retainers were so 
superbly and richly decorated, that no greater mag- 
nificence had ever been seen before that time in 
Milan. As Milan had spontaneously surrendered, 
and was a very considerable city, full of opulence 
and noble families who had not suffered either by 
the siege nor by the sack, they made also a corre- 
sponding gorgeous show. It is stated that Valentino 
was the most conspicuously and the most extrava- 
gantly dressed, and wore a profusion of jewels of all 
sorts and of immense value. All this ostentation of 
Valentino was made in honour of the King, as he 
flattered himself that he would thereby gain his good 
graces, and better accomplish his designs for the 
prompt execution of the secret treaties which he had 
already stipulated with him at the instigation of his 
father, Alexander the Sixth. 

The mutual agreement between Kings Ludovick 
and Valentino and Alexander consisted in assisting 
each other to subjugate, destroy, and spoliate all the 
Vicars of the Holy Eoman Empire, under various 
pretexts, and to appropriate to themselves their 
estates and fortunes. The French King was to have 
Lombardy and the kingdom of Naples, and Alexander 
the remainder of the Peninsula for his family, or as 
much as he could conveniently subdue with the 
assistance of the French. For this purpose the 
French King gave to Valentino 300 of his Lancers, 
who were commanded by Ivo d'Allegri at the ex- 
pense of the King, and 4,000 Swiss, commanded by 
the Pailiff of Dijon, to be maintained at the expense 
of the Pope. The Community of Milan also lent the 



562 



Pope 45,000 ducats to support them, and Cardinal 
Delia Eovere gave surety for this money. 

In 1499, Alexander occupied JNepi, thereby 
depriving Cardinal Ascanio Sforzas of that city. 
Lucrezia Borgia, with Don Alfonso d'Este, her 
husband, visited him there, and Alexander seeing 
that the opportunity had arrived for stripping of 
their property the Boman Barons, ordered the 
strangulation of Monsignor Jacomo Cattaneo, Apos- 
tolic Protonotary, and his only son Nicolaus, for 
the sake of confiscating their Estates, and Sermoneta 
in favour of Lucrezia Borgia, whom he soon in- 
vested with them, leading the public to believe that 
Lucrezia had bought those Estates from the Apostolic 
Chamber for the sum of 80,000 scudi. 

In November, 1499, Valentino, with his troops, 
and some of those of the French King, easily took 
Imola, which had been abandoned by Catterina 
Sforza and her son, as unsafe, and for the better 
defending the city of Eorli. This lady defended 
herself most nobly and most heroically, and was a 
second Giovanna D'Arco. After a long siege and 
many glorious deeds, the city surrendered. The 
diabolical massacre of the population by Valentino, 
which followed, was most heart-rending. Catterina 
was taken prisoner to Eome; but, through the in- 
tercession of the Elorentine Bepublic, she was soon 
liberated. She was afterwards married to Giovanni 
de Medici, and became the mother of the famous 
Giovanni de Medici, the most valiant Captain of 
his epoch, and Aunt of Cosmo, Primo Grand Duke 
of Tuscany. It was at this time that Valentino 
poisoned Cardinal Borgia, who was his nephew- 
cousin, and Legate a Latere. Valentino, being in 
the camp, also ordered his assassins to take the life 
of Chevalier Don Jean Cerviglion, one of the Erench 
King's Captains, who was then in Borne. This 
gentleman's crime consisted in having most honestly 



563 



defended the honour and pudor of his wife against 
the attempts of Valentino. By his orders, also, the 
life of Monsignor delli Spiriti da Viterbo, a Proto- 
notary Apostolic, who was very rich, was likewise 
attempted ; but he defended himself with his sword, 
and, wounded, he sheltered himself in the Palazzo 
Orsini. Monsignor Agnelli Mantovano, Archbishop 
of Cosenza, and Vice-Legate at Viterbo, was poisoned 
by order of the Pope, for the sake of taking his 
property and distributing it to Valentino, though 
absent, and to two others of the Pope's nephews 
and favourites. After an interval of six months, 
the Sforzas repossessed themselves of Lombardy; 
but they speedily lost it again, and though it was 
the year of the Jubilee, and Passion Week, the 
Pope, with monstrous impiety and impudence, 
ordered public amusements and rejoicings in Borne, 
and feasts and acclamations and vivas for Prancia 
and Orso, heralded by the public trumpeters. 

Poisoning, assassinating, and spoliating all the 
rich families, and the principal Barons and Princes, 
and even the Church Dignitaries, however, did not 
produce a sufficient income to enrich the inexhaustible 
auri sacra fames of the Pope's family. It was 
therefore necessary to concoct something else, and 
so in that year (1500) the Pope, with two Bulls, 
invented the Income Tax. In the first Bull he 
imposed for three years the Decime upon Ecclesiastics 
of every degree, and upon people of every condition, 
not even excepting the Pious Institutions, the 
Military Orders, the Cardinals, nor any person ; upon 
every sort of Rent, or Revenue, either from profes- 
sions, or lands, or commercial transactions. 

The second Bull ordered all the Jews to pay for 
three years the twentieth part of all their properties ; 
and my historian says that it is impossible to calcu- 
late the enormous sums of money that were raised by 
these two Bulls. All this money was collected un- 
der the pretext of making war against the Turks; 



1 

564 

instead of which it was used to prepare a war which 
was to carry destruction to all the Italian Princes, 
Counts, and Barons, the Vicars of the Holy Roman 
Empire. The Pope did not deem all this money 
sufficient for his purpose ; he therefore had recourse 
to the inexhaustible merits of Jesus Christ, selling 
his precious blood for gold and silver, giving indul- 
gences to the buyers, and selling indulgences to 
those who did not come to Borne in that year of the 
Jubilee to do penance and to pray, on condition that 
they should pay the collectors one half of the money 
that they would have spent in travelling from their 
homes to Pome and back again, and also the ex- 
penses of staying there a few days, for which they 
would receive Plenary Indulgence. ! monstrous 
impostor ; incarnated demon ; you found the wretched 
dupes who came to pay, or sent their money to 
the Collector- General, thelSTunzio Commissary Gene- 
ral, who had full power to receive it ; his name was 
Fra Lodovico delta Torre Minor Osservante. "We are 
told by the historian, Tomaso Tomasi, that from the 
Yenetian territory alone by this subterfuge was col- 
lected the exorbitant sum of 799 pounds weight of 
gold. It is also related that God wished to give 
Alexander a monitorium on San Peter's day, and 
that whilst he was in a room of the Vatican with 
Cardinal Capuano and Monsignor Porto, a storm 
came on, which blew down one of the highest chim- 
ney-stacks on the room above it, and that its weight 
broke the beam that supported the roof of the room 
where the Pope was present, and that the roof and 
beam hoth fell upon the throne, killing nearly every 
one present. Almost a similar accident occurred a 
few years ago to Pio Nono and Antonelli ; when, in- 
stead of the roof falling upon them, the floor gave 
way, and they were obliged to hold by the windows 
to save themselves. But these warnings of Divine 
justice were useless to Alexander and to Pius; 
therefore I pass on to name the assassination, 



565 

by order of Valentino and Alexander, of Don Al- 
fonso D'Aragona, the husband of Lncrezia Borgia. 
He was assailed on the steps of St Peter by forty 
armed men belonging to Valentino, who thought 
they had killed him, as they inflicted upon him 
many wounds ; but they left him alive. He was 
discovered and carried to the palace, and Valentino 
took care that he should not get cured of his w^ounds. 
A splendid piece of villainy on the part of Valentino 
was that, in order to ward off any suspicion that 
might have fallen upon him of causing this at- 
tempted murder, he immediately ordered to be 
arrested, and soon after decapitated, D. Erancesco 
Maria Gazella, the maternal uncle of Don Alfonso, 
as the author of this deed. "When Valentino saw 
that Don Alfonso was likely to recover from his 
wounds, he ordered the atrocious assassin and confi- 
dant of his crimes, Don Micheletto, to strangle him 
in his bed. After this crime was perpetrated, a pom- 
pous funeral took place, and Don Alfonso was 
buried according to his rank in San Pietro. It hap- 
pened that the medical attendants of Don Alfonso 
publicly stated that the patient was nearly cured, 
for which Valentino ordered them to be locked up, 
as well as the private valet of Don Alfonso. 

Although Lucrezia Borgia was accustomed to 
change husbands, according to the caprice and 
interest of her relatives (this being the third), she 
resented this act so furiously, that she abandoned 
Rome, and retired to Napi with her family and 600 
horsemen. Giovanni Sforza, Principe Signore di 
Pesaro, ex-husband of Lucrezia Borgia, hearing that 
Valentino had conquered Eorli, and knowing the 
fatalities of his family, and the rapacious and deter- 
mined character of his brother-in-law, knowing 
also that the town could not have long resisted the 
attacks and siege of a powerful army, recommended 
the citizens to submit to the approaching tyrant, as 
the best policy to spare their lives and property, and 

c c c 



566 



withdraw safely before Valentino's arrival. Pandolfo 
Malatesta, the Sire of Eimini, did the same to spare 
the lives of the citizens. Valentino soon took pos- 
session of both cities, and left Presidies in them, 
while with his powerful French and Italian army, 
he returned to Faenza for the purpose of besieging it. 
But Astorre Manfredi, the young Sire of this town, 
though not yet eighteen years of age, and though 
abandoned by his intimate relatives, the Signori 
Bentivoglio of Bologna, and by the Venetians and 
the Florentines, his allies, yet, with his faithful 
troops and the citizens, he most heroically defended 
himself, repelled all the attacks, destroyed a great 
number of his enemies, and reduced Valentino's 
army so much, that he was compelled to abandon 
the siege, and retire with his army to spend the 
remainder of the winter at a distance in safe quarters. 
Valentino's rage for this check to his ambition was 
very great, and he indulged his furor in unlimited 
debaucheries, amusements, and criminalities in the 
subdued towns of Cesena, Forii, and Imola, at the 
expense and to the detriment of the citizens. It 
was at this period that a most atrocious episode was 
committed by Valentino and his bravos. Elizabetta 
Gonzaga, Duchess of Urbino, sent to Venice, 
under an escort of her Court ladies and Cavaliers, 
one of her most noble, highly accomplished, and 
most beautiful Demoiselles d'honneur, to be married 
to Chevalier Gio. Bat. Caracciolo, Captain- General 
of the army of the Serenissima Eepublica of Venice. 
Valentino having heard of this intended journey, sent 
a band of his horsemen from Cesena, who attacked 
the escort and carried away the ladies, half dead 
with fear, to the camp of that libidinous monster. 
General Caracciolo soon learnt the sad news, 
and went instantly to the Ducal Palace, where he 
found the Doge Barbarigo with the Consiglio de Died. 
His soul being full of emotion and of noble vengeance, 
he begged to resign his office, and to fly to revindi- 



567 



cate his honour by going to the rescue of the ladies, 
and taking blood vengeance upon Valentino. The 
Doge and every honest man made it an affair of 
State, as it was a direct insult to one of its highest 
officers. Diplomacy, however, forbade his departure, 
and obtained nothing, not even the restitution of 
the ladies, as Yalentino denied everything, and 
pretended to entirely ignore his own misdeed. The 
spring was approaching, and the hero monster brought 
out his troops again in the vicinity of Faenza ; he 
tried the Borgo, but not succeeding, he distributed 
his troops about in occupation of the land around 
the town. He then speedily took Buffi, and all the 
other little villages, and began the siege by placing 
his cannons and the greater number of his soldiers 
in front of the fort of [Faenza. For several days a 
constant fire was kept up, which destroyed a portion 
of the walls; he then ordered his French and 
Spanish mercenaries to assault it, but they were 
repelled with great loss. Three days after he 
returned to the assault with all his troops, the 
Italians in the front supported by the French, 
Spaniards, Gascons, &c. He succeeded, with a great 
number of his men, in mounting the wall himself, 
but the valorous exertions of the men and women 
of the town compelled him and his mercenaries to 
retire, after having filled the ditch with more than 
two thousand of their bodies. Valentino lost many 
distinguished soldiers here, amongst them Ferdinando 
Farnese. The historian then tells us that, what the 
army of Valentino and the excommunication of his 
father could not do, was completed through want of 
the means of subsistence, and ammunition to con- 
tinue the defence. Besides, the citizens knew that 
ultimately they would have had to succumb; 
therefore a commission of soldiers and citizens pre- 
sented themselves to Astorre, and with his consent par- 
lamented withV alentinoforan honourable capitulation. 
It was agreed that the citizens should be spared their 



568 



lives and property, and that Astorre should retire 
freely where he liked, reserving for himself his 
landed property, and giving up the town and fort. 
The paragraph that follows is so atrocious that I am 
tempted to translate it. To the Paentini Valentino 
kept faith, but deceived Astorre on account of his 
relations with the powerful family of Bentivoglio, 
and of his connections with the Venetians and the 
[Florentines ; besides, he was so loved and so esteemed 
by the citizens, that Valentino never dared to enter 
the town of Faenza. Therefore Astorre was kept 
prisoner, and sent to Castello St Angelo, in Home. 
It is said that Astorre Manfredi, apart from his 
virtues, was a youth of extreme beauty, and that 
his equal was not to be found anywhere. A year 
after this, poor Astorre was found drowned in the 
Tiber with a stone tied to his neck, and near him 
two other fine young gentlemen, one fifteen and the 
other about twenty-five years of age, both tied 
together by one hand. One of them was probably a 
bastard brother of Astorre. Near to them was found 
also a woman, who had been very pretty and young, 
and a few other human beings who had suffered the 
same misfortune, and who, after having served the 
capricious pleasures of the monster, who upset all 
the laws of nature and of God, had met the same 
tragic end. 

In this year, 1500, the Pope, arbiter between 
the King of Castille and that of Portugal, 
divided between them the then just discovered 
New World. Valentino, in virtue of the Inves- 
titures received from his father of the newly 
appropriated cities and lands conquered by arms 
and treasons, with the approbation of the Con- 
sistory, assumed the title of Duke of Eomagna, 
and of the Confederation established by the Hun- 
garian Apostolic Legate, between that King, the 
Pope, and the Venetian Eepublic against the Sultan 
Bajazette. Not satisfied with all these fortunate 



569 



events, Yalentino meditated turning his army 
against Bologna, which was ruled by Giovanni 
Bentivoglio and his sons. He tried with all his 
strength to accomplish this, and was assisted in 
his enterprise by the noble and disaffected family of 
Marescotti. The siege had begun ; the citizens were 
well armed, and well disposed to defend themselves ; 
when an injunction arrived from the French King 
to Valentino, ordering him to desist from aggres- 
sion against the city and citizens, who were his 
friends, to whom the King was indebted by 
obligations of former date, and by services and 
courtesies received from them. Yalentino and his 
dear father, the Pope, quarrelled through this with 
the King, but for that time they were compelled to 
abandon the projected spoliation. Yalentino did not 
remain idle, but immediately directed his army to 
the invasion of Tuscany, under the pretext of 
changing that Government, as it was a republic. Of 
course he did not mean to take possession of any city. 
He had already sent messengers to Florence, and Flo- 
rence had sent Pietro Soderini, Alemanno Salviati, and 
Jacomo ISTerli as Ambassadors to meet him, and policy 
dictated that he should be exceedingly civil and affable 
until he had brought his army over the Apennines with- 
out exciting any suspicion or resistance on the part 
of the Republic ; but as soon as they arrived at Bar- 
berino, he spoke audaciously to the Ambassadors^ 
and made them understand that he w r anted to compel 
them to become Confederates with him, and to give 
him a portion of their soldiers at his salary and dis- 
position ; as he wanted particularly to compel them 
to change that form of Government, and re-establish 
Pietro de Medici. This last argument was a trick, 
as Pietro de Medici was one of his enemies, and he 
dreaded him much on account of his power and 
influence with his Italian nobles and politicians. 
In the mean time, as soon as the French King heard 
of this enterprise of Yalentino, fearing that he should 

c c c 2 



570 



succeed, and become too powerful and ungovern- 
able, he sent Obigni, who was commanding the 
Erench army in Lombardy, to Yalentino, to order 
him to suspend any offensive action or treaty with the 
Elorentians, and to compel him to quit Tuscany, 
even by the force of arms, Valentino obeyed, 
because he had not sufficient troops to resist, and to 
carry out his ideas ; but being encamped only six 
miles from Florence, and ashamed of his failure, in 
revenge, he took the road to Piombino, and sacked and 
fired every town and village on his way there. 
Vitelozzo was a famous condottiere, in the service of 
Valentino, and a friend of the Pisans, and at his inter- 
cession Valentino borrowed their artillery to besiege 
Piombino; he had already occupied Sughereto. 
Scariino, and the isles of Elba and Pionosa, when 
he began the siege of Piombino, where its Sire, 
Jacopo Appiano, had collected all his forces and 
prepared for the defence. Alexander, overjoyed and 
exulting in the various successful rapacities of his 
son, and as he felt sure of the confederation that he 
had made with the Erench King for the conquest of 
the Sicilian kingdoms, — knowing, moreover, that the 
Eoyal troops were marching towards them, under 
the command of Obigni, — his ferocious Papal joy knew 
no bounds, he dropped the mask, and spoke im- 
peratively and acted violently towards everyone who 
had power and property, threatening extermination 
to them. The Colonna family, informed of the 
fatality awaiting them, and knowing that they were 
hated by the Erench King, and that they had lost 
the friendship of the King of Spain, to avoid a 
greater misfortune, after deliberation, determined 
voluntarily to dispose of all their States in the hands 
of the Sacred College. The Pope, informed of this 
by the College, disdained the proposition, and 
threatened the Colonnas with imprisonment and 
death if they did not give up to him alone, and in- 
stantly, the keys of all their towns and States. Eabrizio 



571 



and Prospero obeyed immediately, sending the keys 
by the Bishop of Cesena, who was sent to them for 
that purpose by Alexander. Cardinal Colonna 
spontaneously resigned the Ablatio, of Subjaco, with 
all its jurisdictions and lands, which consisted of 
fifteen little Estates, with which he was invested with 
the title of perpetual Comendatary. Alexander 
dispatched directly one of his valets with some 
soldiers to take possession of all the property, and to 
send back to Eome all the vassals of the Colonna 
family to take oath of fidelity to the Pope, who had 
already transferred all that property, and erected it 
in Jus Patronato to the Borgia family. Cardinal 
Cosenza, with a body of soldiers, went to take pos- 
session of the remaining lands and property of the 
other members of the Colonna family. P. Alexander 
had the audacity to order a general Council in the 
Capitol, and all his civil, military, and Ecclesiastical 
adherents attended it. At his suggestion they pro- 
posed the destruction of the town of Marino, as it 
had belonged and served as a Piazza d'Armi to 
the Colonnas. This act of vandalism was perpetrated 
soon after by Valentino's and the Royal French 
troops, when they passed there on their road to the 
conquest of Naples. The Orsini family were leagued 
with the Pope in these rascally affairs, but were 
unaware of the doom that awaited them. 

The Savelli family being of the same political 
, colour as the Colonna, suffered the same spoliation 
of their property in and about Eome, with the same 
violence, and saved only their lives in expectation of 
better times. Cardinal Dominic Delia Eovere, with 
the title of St Clement of Turin, who was very rich, 
and resided in Eome, died just about this period. A 
few hours after his death, at midnight, the Pope sent 
the Cardinal of Capua to take possession of, and 
immediately transport to the Vatican, all the money, 
the silver, and everything precious, as well as the 
furniture, and any kind of property that could be 



572 



found, without regard to any will or testament, or 
the remonstrances of the friends and relatives of the 
deceased Cardinal. In this way every sort of 
property was invariably confiscated to the Pope and 
his family. This same Cardinal of Capua was also 
very rich, and dying soon after had his property con- 
fiscated by these robbers {iciest, the Pope Alex- 
ander family), for the Pope and Yalentino were not 
aware that the Cardinal, foreseeing how his goods 
and estates would be disposed of, had left a will, in 
which he placed everything he possessed at the dis- 
position of the Pope. The death of Cardinal Zeno, 
called of Santa Maria in Portico, took place when 
he was residing quietly in Padova. This Cardinal 
made a will leaving 25,000 ducats to be distributed 
to some pious institutions, and a portion of his goods 
to the Holy See, besides 100,000 ducats to the Vene- 
tian Eepublic, to assist them in the war against the 
Turks. As soon as Alexander learned the testamen- 
tary dispositions of Zeno, he wrote to the Venetian 
Senate, telling them that the Cardinal could not 
dispose of his property, as he had refused to him 
the right of willing it to any one else but to himself, 
Alexander, and threatened with excommunication the 
Senate and anyone else if, within a certain time, the 
money and property were not delivered to him. Pope 
Alexander obtained from the Senate a portion of the 
money only, but found compensation for it in a 
Monastery of J>7uns at Ancona, where Zeno had 
deposited, long before his death, two chests of 
drawers full of jewels and gold, which he intended 
to bequeath to a young Anconitan gentleman, who 
was his private Camerer (probably one of his illegi- 
timate sons, but who chanced to die before him). 
The money alone amounted to 20,000 scudi d'oro ; 
which were soon delivered to Alexander, with every- 
thing else. At the death of every rich Ecclesiastic 
or dignitary, the spoliation by the Borgia family had 
assumed such a customary form, that no will, testa- 



573 



ment, or law could prevent it ; because the will or 
Alexander, or of any of them, abrogated every law. 
An anecdote is related in proof of this assertion, 
which baffled the rapacious Alex, and Co. The 
Cardinal of Lisbon, a very old and rich prelate, rode 
to the Pontifical Palace to dine with the Cardinal of 
Santa Prassede, who lodged there. After dinner 
they were to be admitted to the presence of the 
Pontiff, for the usual Udiema. The old gentleman 
was seized with such a violent pain just after dinner, 
that every one thought he would soon die. The 
Pope visited him, as he was at his palace, and as 
this affected condescension cost nothing. The patient 
improved a little, and was carried to his own palace, 
but growing worse again, he sent a letter supplicating 
the Pope for permission to make his will. This the 
Pope refused ; the supplication was renewed, and 
again met with denial. The Cardinal then, having 
his reasons for seeing that his property should not go 
to the Pope's benefit, sent for his friends, the Cardinals 
Santa Prassede and Santa Croce, and begged of them 
to become his executors while he was alive. This 
they agreed to do, and he willed more than 50,000 
ducats, in ready money, to several pious institutions, 
and many more thousands of ducats, all the silver 
and gold services, and all the house furniture and 
everything else, amongst the whole of his servants, 
with the condition that the property should be 
instantly divided, distributed, and carried away from 
where it was situated, and that nothing should 
remain there at the moment of his death. His 
familiars soon executed his will, and took away 
their shares. Shortly after, to his surprise, the 
Cardinal recovered from his indisposition, and sur- 
vived some time, preferring to endure his complete 
poverty, to the uncongenial knowledge of sacrificing 
his property to the benefit of the Borgias. The 
spoliation of the dead was a very good budget, much 
desired by the Borgias, and a frequent cause of 



574 



quarrel amongst them ; for instance, at the death of 
Metro Caranza, the secret Camerer of the Pope, who 
possessed more than 20,000 ducats in money, and 
much property of various kinds, Lucrezia Borgia had 
demanded and obtained from the Pope this spolia- 
tion ; but Valentino, being more acute, imitated the 
fable of iEsop, "ego tollo primam quia nominor 
Leo/'— and did not care for the anger and recrimina- 
tions of Lucrezia or her father. 

All these historical facts I think are quite suffi- 
cient to demonstrate what was the political state of 
Eome in the year 1500. I will not dare to say a 
word of comment about them, as it might spoil their 
originality, and deprive them of that value and 
influence they ought to have with the parallel moral 
state of public opinion of the present day. 

I left Valentino with his army at the siege of 
Piombino ; but as Alexander saw that the Eoyal 
French Army were advancing towards Eome, with 
the intention of going to Naples to deprive Frederick 
of Aragona of that kingdom, he called him, with 
a portion of his troops, to come to Eome to escort 
and assist the Eoyal arms in that enterprise. Valen- 
tino fled by post to Eome, while a portion of his 
troops followed him by forced marches, and the other 
portion remained to maintain the siege, though at a 
rather long distance from the place of attack. Mon- 
signor Ebarard Stuart (a Scotchman, and who was 
called Obigni), Monsignor d'AUegri, and the Count 
of Cajazzo, and other condottieri of the Eoyal army, 
arrived in Eome, after Valentino, and were lodged 
in the Palazzo Sforza. The whole of their allied 
army amounted to 10,000 infantry, composed of 
Swiss, Gascons, and others from various French 
provinces, with 2,000 cavalry, and thirty-six pieces 
of artillery, which defiled before Castello St Angelo, 
where the Pope looked at them with exquisite satis- 
faction. The next day was the feast of the holy 
Apostles, and the league between the Pope and the 



575 



Kings of France and Spain was published with great 
pomp, and a Tc Deum was sung in the churches, &c. 
The Pope, in a Secret Consistory, had already 
declared and decreed that he would deprive Frederick 
d'Aragona of his crown, and had given the Investi- 
ture of it to the French King, not of both Sicilies, as 
was usual, but only of the Kingdom of [Naples and 
of Jerusalem; and to King Ferdinand of Spain he 
gave the Duchies of Pulias and the Calabrias. 
Valentino's allies departed from Borne towards 
Naples, and he remained in Eome for five days, to 
await his troops coming up to rejoin him, and to 
settle with the Pope what share he was to have out 
of that enterprise. For the moment, the Pope 
advised him to be satisfied with the complete spolia- 
tion of the Colonnas, whose estate of Tagliacozzo 
had already been momentarily given to Gio-Giordano 
Orsino, son of Virginio, and to abide the time when 
dissensions amongst the allies would happen, with 
regard to the division of the spoils of the Aragona's. 
A portion of Valentine's troops, with those of and 
under the command of Gio. Paolo Baglioni, and some 
of those of the Orsini, in passing through Viterbo, all 
of a sudden were ordered to attack and assassinate 
the most respectable of its inhabitants, on account of 
their partiality for their ex-masters, the Colonnas. 
After these unprovoked, unexpected, and nefarious 
deeds, they continued marching until they arrived 
at Eome. Valentino, on their arrival, took the com- 
mand, and proceeded on towards Naples, and soon 
met the Eoyal army, under the walls of Capua, where 
Frederick, in despair, had locked himself up in its 
fortresses, with the intention of resisting and defend- 
ing them to the last, as they constituted the greatest 
stronghold of that time ; and he had collected there 
the whole of his army, with the exception of those 
he had left to defend Naples. 

This chapter was written before the year 1860, 
and I regret that I have neglected the opportunity of 



576 



extracting from the public press (the best modern 
historian) the details of the fall of Capua, under 
Garibaldi, Cialdini, and Menabrea, and making a 
comparison between these modern heroes and the 
taking of Capua in 1500 by Yalentino and the 
Trench King Louis the Twelfth. 

The celebrated Captain Fabrigio Colonna, with his 
own troops and those of his ally, Frederick d'Ara- 
gona, whom the French Kings, with the assistance of 
Yalentino, had almost despoiled of the kingdom of 
the Two Sicilies, had withdrawn his soldiery into 
the town and forts, and sustained the siege for some 
time, defending themselves with great bravery, until, 
by treason, the gate was opened to the Erench 
soldiers, who had suffered much, and were much ex- 
asperated by the loss of their friends in the various 
useless assaults that they attempted. At last they 
entered the town, and began to murder, right and 
left, without respect to age or sex, sacking the town, 
and forcing their way into the churches, convents, 
and monasteries, committing the most atrocious 
violences upon the women, and afterwards murdering 
them. It is stated that a great many of them, to 
save their honour, preferred finding a prompt death 
in the river, or in the wells. Yalentino, having 
been told that a great number of the prettiest and 
most noble of the ladies had retired and enclosed them- 
selves in a tower, forced his way there with his 
soldiers, and soon mastered them. He had the bar- 
barous effrontery to look them all in the face, and, 
according to the exquisiteness of his libidinous appe- 
tite, he selected forty of them for his own depraved 
pleasures and desires ; others he renounced to various 
of his particular friends; the remainder of the unfortu- 
nate ladies that were in the tower he gave up to the 
caprices of the sfrenatissima lihidine dei soldati. It is 
stated that the number that were put to death on 
that occasion amounted to 6,000. All the notable 
Captains were taken prisoners, with Fab. Colonna. 



577 



It may be remarked that Valentino wished Fabrizio 
to be given up to him ; but Giovanni Giordano Orsino 
generously interfered with the Trench General, to 
spare the life of that most illustrious Eoman Baron, 
although he was his rival. En passant, I may ob- 
serve here that Yalentino and his father (Pope 
Alexander), after having contributed to deprive the 
family of Sforza of Lombardy, in favour of the 
French King Ludovick (who took that country a few 
years previously), stripped them, and even Cardinal 
Ascanio Sforza, of all their other property. Alex- 
ander also poisoned Luigi Capra, Bishop of Pesaro. 
and Cardinal Lorenzo Cibb, as they were friends of 
the Sforzas. "With the town and Duchy of Spoleto 
(the property of Sforza) he invested Lucrezia Borgia 
d'Aragona, his daughter, as perpetual Governess, 
with all the emoluments, &c. 

I do not feel disposed to extract anything more 
concerning the history of Pope Alexander, though 
there are many things that really should be named, 
which would further confirm that the Non possumas, 
non volumus, is, and always was, a miserable excuse ; 
and that when the Popes could not legally and 
honourably make a transfer or an appropriation of 
lands and States, that was precisely the time that 
they illegally did so, and willed so, solely for their 
capricious interest and personal satisfaction, or the 
aggrandizement of themselves and their families, &c. 

I must conclude this chapter by relating how Pope 
Alexander, through mistake of his under-butler, was 
poisoned, as well as Valentino, by drinking some 
wine which they had already prepared for the pur- 
pose of poisoning some of the nine rich Prelates and 
several other opulent Cardinals, who were to attend 
on a certain day at a supper in the garden of the 
Palazzo of Cardinal Adrian of Corneto. Xine Pre- 
lates were to be elected Cardinals on that evening, 
and were to be entertained at a supper which was 
decreed by the Pope to be their last. The chief 

DDD 



578 



butler, Who knew the Borgian wine, and its magic 

effects, had labelled the bottles with the adjective 
" exquisite" and put them aside, having received the 
Pope's instructions to administer the contents only 
to those persons whom he should designate with the 
toasts. 

It was in August, on a warm evening, when 
Valentino arrived in that garden, to see the Pope, 
who had gone there a few hours previously to ascer- 
tain if everything was disposed according to his 
orders. Valentino was anxious to communicate to 
his father some successful operations of his sicaries 
upon some new victims ; both of them were thirsty. 
The chief butler had gone to fetch a golden dish of 
peaches, and Alexander ordered the under-butler to 
bring them two goblets of the best wine. The ser- 
vant obeyed, and, ignorant of what he was doing, 
filled the glasses with the poisoned wine, seeing that 
it was labelled as the best, and thinking, of 
course, his masters should have the best : and so they 
had, and deserved it long before. Immediately after 
drinking the wine Alexander lost his senses ; he was 
then seized with excruciating pains, and survived 
only eight days. Valentino recovered, although he 
was much crippled by disease for a long time, dur- 
ing which he was stripped of a great portion of his 
former spoliations, by the relations of his victims. 
At last ; he went to Spain, and whilst besieging 
Vienna, was shot to death. 

I grieve I am able to give only a poor sketch of 
the infamies perpetrated by Valentino, under the 
advice of Alexander, after the surrender of the fort 
of Sinigaglia by the valiant and brave Giovanna di 
Montefeltro, who held it on behalf of her child, 
Francis Maria della Eovere, who was sent to France 
to be educated, and to escape the violence of Valen- 
tino. 

It was at Sinigaglia,whereValentino, under the plea 
of signing, sealing, and confirming a treaty of alliance 



579 



with Vitelozzo Vitelli, Paolo Orsino, Duke Gravina, 
the Chevalier Orsino, Liverotte da Eermo, Gio. 
Paolo Baglioni, and Pandolfo Petrucci, that these 
gentlemen, Lords of various States, were, by the order 
and most perfidious treason of that monster, seized, 
strangled, and slain, in an apartment of the palace 
where Yalentino had left them whilst he retired, 
under some pretext, into an adjoining room. Baglioni 
and Petrucci would have attended the meeting, but, 
suspecting the nefarious treachery of Yalentino, they 
wisely abstained from entering the town of Sinigaglia, 
and thus saved their lives. The retainers and followers 
of these Lords were partly imprisoned, and partly 
murdered by Yalentino' s army, which entered the 
town at a given signal. This fact happened on the 
last day of the year 1502, and is fully detailed by 
Machiavelli, and in the fifth book of Guicciardini's 
history of Italy, also by Muratori, and various other 
celebrated authors. 

Is not the substantiation of so many facts in proof 
of the iniquitous, diabolical, and assassin-like acts 
of the Popes and their infidel compatriots, sufficient 
to make honest men writhe under the bare relation 
of their acts, and, with Marc Antony, cry " Havoc ! 
and let slip the dogs of war I" Let the student of 
history search far and wide, and he will not find the 
record of anything amongst any nations or peoples to 
cap the remorseless and fiendish perpetrations of an 
Alexander or a Yalentino. Having arrived at this 
point, let me ask you, Mr Antonelli and Mr Cullen ? 
what you think of your progenitors r Is not the 
relationship of such Christian, such very religious 
hinds, disgraceful to the canaille and superflux of 
the worst members of society ? The world stood 
aghast when it was bruited about that the great and 
erudite scholar, Aram, had stained his hands with 
human blood, and it was looked upon as a thing 
almost incredible. How much more cause, then, for 
the world to marvel when it reflects that the most 



580 



barbarous and the most atrocious of crimes have been 
committed — not singly but wholesale—by those who 
have worn the Eobes of the Lamb ? 

I have by me ample materials to trace the lives of 
these two extraordinary monsters, Alexander and 
Valentino ; but I regret much that the insertion of 
them here would be out of place. I regret, also, 
that I have not the time or the means to publish 
them in any other form. I may, also, state here 
that, for the sake of brevity, I have been compelled 
to pass over many extraordinary episodes, much 
affecting the happiness and the welfare of Italy and, 
indeed, of all Europe. 

The reader may surmise that I have somewhat 
digressed from the argument of the "ISTon possumus, 
non volumus," but I will beg of him to reflect, 
and he will find this is not the case, as the matters 
which I have taken occasion to relate are in keeping 
with the subject, as it will be seen that the Pope 
despoiled Princes, Barons, and Eepublics, for his own 
aggrandizement, and that of his family, thereby 
proving that he " could and would " whenever it 
suited him so to do. 

Before the period of Alexander the Estates of the 
Holy See were very limited, and those which they 
possess now were seized and attached to it by Alex- 
ander and the succeeding Popes, Julius the Second, 
Leo the Tenth, &c. I shall now pass on to relate 
the part played by Julius the Second in the game 
of spoliation, and to show how he invested his rela- 
tives with the spoils, thus affording further prece- 
dent of the "Non possumus, non volumus." 

Julius the Second was elected Pope through the 
influence of the Venetians, who assisted him with all 
the money necessary for his success. This ungrate- 
ful scamp organised the League of Cambrai against 
them, to recover some of the towns of Bomagna 
which had emancipated themselves from the Borgian 
tyranny, and sought the protection of the Venetians. 



581 



As soon as Julius recovered those towns, with the 
assistance of the armies of the League, he commenced 
working in an underhanded way against his allies, 
brought to a close that iniquitous war, and insisted 
that all the foreign powers should withdraw from 
Italy. As the French would not quit Italy, Julius, 
with the assistance of the Swiss mercenaries, after 
some severe fights, expelled them, and for the sake 
of obtaining assistance from Italy, he restored to the 
relatives of the slain and poisoned Italian Barons and 
Imperial Vicars, betrayed by the Borgias, all their 
towns and provinces, and he did this in such a 
manner that soon after these same Estates again 
devolved to the Holy See. Julius acted in this 
apparently generous manner merely to secure the 
interest of the most influential families of Italy, and 
to avail himself of their assistance and material 
support in his own political schemes. Julius was an 
intriguing diplomatist, and a pugnacious Pope, who 
would have done as much mischief as his prede- 
cessors, had he not been controlled by his relatives, 
the illustrious family of Delia Eovere, to whom he 
had restored the Duchy of Urbino, as Erancis Delia 
Eovere was the right heir to that State. 

Popes Leo the Tenth and Clement the Seventh 
were of the Medicis family. Leo the Tenth dis- 
possessed Erancis Delia Eovere of the Duchy of 
Urbino, and about the year 1513 he gave it to his 
relative, Lorenzo de Medici. This Duchy is a nice 
little State, and comprises the City of Urbino, the 
County of Montefeltro, the Signoria of Pesaro, and 
the Principality of Sinigaglia, which is a renowned 
seaport town. Leo did not say " Non possumus "to 
Lorenzo ; on the contrary, he said " Voiumus ; fatten 
yourself at the expense of the Empire, and the Holy 
See." 

After Leo came Pope Paul the Third (olim Alex- 
andre Farnese), and this Pontiff furnished a good 
strong link to the chain of precedents against the 

D D D 2 



582 



"ISTon possumus." Pope Paul had a bastard son, 
named Luigi Earnese, to whom he gave the Duchies 
of Castro, of Parma, and Piacenzain the year 1540; 
he did not say " Eon possumus he said, as usual, 
" Possumus " and " Volumus" and pocketed the 
negative particle, as he did the rents of the 
remainder of the Roman Estates. This audacious 
impostor organised the Council of Trent, and gave 
the last death-blow to the whole of the Municipal 
laws that had survived during the constant trials of 
martyrdom in the various towns and provinces of 
the Eoman States. I may here say that this Pope 
enriched all his relatives (and he had a goodly 
number of them), and, unfortunately, that he lived 
eighty-two years. I think it is now time that I 
should close this list, as it comprises more than is 
required to confuse, silence, persuade, and convince 
the modern Saints of the Tablet. I hope this 
statement is clear enough to show the precedents of 
dismemberment of the so-called Eoman States volun- 
tarily made by the various Popes to satisfy their 
illegitimate and legitimate relatives. I must say 
that the last Austro-German Emperors, through their 
negligence and fear of the Popes, allowed them to do 
all their dirty work, and made themselves liable to 
the censure of honest critics, who will be justified in 
placing them amongst the guilty party, and condemn 
them, as I have said somewhere else, under this clause 
— "Agentes, et consentientes pari poena puniuntur." 



Continuation of the Papal Criminal History. 

At the Imperial elections there were usually two 
parties, and so it was in this case. A portion of the 
Ecclesiastics elected Adolphe, Count of Nassau, 
to succeed the Emperor Eudolph, and another 
portion elected his son Albert. Ezovius, in his 
Annales Ecclesiastici, ad an. 1281, no. 6, gives a 



583 



little bit of information, which shows that the suc- 
ceeding Popes were still made of that same bad 
piece of stuff as their predecessors were. It was 
said by the Eoman See's last-named writer that 
Pope Martin the Fourth ordered the populations of 
Tuscany to obey the orders of the new Emperor — ut Bzovius, An- 
idem Imperium et suorum integritate gaudeat, et nal - Eceles - 
prosperis successibus amplietur. Bishop Ptolomy 
wrote saying, that Adolphe, after having succeeded 
his father KudoJph, sent one of his Vicars to 
Tuscany, who was benignantly received by Pope 
Boniface the Eighth, and whose good Papal offices 
were to be used towards the Tuscans. But as the 
Tuscans intended to free themselves from the 
Imperial domination, they gave Boniface the 80,000 
florins ; as if it were not necessary to pay them as a 
tribute to Adolphe, because he was not yet confirmed 
in the Empire, idest crowned, and he was not yet 
competent to administer the Imperial Affairs, except 
with regard to what pleased his German subjects. 
Eor this reason the Pope put into a corner that Im- 
perial Vicar, and put the money collected for the 
Imperial dues into his own pocket ; showing in this 
manner, that the Papal berth was preferable to the 
Imperial one — Adolphus misit Vicarium quern Papa Bish. ptoi. 
Bonifacius consentanee recepit, unde dictus Boni- 25^.^.*°" 
facius Thuscos requirit; et dicti Thusci volentes 
excutere jugum de manibus Imperii, eidem Bonifacio 
obtulerunt lxxx mille florenos, quamvis non esset 
necessarium, quia adhuc Adulphus Confirmatus non 
erat in Imperio ; et ideo eidem administrations non 
competebat officium, nisi quantum suae genti placebat. 
Propter quam causam vicarium ilium Papa remisit 
ad propria, et pecuniam sibi retinuit pro Terris 
Imperii eidem collatam, in hoc volens ostendere, 
dominium Papse dominio Imperatoris preeferri. 
Boniface was not satisfied with taking the money 
due to the Empire, but soon after pretended that 
Tuscany was a province of the Holy See, and sent a 



584 



Brief to the Duke of Saxony containing that 
pretence, begging him to exhort the Emperor Albert 
to restore to the See that same province, which 
belonged to it, and not to the Empire, as related by 
Ptolom, Bib. P.P. to. 25, &c— Breve continens 
quod Bom. Bonifacius Papa VIII scripsit Duci 
Saxonige hortando eum gratiosse, ut induceret 
Albertum Ducem Austriae, natum Eodulphi quondam 
Eomanorum Eegis ad Eestituendam Ecclesiae Eo- 
xoanse Provinciam Thusciee, quae licet ad Imperium 
fuisset translata, antea ad eamdem Ecclesiam perti- 
nuerat. Super hoc Pro Bono Pacis et Patriae cum 
N*. Episcopo Anconitano ad partes illas pro hoc 
destinato concordanti. Datum An agnize III. Id. 
Maji. Pontiiicat. Sui Anno VI. This exquisite 
document was copied from the Eegister of the Ponti- 
fical Archives, and inserted in the Bibliotheca 
Estensis, anno 1367. Any observer will find that 
Boniface was an astute and enterprising man, and 
to avoid losing time v/ith the above document he 
sent the Bishop If. of Ancona, who was well in- 
structed how to treat about that affair, and to settle 
it with a Concordat. Boniface was so proud and so 
independent that he did not even deign to style 
Albert King of the Eomans, though he was legally 
elected by the proper authorities (the Electors); 
and when he received the official news of that 
election, Boniface, in a contemptuous manner, sent 
away the ambassadors, telling them— " I am the 
Caesar, I am the Emperor " — " Ego sum Imperator." 
This fact was, about the year 1330, written in the 
Chronica preserved till very recently in the Moden- 
ese Bibliotheca, and at the time I am writing I 
presume that the "last of the Mohicans" (as he had 
time enough to pack up his things and go) has 
probably taken it to Vienna, with many other 
valuable records belonging to Italian history. That 
Chronica is one of the most ancient historical monu- 
ments, and had been continued from time to time. 



585 



In my youth I was told the names of many of the 
last contributors to it. 

Boniface made a compact with King Eobert of 
Naples, who thought they could upset and destroy 
the Imperial power in Italy ; they did great damage 
to themselves, but much more to the nation, which 
was compelled to side one half with one belligerent, 
and the other with his opponent : my opinion is that 
both were enemies to Italian welfare and to religion, 
as they have always been, more prcedeeessorum eorum ; 
rgo ad inferos memoriam illorum trado. There I send 
them with the memory of their deeds, after I have 
named the schism, the civil wars, in Germany, Italy, 
France, and everywhere. There are so many 
atrocities to relate, which were committed by the 
orders of this monstrous Pope, and so many histori- 
cal writers who have furnished the materials, that 
I do not know which to follow. Perhaps it would 
be better if I laconically say, that he was a com- 
pound of demoniacal spirit, with beastly propensities, 
shaped in human form, impetuously enterprising, 
indomitably audacious, with such a dose of egotis- 
tical propensities, that he conceived no other man or 
dignity could be greater than himself. He proclaimed 
himself Pope, Emperor ; and would not have objected 
to be adored as God, if he could have found those 
who would have considered him such. He deposed, 
stripped, and robbed the princely family of Sarra 
Colonna ; he refused to recognise the two Emperors 
who were named by the factions after the death of 
the Emperor Eudolph, because, as he said, in the 
absence of the Emperor he himself was the Emperor ; 
he deposed King Philippe of France, and declared 
that he was the master of the French, as France be- 
longed to the Holy See ; he fomented and made war 
against Adolphe and Albert, but, as he required an 
ally to make war against King Philippe, he was 
compelled to recognise Albert as Eoman Emperor. 
Adolphe was killed by the army of Albert during 



586 



the time the civil war was raging in Germany. The 
war began against Philippe, but Boniface could not 
persuade the Emperor Albert to take arms against 
him, because he had determined to marry the 
daughter of the French King, which he actually did. 
Boniface was besieged at Agnani, conquered, and 
taken prisoner. Before I relate how he ended his 
career, I will state that he was condemned by 
a great Synod which was held at Paris, and 
attended by the elite of the Ecclesiastical hierarchy. 
This Synod was presided over by the Archbishop of 
JVarionne, and the absent Boniface was convicted of 
all the crimes for which he was indicted. See Al- 
bertus Argentinus, in Chronicon., and Krantzius, in 
Saxon., lib. 8, c. 37. Primo, quod sit Simoniacus. 
Secundo, quod dicat se non posse commitere Simo- 
niam. Tertio, Quod homicida sit. Quarto, quod 
usurarius, idque esse manifestissimum. Quinto, quod 
non adhibebat fidem conficientibus Eucharistiam. 
Sexto, Quod anima sit mortalis, et quod aliud gau- 
dium non sit, nisi vitse presentis. Septimo, Quod 
sit revelator Confessionum. Nam coegit quemdam 
Cardinalem, ut confessionem a quodam Hispanise 
Episcopo sibi factam revelaret, qua cognita, Episco- 
pum loco movit, sed post pecunia placatus Papa 
eundem restituit. Octavo, quod habeat duas nepotes 
concubinas, et ex utraque filios progenuerit. (0 ! 
fcecundum immaculatum Patrem, or I should rather 
say, Oh, prolific Uncle / that explains why you did 
a little bit of business in the pawnbroker's line.) 
Bono, quod Eegi Anglise concesserit omnes decimas 
de Ecclesiasticis bonis in Subsidium belli contra 
Erancorum Eegem. Decinio, quod stipendio allexerit 
Saracenos ad invadendam Siciliam. Itaque ad Sedem 
Apostolicam, turn, ut ipse dicebat vacantem, futu- 
rumque Concilium appellat. It would repay any 
writer fond of extravagant and daring enterprises to 
take in hand the epoch of Boniface the Eighth, and 
read his life and exploits ; some of them are told in 



587 



the Chronique de Sfc Denis, anno 1301 ; by Paulus 
Emilias, in Philip Pulchro ; Blondus, Decad. 2, lib. 9 ; 
Nanclerus, vol. 2 ; Gener. 44 ; Bochellus, Decret, 
Gallic. Ecclesiae, lib. 2, c. 32 ; Chronic. Montfort. 
Theodor. A. Nyem-Gulielm. ; De Nangis, Jean le 
Maire Beige ; Platina, in Bonifacio VIII ; Chronic. 
Martini MS. Albert. Argentia. in Chron. ; Krant- 
zius, in Saxon., lib. 8, c. 37; and Thomas Walsing- 
ham, in Chronica, Monfortense. 

To relate the close of the life of Boniface, I must 
borrow from Walsingham, who, in the Chronicle of 
Montfort, states that Nogaretus arrested him at 
Agnani in his Pontifical dress, and, in the name 
of the King, told him that he must come to Lyons, 
there to be degraded and punished ; that he then 
dragged him by the neck, placed an uncomfortable 
iron cravat round his throat, an unbearable iron vice 
upon his tongue, and ordered him to march for Rome. 
History tells us — that as soon as he was arrested and 
loaded with these torments, he was placed upon an 
unbridled horse, with his face turned towards the 
tail, and marched along until he was driven almost 
to the last breath. Thus this Boniface (so says the 
Montfort Chronica), who had made Kings, Emperors, 
and all the Prelates and people tremble with fear, 
was seized all at once, in one single day, with terror, 
pain, and paralytic trembling throughout his whole 
frame, which reduced him to a state of agony. 

Pontificalia indutus in Throno sese collocaret, cum 
ingressus Nogaretus, appellationem Eegis nomine edit, 
Pontificique, Lugdunum veniendum significat, unde 
in penitiorem Galliam exactorandus deducatur, 
colloque tr actum, ferrea chirotheca renitenti in os 
imp acta eum Eomam adduci jubet. Cum eum 
apprehendissent, in equum posuisse effrenum, ad 
caudam versa facie, sic discurrere fere usque ad 
novissimum halitum actum ; Bonifacium ilium, qui 
Eeges et Pontifices ac religiosos plerumque ac popu- 
lum horrende tremere fecerat, et pavere, repente 



588 



timor, tremor, ac dolor uno die pariter, invenerunt : 
aurumque nimis sitientem aurum perdidit, ut ejus 
exemplo discant superiores Prselati, non superbe 
dominari in Clero, et populo, sed forma facti gregis, 
ex animo curam gerere subditorum, plusque amari 
appetant, quam timeri. Qui, Inquit Platina, 
Imperatoribus Regibus, Principibus, nationibus, 
populis terrorem potius, quam religionem injicere 
conabatur, quique regna dare, et auferre, pel- 
lere homines, ac reducere pro arbitrio animi 
conabatur, aurum undique conquisitum, plus quam 
dici potest, sitiens. Boniface fell into such despair, 
grief, and rage, that, after thirteen days, he died. 
His life was sketched in an epigram, which is referred 
to by Eanulphus, in Polychronico, lib. 7, c. 39, thus : 
that he entered the Pontificate like a fox, that he 
lived like a lion, and died like a dog. Intravit ut 
Vulpes — vixit ut Leo, et mortuus est ut Canis. 
Almost as much as this was said of Celestinus. The 
Pasciculus Temporum contains the following con- 
cerning Boniface : Papse iste in tantam arrogantiam 
erexit se ipsum, ut Dominum totius mundi se diceret, 
tarn in temporalibus, quam in spiritualibus. Et 
multa magnifice fecit, quse in fine miserabiliter de- 
fecerunt. I pause here to ask whether Pope Alex- 
ander the Sixth, by the acts of which he was guilty 
in the year 1500, did not prove himself as infamous 
a monster as Boniface ? Did he not claim as his own 
the discovery of America and various other places, 
and did he not dispose of the former according to 
his pleasure, and for as much money as he could get 
from his two favourites, the Kings of Spain and 
Portugal? — Well, Boniface, as I have said, was a 
miserahile monstrum sui generis, who, according to 
the Fasciculus Temporum, in his haughtiness and 
vanity, swelled himself bigger than the frog in the 
fable (Rana et Bos), and in spiritual and temporal 
matters believed himself Master of all the World. 
Amongst all his atrocities this Pontiff could not help 



589 



doing some good actions, but they melted away 
miserably like snow in the sunshine, thus afford- 
ing an illustration to the words of Solomon : 
u Yanitas vanitatum, et omnia vanitas." 

Benedict the Eleventh succeeded Boniface the 
Eighth. He was elected at Perugia, and had only 
reigned nine months when he was poisoned with a 
fig, Had this ex -Dominican lived longer, he might 
have done much mischief, for he was a partizan of 
his predecessor. As soon as he arrived at St Peter's 
Chair, he excommunicated Nogaretus and the people 
of Agnani; but he could not help removing the 
censures and restoring to the French King, Philippe 
Le Bel, the privileges and everything that had been 
taken from him by Boniface. 

I may here remark that the Waldenses deserve G ?& Pef - 
honourable mention in these pages, because they Heresibus! 
were the only truly good Christians ; in spite of the 
horrible persecutions to which they were subjected, Biondus De- 
with the Evangels in their hands, they lit up that ' 1 ' 
dark firmament which was ever pregnant with pes- 
tiferous storms and eclipses. The learned and honest GuUeimus de 
Christians of that time were all Waldenses in heart Nan & iaco - 
and principle, and two hundred years of persecution 
had not succeeded in destroying them ; on the con- 
trary, they had gained ground in every part of 
Europe, though they were compelled to keep quiet 
and avoid notoriety. 

Nogaretus revenged the death of his father, who 
was burned by order of Boniface, A whole confra- 
ternity of young students, under the celebrated 
theoiogist, Gerard Sagarelli, of Parma, were also 
burned by order of Boniface. Sagarelli, however, 
evaded the fate that awaited him, and went to 
Eerrara, where he died. By the brutal orders of 
this Pope his body was exhumed and burned, and 
with it also was sacrificed Dulcinus Novarensis, who 
was the brother of another victim. 

Under the Pontificate of Nicholas the Fourth, the 

E E E 



590 



Franciscan monk, Peter, son of Joannis Biterrensis, 
wrote the Postillas in Apocalypsim, and in those 
celebrated passages in reference to the Eoman 

d^HeresiE™' ^ nurc ^' ne ca ^ e( ^ ^ — quam Ecclesiam carnalem et 
Synagogem Satanae, Papam Antichristum, Prselatos 
Antichristi membra. For these avowals the In- 
quisition condemned him to death, but failing to 
arrest him while he was alive, his body was ex- 
humed after his death and burial and then burned. 
Bemard.de A similar act of desecration was perpetrated upon 
de Heresib?' the body of the celebrated Italian, Peter Cassiodorus, 
who wrote and addressed to the Anglican Clergy 
that famous letter — Super Cathedram Mosis sedent 
scribse etPharissei: cuinam illos eqniparabo ? &c. All 
these brutalities were perpetrated before the year 
1300. I have not named the innumerable instances 
in which the Popes have accused various Bishops 
and Princes of heresy, merely as a pretext for their 
spoliation. This was an ancient invention with 
them, and was the cause of all the Ecclesiastical 
dissentions and separations which occurred with the 
"Waldenses. I must observe that the Waldenses 
were the honest Christians, the real fathers and 
founders of Protestantism, who feared no danger, 
spared themselves no trouble, and endured all sorts 
of miseries. They were modest, sincere, and affec- 
tionate towards humanity. They shared their bread 
in charity, in the hope and faith that their simple 
sacrifice would be agreeable to the Divine Re- 
deemer. They never drove their chariots in the 
public roads and promenades ; richly caparisoned 
equipages and vari- coloured dressed valets were 
strangers to them. They never dreamt of having 
livery servants for their attendants; they called 
their menials, brothers. 

I regret I must now quit the "Waldenses, and 
return to the relation of further Papal iniquities, 
"We shall see that successive Popes have always kept 
in step with those who went before them. 



591 



After ten months of contention for the berth, in 
1305, the Cardinals elected a Gascon named Eay- 
mond Gothus, who was Archbishop of Bordeaux. 
Upon his election he assumed the name of Clement 
the Fifth. This lusty Ecclesiastic had a number of 
concubines, who were unwilling to quit France, and 
so, to please them, and at the same time be far from 
the censures of the Eoman Senate, and out of the 
way of the most observant of the Eoman people, he 
selected the secluded and convenient spot of Avignon 
for his Episcopal habitation, feeling sure that there 
he would be at liberty to commit any enormity, unob- 
served and untrammelled — Causam quidam asserunt, 
quod voluptatibus suis, quam alibi liberius indulgeret. 
For the truth of this assertion, I refer the reader 
to the works of those celebrated theologians, Her- 
manus and Ockam, to Yillani, the Florentine his- 
torian, and to the writings of Archbishop Antoninus. 
These writers did not scruple to assert in their 
histories that Clement publicly lived with a con- 
cubine at Avignon, and that she was the daughter 
of the Count de Fois : Concubinam publice Avenioni 
habuisse, Comitis Foxensis tradunt filiam fuisse. 
Now, Prince Bishops, hear the rest — Caeterum, cuncta 
turn vitia, erimina, scelera, ffagitia quae hactenus sub 
virtutis specie pietatisque nomine Eomanam Eccle- 
siam incesserant, impudentissime, apertissimeque et 
inolevisse et invaluisse commemorant. 

I am almost tired of translating and repeating 
these expositions of diabolical crimes which, as 
usual, were practised so openly and impudently 
by the Holy Eoman Ecclesiastics under the mask 
of virtue. An honest Ecclesiastic, who was 
an eye-witness of what he relates, Nieolaus Cle- 
mangis, the French Archidiaconus Bajocensis, in 
his book, "De Corrupto Eeclesiae Statu," says : — Ex 
illo plane suam cladem imminere praenosse Eoma 
debuit, ex quo propter suas fornicationes odibiles 
urbe relicta, Avenionem confugit: Ubi quanto 
liberius, tanto apertius et impudentius, vias suae 



592 



Simonise et prostitutioiris exposuit, peregrin osque et 
perverscs mores calami latum inductores in nostram 
Galliam vexit. These were the acts which consti- 
tuted the theological virtues of the Popes. In order 
that they might practise their iniquitous abomina- 
tions far from the observance of the more vigilant 
and potent of the Italian critics, they transferred the 
Boman See to the humble, secluded Avignon, where 
they practised most openly, most audaciously, and 
most ruffianly the vilest fornications of all sorts and 
degrees by day and by night, without fear or shame 
either of their own degradation, or of the scandal 
which they brought upon the Church, that Church 
which they blasphemously called of God. 

Although I am not an Ecclesiastic, it is really 
painful to my feelings to translate some of the 
materials that I have collected concerning the de- 
baucheries of the pretended anointed of God, the 
Vicars of Christ, the followers of the Apostles. 
You mad Satanic monsters, you have polluted 
everything that has come in contact with you. 
The eternal God created everything, and you have 
destroyed everything. With His holy breath He 
vivifies all things, animates them, sanctifies them, 
ennobles them, and endows them with angelic 
feelings and sentiments. You cramp, pervert, 
paralyze, demoralize, vituperate, corrupt, and putrify 
everything that you approach, touch, or manage ; 
your thoughts even affect humanity like a horrid 
pestilence. Therefore, I say to you, return to Pales- 
tine, which is wide, and if that does not suit you, 
convert the parish of St Pock into a second Avignon. 
You will not have been there long before you will 
give occasion to a second Petrarch to compose another 
sonnet, with the good reasons that moved the first 
immortal poet to Write : 

The flames of Heav'n thy wanton tresses blast, 
Wicked one ! for they shame, who, sea and land 
Draining, at others' cost, art rich and grand, 
And in thine evil deeds such pleasure hast : 



593 



Foul nest of treason ! whence o'er earth are cast 
All vices that man's heart has ever plann'd 
Wine, sloth, and surfeitings at thy right hand 
And ev'ry luxury emptied to the last. 
Lust grey and mitred, women lost to shame 
Dance in thy halls, where Beelzebub accurst 
Holds the lewd glad and fans the impure flame. 
Not thus of yore on down, in secret nurst, 
But bare on thorns and naked to the wind — 
Now live that more than lees thy God may find. 

Andrea Gesualdo, in a note, commented upon 
this sonnet, and in that note he explained an occur- 
rence which goes so far to support my statements 
that I cannot refrain from translating it. The 
burden of his statement was this — that whilst the 
Cardinals were staying at the Court of Avignon, a 
young and pretty lady was induced to make her 
appearance there under the supposition that she was 
to become the mistress of a prelate, also young and 
rich, and who stood high in the Church. Upon her 
arrival, to her great dismay, she was introduced to 
an elderly Cardinal, who was of very ordinary ap- 
pearance, and who proceeded to bestow upon her 
various kind attentions, much against her will, inas- 
much as she repulsed his advances. Upon this, her 
admirer, in order to intimidate her and convince her 
that opposition was useless, suddenly withdrew and 
left her to her reflections. He speedily returned, 
however, attired in his Cardinalian dress, and renewed 
his overtures, saying, " Cardinalis sum, Cardinalis 
sum, ne timeas filia." All that remains to be said is 
that the young lady, becoming fully sensible of the 
danger to which she was exposed, was forced to 
submit. 

Clement the Fifth made a law, on the occasion of 
the coronation of the Bom an Emperor, Henry the 
Seventh, to the effect that the Kings of the Eomans 
elected in Germany should not be considered 

E e e 2 



594 



Emperors, nor style themselves so, until they had 
received that title from the Popes ; and that, during 
the interregnum, the Popes alone should maintain 
the Imperial power and jurisdiction in the whole of 
the towns and provinces of the Empire. 

This law appears to me to have been an intole- 
rable usurpation of rights, and was exactly in 
keeping with that made by Boniface when he 
refused to crown as Emperors the Kings of the 
Homans ; because (as he said) in the absence of the 
Emperors, " Ego sum Imperator." 
Henricus TJbi Eeges Komanorum in Germania electi, pro 

otero in An- . 

naiibus sub Imperatoribus non habeantur, nec sese gerere possmt, 
an. 1313. donee a Papa Imperatoris nomen acceperint ; Quin et 
uti in interregno, Papa in TJrbibus et ditionibus Im- 
Clemens Ne perii potestatem habeat. It was for this reason that 
alfquidim- 6 the Emperor Henry the Seventh (when returning 
movetur. f r0 m Pome after his Coronation, and whilst stopping 
at Bonconvento) was poisoned. The treacherous 
draught was prepared by Bernard, the Imperial Do- 
minican Confessor, who administered it to the 
"Emperor whilst he was taking the Sacrament. The 
Emperor, of course, died a few days afterwards, and 
one of the critics of that time wrote this expressive 
distich : 

Jure dolet mundus, quod Jacobita secundus 
Judas nunc extat, mors Caesaris hasc manifestat. 

This barbarous Dominican treason is still a capita! 
Avviso al Pubblico, to be particularly remembered in 
these times of fanatical and politico-religious in- 
See Coiienuc. trigues. At the time I am writing about, the ques- 
Hei. stcro in tion of Transubstantiation was much discussed by 
Trithemiusin ^ omm ^ cans an ^ tne Holy See. Henry, Count of 
Ghronico. Elanders, the Papal Legate, and the other conspira- 
tors covered the flight of the Dominican traitor. 
Notat Aventinus, Clementem Henrico ex eo hostem 
factum, quod coronam suscepturus Cardinalibus* 
Sacramentum prsestare denegasset, fatus — contra 



595 



majorum morem, libertatemque religionis Christianas 
esse, Principem Principum, orbisque terrarum Domi- 
num, servo servorum Sacramentum dicere. 

Before Clement was elected Pope, through the in- 
fluence of Charles de Yalois, he agreed that he would 
do, order, execute, enact, and establish six conven- 
tional articles between himself and the Comes Yalesii, 
in which should be stipulated everything concerning 
the welfare of the Temporal and the Spiritual Power. 
He also took an oath that he would re-establish the 
peace and tranquillity of the Roman Empire. Anto- 
ninus (parte 3°, tit. 21, c. 1) says: Fidem suam 
Sacramento obstrinxerat, to maintain the agreement 
and peace between the Church and the State, to 
restore the Cardinalate to the two Colonnas, to rein- 
state all those who had been persecuted by Boniface, 
to exhume the body of Boniface, to condemn his 
memory, and erase his name from the Pontifical 
Catalogue ; to restore all the honours to the French 
King Philippe, of which he had been stripped, &c. 
All these facts and many others are narrated in the 
Florentine history by Yillani, in the Chronicles of 
Martinus, and in those of Thomas Walsingham when 
treating of the events of the year 1310. 

At this time all Europe was in a state of political 
conflagration, and, as a means of quelling the 
agitation, a new atrocity was invented — the result 
of the unnatural connubium between Philippe le Bel 
and Clement, who, under the pretext of heresy, hit 
upon the scheme of spoliating the Knight Templars, 
as they were very rich, and so numerous as to promise 
the realization of a good harvest. They succeeded 
pretty well in their impious work, and pocketed the 
spoils, and had very few expenses to pay in the 
bargain, as the logs of wood were cheap enough, and 
the monks and friars who prepared the rogus (who 
were rogues enough) were very expert in roasting 
bucks, oxen, and sheep, whether they were or were 
not under the care of these anti-divine shepherds. 



596 



At this period the persecutions of the Waldenses 
and the Albigenses were almost suspended ; but the 
true reason of that respite was because most of 
them were exceedingly poor, and the King and the 
Pope could not afford to set their armies in motion 
for nothing, alias for their love of God. I will 
say without fear that the Pope's and the King's 
religion was all my eye, and nothing more nor less 
than money or power, or power and money. All the 
histories are full of proofs of this fact, that when a 
war was made under the pretext of religion, it 
always turned out that religion was profaned, and 
trampled upon most sacrilegiously for the most valu- 
able current coin of the invaded country, and the 
property and liberties of the subjects. Another 
important reason why the Templars were doomed to 
a general auto-da-fe was the influence and power 
which they exercised in the political affairs of 
Europe, and the Popes and Monarchs agreed to 
retain the monopoly of religio-political affairs in 
their own hands without the concurrence of others 
who in course of time might have damaged the 
Ecclesiastico-Boyal prerogatives. The Popes, Kings, 
and Emperors had quite sufficient to put up with 
from the Knights of Malta as overseers of that 
amphibious power ; much mistrust had been expe- 
rienced at the Vatican on several occasions; and 
if the Empire had concurred, as it did against the 
Templars, their doom would have been sealed long 
ago, though that congregation was rich and potent, 
prce cceteris — being the superlative Jesuits, the fore- 
runners of Loyola and all evil. 

At the Council of Vienna it was agreed to give 
Philippe due satisfaction for the damages that he 
had sustained through the villany of Boniface. I am 
of opinion that it was perfectly just that he should 
have had all the honours restored which were due 
to him, and of which he had been bereft ; but I do not 
concur with the demand which he made through his 



597 



Legates at that Council, viz., to have the cadaver of 
Boniface exhumed, excommunicated, and burnt. 
Although it may have been the fashion, yet I think 
it was derogatory to the Royal prerogative, and an 
unchristian revenge ; and that degradation, inflicted 
upon the real or pretended representative of the 
Christian Vicariate, was carried so far as to insult 
humanity and religion also. Thomas Walsingham, 
in his Chronica, speaks of this act in the following 
words : 

Philippus, ut petierit per suo3 Nuncios a Domino 
Papa ossa predecessioris sui Bonifacii, ad comburen- 
dum tamquam haeretici, impoituna instantia, &c. 

When I by chance meet a certain old hypocrite of 
my acquaintance, who talks to me of the good old 
religious times, I always tell him that they have 
passed, and will not return again until our Saviour, 
disgusted with the mystifications of some of His 
pretended High Priests and Yicars, reappears and 
upsets the tables. I should like to know at what 
period the so-much-talked-of good old times were 
prevalent ! With the single exception of the time of 
the Apostles, w 7 ho really meant and did do good, I 
know of no other instance. Boniface and his suc- 
cessor, Clement, were two demons of almost the same 
calibre. Let the reader pause a moment, and ob- 
serve the character of Clement. At the Vienna 
Council, after the decree was issued for the destruc- 
tion of the Templars, it was agreed that the wars in 
Palestine should be renewed, and the Church re- 
formed. Therefore a Bull was issued, which guaran- 
teed to those Crusaders w r ho should go to the Orient, 
a number of indulgences, and that none of those 
Knights should go to hell. It also granted to each 
of them, at their pleasure, the power to extract from 
purgatory three or four souls of any persons whom 
they pleased to name. But all this did not exhaust 
this Bull. It further ordered that, immediately a 
soul was delivered from purgatory, the Angels were 



598 



to introduce it to the glories of Paradise. Bravo, 
Clement ! Well done, well- written farce, worthy of 
the Pavilion Theatre for the next Christmas panto- 
mime. I suppose this was the beginning of the 
Church Reformation by the great Brama of Avignon. 
My dear friends, Dupanloup, Cullen, and Co., does 
not this beat you out of the field entirely, and 
altogether surpass your powers of invention ? 

Neither before nor after Clement has it been 
recorded that any other Pope, however miscreant or 
barefaced, sacrilegiously dared to order any one of 
the Angels. I have never heard before this of angel 
valets. I have read of Angeli Incuhi, and others 
SucuM, but have understood that they meant Demons ; 
such being the case, I have just reason to presume 
that Clement was well acquainted with them, and 
that he wanted to employ them, as I do when I 
employ a poor devil to go and buy the newspaper 
for me to see what the Popes are doing. It was 
said that various copies of this extra-celebrated Bull 
still existed two hundred years ago ; that one was 
preserved or pickled at Vtennte, another at Pictavii, 
and a third at Lemovici—oi course in the Episcopal 
Archives. I regret that I have not a copy of this 
Bull in extenso in my possession. I have, however, 
the following short passage in its own identical 
words, which I quote : 

Nolumus ut poena inferni sibi aliquatenus in- 
fligatur ; concedens insuper Cruce Signatis, ad eorum 
vota, tres aut quatuoranimas, quas velint, e Purgatorio 
posse eripere. " Mandamus Angelis quatenus animam 
a Purgatorio penitus absolutam, in Paradisi gloriam 
introducant." Just as a Master of the Ceremonies or a 
valet would announce to Mrs X. the arrival of the 
guests to a tea-party. 

Of this angelically-acquainted Pope the most 
horrible things are related by several historians, 
whilst others have not dared to sully their pages 
with his nefarious and bestial propensities. I 



599 



will here extract a slight biographical sketch from 
the works of one of the highest Ecclesiastical 
authorities, Cardinal Antonini, and these few lines 
will condemn Cleiient as long as humanity and 
religion last. These are Antonini' s words : Post 
Concilium generale celebratum, anno Domini 1313. 
Clemens iter agens a Yienna ut perveniret Burde- 
galem, in via infirmatus diem clausit extremum. 
Hie ut Chronica referunt, fuit nimis cupiditatibus 
deditus, propter quod, scelus Simoniaein axime 
a Canonibus detestatum et punitum multum viguit 
in curia sua circa benencia. Quod autem quid am 
dicunt in Papam non esse cadere simoniam, beatus 
Thomas hos reprobat, &c, Insuper refertur, quod 
cum ex hoc seculo migrasset quidam suus nepos, 
quern multum diligebat sensualiter (take note of the 
italics, which constitute the epigramma of Clement's 
life) induxit quendam peritum in arte Necromantiae, 
ut inquireret per maleficium ilium, qualiter illi 
Nepoti suo esset in alia vita. Qui artem exercens, 
fecit quendam Capellanum Papae, audacem valde 
videre inferni loca, ibique Palatium in quo erat 
lectus ignitus, vidit, ubi quiescebat nepos ille Papas 
Clementis. Quod cum Papas retulisset, nunquam 
postea visus est laetus ; sed paulo post decessit : 
Cujus cadaver cum positum fuisset in quadam 
Ecclesia cum multisluminaribus, nocte ignis Ecclesiam 
combussit, et corpus ejus a lumbis usque ad pedes. 

The above is another particular instance in which 
the Necromancers have told the Popes what would 
become of them, and death taking place soon after, 
the remainder of the catastrophe miraculously 
happened, and verified the foretold story of the 
Necromancers, which I will not call prophecy. 

Now, my dear French Bishops (I mean the rebels 
to the State and the dreamers of Empire and 
supremacy over all other mortals — I am determined 
to respect the good Bishops, if there are any, there- 
fore I make this distinction), I will ask you or any 



600 



good Ecclesiastics what is your or their opinion 
about this Clement, who had the impudence, in one 
of his Pastorals, to declare that, on account of his 
supremacy, in the absence of fhe Emperor, or in 
the interregnum, he claimed the full power to 
succeed to the plenitude of the Imperial rights 
and jurisdiction, and to statute such by decree, as 
reported in his Clementinse, lib. 2, Tit. 11, De 
Sententia et Ee Judiciaria. Can any honest man, 
Ecclesiastic or Secular, believe that such a disgrace- 
ful vagabond as Clement had any right or title to 
such an assumption ? Yet he assumed it ! Here 
is another quotation from the same Pastoral — Uos 
tarn ex superioritate, quam ad imperium non est 
dubium nos habere, quam ex potestate in qua 
(vacante Imperio) succedimus Imperatori, et nihiio- 
minus ex illius plenitudine potestatis, quam Christus 
Rex Regum et Dominus Dominantium nobis, licet im- 
meritis (well said), in persona beati Petri concessit, 
&c, Decrevimus, &c. I have nothing to oppose to 
this, except the repetition of the old proverb, which 
has been and is still suitable to this occasion — " Give 
him rope enough to satisfy his caprices, and he will 
know how. to use it." God and St Peter most 
certainly would disclaim such a blackguard follower, 
and would crush such an infamous successor to the 
Papacy. 

It is stated that Erederick the Third, King of 
Sicily, was a learned, good, and conscientious man, 
and that after his mother's death he had a dream, in 
which he fancied his mother reappeared to him; that 
she blessed him, and admonished him to live a 
honest, christian, and exemplary life. He communi- 
cated his dream to the celebrated Arnaldus de Yilla- 
nova, and had with him a splendid colloquium, which 
was written by that philosopher, and concerning 
which the King asked advice and explanation upon 
some doubts that he entertained upon these heads : 

Dubium hoc ei prsecipuum : Evangelii doctrina 



601 



inventum ne humanum esset, an divina Traditio. Et 
hie tria potissimum animum ejus conturbabant» 
Primum, quod Clerus universus magni pariter et 
parvi, ad Evangelium vitam suam non conformarent, 
officio sacro aut perfunctorie tantum, aut etiam per 
ludibriuin defungerentur, de animarum regimine 
nullam curam haberent, in vanam gloriam contra, 
toto impetu ferrentur. Secundum, quod MoDacbi 
ipsi qui simplicitati Apostolicse propiores viderentur, 
a via Dei tanto magis essent alieni, ut eorum respeetii 
non Clerici tantum seculares, sed laici ipsi justificari 
possent, serpentes, viperse sine ullo spiritu pietatis ; 
ibique eos ab omnibus notis describit improbitatis 
hypocrisis, impietatis, crudelitatis, rapinae, lascivise 
con temp tus divini, incredulitatis, et quid em circa 
Evangelium — Tertium, &c. It is useless to quote 
farther, as the reader can find the continuation in the 
works of Villanova. I have merely given the above 
short extract, as it is appropriate to this new edition 
of the characters of the Ecclesiastics of all sorts — I 
wa3 going to say lame, crooked, and blind, but that 
would be a blunder, as none of these are admitted 
in any religious confraternity, in accordance with 
ancient rules and regulations ; and it is quite right 
that the Divinity should not be represented by human 
deformity. 

I now return to the text, and ask why the whole 
of the Clergy, high and low, do not conform their 
lives to the rules set down in the Evangels ? They 
read the Sacred Office, but they do so merely as a 
blind ; they do not care for the salvation of the 
soul ; vanity only is their great aim. Why do the 
Monks, who ostentate the Apostolic life, travel so far 
from the celestial road to earn the contempt of the 
Clergy and of laymen ! 

Every one is justified in calling them serpents, 
vipers, without sentiment or piety, dishonest vaga- 
bonds, hypocrites, wicked, barbarous, lusty thieves, 
without fear of God, incredulous even of the 

P F F 



602 



Evangels. Now, my dear Mr Antonelli, do not say 
that this is an invention of mine, you see here that the 
truth is rather under than overdrawn, and that, to spare 
you a little from this severe censure, I have given you 
the adjective version instead of the substantive one. 
The above is the true portraiture of what the Eccle- 
siastics were at the time of Clement ; and now that 
the master is gone, and the immortal God only 
knows where, I leave him wherever that may be, 
just saying that, after his death, the Cardinals were 
in great contention amongst themselves about the 
vacant berth which was tantalizing several of them, 
in consequence of which the votes were constantly 
split amongst the candidates and the elections, 
through the seditions and other accidents which 
resulted, became null and void, and continued so for 
an interregnum of two years, three months, and 
seventeen days, when, at last, Jacobus de Ossa 
Cadurcensis was confirmed by the few Cardinals 
present at his self-election at Lyons. 

I will mention that while the unsuccessful Papal 
elections were going on, Cardinal Napoleon Orsini, a 
personal friend of Jacob, to the astonishment of all 
the others present, knowing that his candidate had 
an uncommon share of assurance, and that such a 
precedent had been established by other Cardinals, 
advised and solicited Jacobus de Ossa to step on the 
Pontifical Throne and proclaim himself Pope. " Ego 
sum Papa," said Jacob, and so wrote Antonini (Part 
3, tit. 21, c. 4), and by this bold manoeuvre Jacob 
Sardbone won the Derby. Although Jacob was of 
a very obscure family, yet he was extraordinarily 
ambitious, fond of innovations of all sorts, and 
something else. "We shall see that Christianity had 
not yet found its proper representative, and that this 
John the Twenty- third, as he called himself at his 
installation in 1316, after the death of the Emperor 
Frederick the Seventh (which occurred soon after), 
profited by the indelicate political intrigues of his 



603 



time, and endorsing the precedents of his rebel i 
predecessors, he refused to confirm and crown the 
elected Emperor for the sake of pocketing the 
Imperial income. Duke Ludowick of Bavaria, and 
Duke Frederick of Austria, were the Imperial can- 
didates, as well as Rudolph and Albert of the 
Imperial family; but Ludowick was elected and suc- 
ceeded to the Imperial dignity in spite of the 
Episcopal opposition, excommunication, schism, and 
wars. He conquered Frederick, and was crowned in 
Rome by Cardinals Stephanus, Colonna, and Ursinus 
de Ursinis, who consecrated him. 

Pope John Hardbone suscitated many long and 
sanguinary wars, and of course, like a good Christian, 
and a saint out of the mould of Dupanloup and Com- 
pany, modestly assumed both dignities, the Empire 
and the Papacy, as the best means and a most 
excellent opportunity for making money without any 
comptroller and with unlimited authority, having 
found fools and rogues enough to support him in his 
demoniacal schemes. It would occupy too much 
time to report all the events of that extraordinary 
epoch ; I must therefore refer the reader to the 7th 
book of the "Annales" of Aventinus, who in his 
history spared none of the belligerents, and bestowed 
upon John the entire catalogue of superlative epi- 
thets which he deserved on account of his infamous 
and anti-Christian conduct. He reproached the Pope 
with having fomented the wars by having sometimes 
supported the Austrian Duke, and at others Frederick, 
as well as Ludowick — imo magis discordiam aluit, 
modo mihi, modo Austriaco studebat ; nunc Friderico, 
nunc Ludovico favere se simulabat, ut quisque imbe- 
cillior erat, ita magis huic operam suam pollicebatur. 
This was capital policy on the part of this " infallible " 
rogue, the pretended representative of Christ and fol- 
lower of the Apostles ; he occupied himself in this un- 
charitable work for the sake of obtaining the Imperial 
as well as the Papal revenue, and for this reason he 



604 



endeavoured to exhaust all those Princes who might 
aspire to the throne, and put a stop to the fountain 
of his badly-gotten riches. Aventinus was very feli- 
citous in his nomenclature of the Court of Avignon, 
the decrees of which he styles Decreta Pharisceorum, 
pseudo-Christos, pseudo-Prophetas, pseudo-Apostolos 
a mendacio simulatse religionis ita appellatos. 

The Emperor Ludowick, in confutation of a Bull 
of Pope John, wrote the following sentences, which 
I extract from the works of Aventinus ; they con- 
tain the whole of that Bull : — Ut interea, dura domes- 
ticis armis, cognatisque bellis atterimur, imperium 
pessundaret, labefactaret, urbes, castella, populos, 
Eempublicam invaderet in cujus perniciem conspi- 
ravit, populumque Christi in servitutem redigeret, 
adversus Dei Sanctos pugnaret, &c. Sibi liceret 
absque mora actutum, vel in nos indemnatos senten- 
tia ferre jaetitat. Cum capitalis sit inimicus, publi- 
cusque hostis, tamen in propria causa actor, testis et 
judex est, id quod nec apud Turcas, neque Judseos, 
neque Saracenos, neque Sarin atas fieri solet. Eos, 
qui fidem Csesari servant, et Christo Servatori nostro 
praecipienti obtemperant, nec ullam aliam ob 
causam haereseos nota inurit. Quicquid libet 
licitum judicat, metitur opibus licentiam, &c. Satan 83 
spiritum sibi sumit, se similem Altissimo facit, 
b& adorari (quod ccelitum quidam sibi a Johanne 
fieri prohibuit) pedes sibi osculari more Diocletiani 
atque Alexandri, crudelissimorum tyrannorum per- 
mittit. Cum Christus manceps, divinitatis Dominus 
et Deus noster pedes comitum suorum piscatorumque 
laverit, ut nuncii sui vicissim illis, ad quos missi 
sunt faciant. Una maj estas atque Divina Providentia, 
ipsa suis pollens opibus, nihil indigna nostri, ubique 
presens, universis rebus incubat, rebus omnibus per 
se consulit, &c. Imperatores quoque terris, neque 
forte, neque casu, neque a mortalibus, neque occulta 
fatorum potestate dantur, sed a supremo numine 
eliguntur, atque .divinitus constituuntur, rebusque 



605 



humanis a Patre indulgentissimo imponuntur. Et 
porro Romanus Sacerdos cujus conversatio in coelis 
esse debet, urbes, ' castella, vicos, regiones opes 
potentiam, tantum splendorem, jus gladii, adventitia 
non jure suo, sed alieno beneficio occupat, possidet ; 
nempe benevolentia atque liberalitate, ne dicam 
socordia atque ignavia rectorum Germanise. At 
mortalium ingratissimi de optime meritis pessime 
merentur. Ensem cujus manubrium nostra munifi- 
centia tenent, in nostra viscera, quorum beneficiarii 
sunt stringere non verentur. Jam egregii illi pastores, 
opibus et splendore a Mnjoribus nostris aucti, ferre 
parem nequeunt. Caesarem Italia, Roma, Chustum 
terris extrusere ; illi ccelum quidem permittunt, 
inferos atque terras sibi asseruere, Deosque terrarum 
hominumque non solum dici, sed etiam credi volunt, 
quasi perinde animis atque Unguis imperare possint, 
atque divisum cum Jove habeant Imperium. Repug- 
nant, et maxime diversa sunt Crucifixus et summa 
potestas, miles et Sacerdos, Imperator et Pastor, 
Regnum et Patibulum, corporalia et spiritualia, arma 
et sacra, bellum et pax, Caesar et nuncius, Princeps 
et minister, Dominus et servus : Qui vult esse 
maximus inter vos (ait supremus arbiter cceli Legatis 
suis) infimus omnium, atque vester servus sit, &c. 
Eelluanmltorumcapitum monstrum biceps est Augus- 
tus et Pontifex Maximus, id quidem fuisse Decium 
atque lNeronem et hujusmodi Tyrannos falsorum 
Deorum cultores, in numismatis et epigrammatis 
legimus, &c. Ludibrium naturae abominabile, ira 
Dei, socordia atque ignavia nostra est, Principem 
Principum servo servire servorum. Si servus ser- 
vorum Dei est, cur non servit ? cur non ministrat ? 
cur non amat ? cur non pascit ? cur n^n docet ? non 
nunciat, &c. Avididate potentiae, pecunia ima 
summis miscet, omnia venalia, Deum et Inferos 
habet, &c. This is more than plain speaking ; it is 
honest and superlatively good, grandiosely logic, and 
rhetorically and cleverly said. Bravo, Ludowick, 

F F F 2 



606 



• bravo, I would have said, " To it again." I cannot 
help applauding the situation, which is as good as 
that of the opponent of Antonelli, of the Wolf, the 
Pie and Co. At the time I am writing I see by the 
paper that the Phariseus of Mce has made his debut 
with the rebels. Let him be welcome to this last 
scene. I will dedicate it to him, on condition that 
he makes a sermon upon it, and translates it into 
Proven gal patois for his faithless flock, I mean the 
unnatural pickled cucumbers, oranges, peaches, 
melons, and company. If I were a schoolmaster, I 
would give it to the boys as a task to translate, as I 
am sure they would learn something by it. 

In his confutation Ludowick says many things 
about John's depravity, in fomenting the civil wars, 
abusing the faith of the people, of Princes, and of 
the Church. After having invited all of them to 
consecrate and celebrate a peace, and seeing them 
inclined and ready to consummate it, in hope of re- 
establishing the welfare and happiness of Europe, all 
at once this Pope persuaded most of the Princes to 
take up arms against each other and the Empire, 
undermining and overthrowing it in the cities, in 
the castles, and in the country ; demoralising and 
corrupting the people and Government officers, whom 
he intended to exterminate, under the pretext of 
reducing them to submit under the service of God, 
by exciting them to fight against the laws and the 
saints of God. This Pope arrogates to himself 
the right of acting so suddenly, and boasting of 
launching sentences against us (Ludowick), untried 
and uncondemned ; while he is the principal, the 
mortal enemy of the human race. In his own 
cause he aqfs as the accuser, the witness, and 
the judge, which is not permitted nor used even 
amongst the Turks, the Jews, the Saracens, or 
the Sarmatians. Those who keep faith with the 
Emperor, and comply with the commandments of 
Christ, our Saviour, for no cause of any sort shall 



607 



be branded with heresy. Let him judge or decree 
whatsoever he likes, his arbitrary power is gathered 
with gold, &c. John assumes the Devil's spirit, and 
making himself equal to the Most High, allows 
himself to be adored and his feet to be kissed, like 
Diocletian and Alexander ; whilst Christ, who had 
given proof of his Divinity, He, our real God, 
washed the feet of his companions, and of the fisher- 
men, that they might do the same one after another 
to those to whom they are sent as God's messengers, 
Divine Providence — the unique Majesty, the power- 
ful Might, mastering all things superior to us, every- 
where present, presiding at everything, by itself 
providing everything, &c. 

The Emperors are not given to rule the earth 
by chance or perad venture, by mortals, or by the 
occult power of destiny ; they are selected for that 
office by the Supreme God, and are divinely con- 
stituted and placed above others to superintend 
human affairs by the kindest and most benevolent 
Father. Henceforth the Eoman Priest, whose 
actions should be directed to Heaven, turns his mind 
to the occupation of cities, castles, boroughs, provinces, 
riches, power ; to all vain splendour, the right to ad- 
minister justice. These extraordinary events occur, 
not legally, but by his intrigues and the assist- 
ance of. others ; he possesses all, not by the benevo- 
lence or liberality, but by the indolence and coward- 
liness of the German rulers. These most ungrateful 
of mortals gain the utmost with the worst merits. 
The sword which they handle by our grace, being 
our vassals, they would thrust it into our breasts 
without blushing. Already these egregious shep- 
herds, elevated and enriched to shining splendour by 
our forefathers, cannot tolerate any equal. They 
must drive out from Eome, Italy, and the other 
States, the Emperor and Christ ; to Him they allow 
the Celestial and Infernal regions, and to themselves 
the possession and submission of the earth ; and 



608 



they pretend not only to be the Gods of earth and of 
mankind, but they insist that people should believe 
so, as if they could impose upon the human minds 
and tongues such thoughts— as if they had divided 
the Empire with Jupiter. 

There is an immense difference and repugnance 
between the Crucifix and the Temporal power, the 
Soldier and the Priest, the Emperor and the Shep- 
herd, the Empire and the Cross, the Body and the 
Soul, the Sword and the Pastoral, War and Peace, 
the Caesar and the Messenger, the Prince and the 
Minister, the Master and the Servant. He amongst 
you who desires to be the chief (so said the God of 
Heaven to his Legates) shall be the very last, and 
shall be your servant, &c. The Caesar, Great Pon- 
tiff, is a beast with two heads ; the monster of the 
Apocalypse, I suppose. Decius and Nero were both 
of them Pontifices and Emperors, tyrants and 
worshippers of false Divinities, as may be seen by 
the various epigrams and by their coins, &e. It 
would be an abominable perversion of nature and 
contempt of God, if by our indolence and want of 
thought the Prince of Princes should serve the 
Servant of all Servants. 

Now, you dirtily anointed Roinan mitred rebels, 
approach and listen to this piece of logic, and once 
for all learn something of your master, who spoke to 
you long ago with the rod in his hand, saying, — If 
the Pope is the servant of the servants of God, why 
does he not serve ? why does he not attend to his 
business ? why does he not like it ? why does he not 
feed his flock ? why does he not teach them ? why 
does he not preach the words of God? &c. The 
reason lies in his avidity for power and accumulating 
as much gold as he can, selling all he can — God and 
the Devil, if he could. 

This apology of the Emperor Ludowick is not 
finished yet. In allusion to another Papal Bull, he 
says : Me haereticorum, inquit, fautorem falso vocat, 



609 



Christianus sum : at ipse Haeresiarcha est, non enim 
diseipulus Christi, cujus vitam irridet, paupertatem 
floccifacit pietatem aspernatur, religionem polluit, 
sacra prophanat, mores spernit, instituta condemnat, 
dogmata vilipendit : Nam Divum Eranciscum veri- 
tatis Divinae praeconem paupertatis Christianas ante- 
signanum, consecraneos ejus universos, Avenione, 
Sexto Idus Decembris anno ab urbe servato 1322, 
impietatis condemnavit. Audite obsecro quam ob 
causam ; Homo perniciosus, avidusque Imperii, 
Argentum Evangelio (ubi opes scelera vocantur) 
aurum Christi impie prefer!, Eranciscanos frater- 
culos ignominioso apud se cognomine, item stolidas 
pecudes, perniciosas vulpeculas, quae simulata reli- 
gione mundo imponant, populum fallant nuncupat ; 
illorum religionem exseindere, quod Christum, 
comites ejus nihil possedisse in terris, doeeant, 
asserant, praedicent, conatur : Sed contra ccetus 
Eranciscanorem Perusiae Celebris universis suffragan- 
tibus Theologis, probe ejus facta depinxere, verita- 
temque sacris Uteris, testimonio divino tutati sunt, 
quamvis magis carcere et vinculis, quern disputa- 
tionibus hujusmodi genus hominum castigandum 
foret ; tamen eundem suis depinxere coloribus, 
atque insatiabile avaritiae barathrum, et simula- 
chrorum cultorem declararunt. Nam et auri pondus 
ingens, aiunt, quod ab orbe Christiano, praecipue 
Alemanniae, Arelatensi Regno, Italia, sub specie 
Expeditionis Asiaticae emunxit, Saracenis, ut Christi- 
anis Armeniae, qui ab eo compilari atque venire 
detrectarant, arma inferrent, distribuit, &c. At 
last, at the peroration, he concluded thus : Ut Anti- 
christus non sit, tamen ejus antecursorem atque 
anteambulonem esse necesse est, a quo ad propug- 
nandum Templum Dei (cujus cura nobis coelitus a 
Deo Opt. Max. data est) ad universum totius orbis 
Senatum Christianum provocamus. 

Every one will understand that, in the relation of 
the political affairs of that time (I cannot say politico- 



610 



religious affairs, because there was no religion at all 
practised by the Ecclesiastical dignitaries, and much 
less by the Pope himself), I cannot help showing 
each belligerent under his proper flag. Although I 
am not a partizan of the Bavarian Ludowick, who 
unwillingly brought many misfortunes upon Italy in 
particular, yet I cannot condemn him for them, as he 
was defending his rights and the monarchical princi- 
ples which, however absolute they might have been, 
were nevertheless preferable to the tyrannous and 
absolutely unprincipled, mutable and immoral rules 
of that lustful Pharisaical clique, which basely repre- 
sented the Church. We have seen that Ludowick 
was crowned and consecrated Emperor by two mem- 
bers of those families which I may style Kornan 
Kings, on account of the secular and Ecclesiastical 
power which they exercised for many consecutive 
centuries. We shall see now that, through their in- 
fluence and persuasion, the whole of the Eoman 
population was in favour of the Emperor, and that 
they arrayed themselves in full opposition to John 
the Twenty-third. Ludowick re-established Matthew 
Yisconti as his Imperial Vicar at Milan. He also 
established others of his partizans in the other pro- 
vinces. Pope John stimulated his Guelphs to rebel- 
lion, and Priests, Monks, andEriarsof every descrip- 
tion preached, and played the devil with the 
populations and themselves. The Ghibelline Poman 
Barons, who were instituted and invested as Impe- 
rial Vicars, were called upon to oppose many Eccle- 
siastical rebellious strifes, and to support on St Peter's 
chair the Minorite Monk, Peter Corbari, of Rieti, 
who was elected Pope by the clergy and the Eoman 
people in the year 1327, and who took the name of 
See N acler., Nicholas the Fifth. He was approved of and sup- 

Vol 2 811 • • • • 

3327, 'and An- ported by the Emperor Ludowick. At the instigation 
ionin., P art3. f p p e John, he was made prisoner by the Imperial 
deserters, the Pisans, and was locked up for some 
time, in spite of the intercession of the Bohemian 



6fX 



Xing in his favour. I may say that he presided See Aventi- 
at various Councils before his incarceration, where Guiieim. de 
the Eoman Curia condemned the other Pope to be ^f 5 " 50 ' 81 
burned as an Heresiarch, and he was actually burned 
in effigy. I leave others to name the virtues of 
Nicholas, and the exploits of the Count Philippe 
Yalesius, the protege of Pope John, against the Im- 
perial arms of Ludowick. At that period almost all 
Europe was in a state of conflagration, and the quar- 
rels were not limited to the Papal and Imperial 
arms. The various Monks and Friars, as well as all 
the other classes of Ecclesiastics, were in open con- 
tention and rebellion amongst themselves and with 
everybody else, and they fought with swords and 
pamphlets, just as they would do at the present 
time (if they could). 

When I reflect a little, I think that I have not 
only named in this work the really good Eoman 
Catholic clergymen, but I have also freely quoted 
the various points in which they have so admi- 
rably expressed their opinions about their Ecclesi- 
astical brothers, and their own theological principles, 
unfortunately at variance with those inculcated for 
consecutive centuries upon the masses by the incon- 
sistencies of the Cardinalian and Episcopal clique. 

The reader will find, from the quotations which con- 
stitute this book, that the strong language and the hor- 
rors contained in it are the Papal and Ecclesiastical 
crimes which have been exposed by Ecclesiastical 
writers, who were more or less determined to sup- 
press the abuses and monstrosities committed by 
the high clergy under the name of God and Eeligion ; 
and if they have not succeeded in their pious work 
of reforming them, they have at least bequeathed to 
posterity their principles and theological knowledge, 
that we may follow them, and prosecute them per- 
severingly, until we attain the ultimately desired 
end — the purification of the Church of God, the re- 
edification of the new temple, and the expulsion 



6l2 



from it of the pestiferous demons who have infested 
it until'now. 

When the Bavarian Emperor Ludowick arrived in 
Italy, in the year 1 327, after he had been crowned 
at Rome, a Synod was held there, at which many 
serious things were said against the proceedings of 
Pope John the Twenty-second (according to Platina, 
23rd). Aventinus (lib. 7) reports those proceedings 
in full, and the Decree also, the principal points of 
which, as already prepared by others, I here tran- 
scribe. Ludowick ordered that the following 
decree should be made known to all Christianity, 
so that the people might judge what were the 
doings of the Popes, and how they had been, and 
were still, the principal enemies of Christianity 
and of humanity. Here is a portion of the decree : 
Lupo (inquit) pellem ovinam jure nostro detrahemus, 
et ut pacis miseris ambagibus, rem aperiam, aures 
arrigite, favete, omnium res agitur. Universi vulgus 
sine authoritate sine gratia, domi atque foris, venales 
sumus: majestas et authoritas, religionis libertas, 
imperiumque populi Christiani, leges, divina, hu- 
man a prodita sunt hosti acerrimo : CJuies in sedi- 
tionibus, in pace turbse sunt, homines sceleratissimi, 
cruentis manibus, immani avaritia nocentissimi, et 
iidem superbissimi, itidem luxu effeminati, atque 
ambitione perditi, quibus fides, decus, pietas, pos- 
tremo vitia, virtutes, honesta atque inhonesta omnia 
quaestui sunt, arcem Eeipublicse Christianae occupant, 
tumultum ex tumultu, bellum ex bello serunt : Caput 
factionis Jacobus ille de Cadurco, qui se Papam nomi- 
nat, ingentem vim pecuniae, quam undique a Chris- 
tiana plebe fraudulentur corrasit, adversus sanctos 
Dei, imperio Christiano devotos, sicut Abiathar Sacer- 
dos (qui Absalonem contra Davidem sectabatur) ense 
Caesareo nobis a Cceli numine commisso abutitur, 
temporalibus hujus seculi curis contra divinum pra> 
ceptum incubat, regno mundano inhiat, sicuti pastor 
est personatus, ita mysticus est Antichristus, canis 



613 



pellicula tectus, in gregem Christi Lupina rabie 
grassatur, vendit seclera, inferos, superos, beneficia 
ccelestia componantur cum Saracenis, Arnienios 
Christianos quinque annis continentur ejus opem 
implorantes infestantibus fcedus, societatemque iniit ; 
Boruscorum primarium prsesidem diras, inferiasque 
eomminatus, cum Lituanis hostibus pietatis Christi- 
an se acerrimis, atrocissimis Latronibus, inducias 
facere coegit, hosti regionem prodit, fenestram inva- 
dendi Brandeburgenses Christianos aperuit. Lituani 
conjurati Cadurci, ultro citroque impune per fines 
Brandeburgensium commearunt, Christianos ferro, 
csede extinxerunt, vagientes in cunis, in sinu 
parentum crudelissime contrucidati sunt. Templa, 
casnobia, collegia Sacerdotum, Monachorum, com- 
pilata, incensa, aversa Virgines Sanctse per vim 
stupratae hostia sacra hasta transfixa, insultante 
hoste, hoc convivicio sublata, en hie est Deus 
Christianorum, &c. Atque haec omnia scelera vice- 
simi secundi acta sunt, &c. Monstrum biceps, 
mundanus et spiritualis esse contendit ; Christus 
Servator noster, cui omnis potestas in ccelo atque 
terra data est, tamen imperium atque regnum 
terrarum a populo sibi oblatum suscipere detrectavit, 
&c. Atque satis constat inter omnis divinse Philo- 
sophise, legum et Pontificii juris scientissimos, penes 
Pontificem Bomanum nunquam esse utramque 
dignitatem, sacram atque prophanam, &c. Sacro- 
santum Bomanum Imperium cui Christus, cui 
comites ejus obtemperarunt, et vectigales fuerunt 
Sacrificuli fastuosi beneficium esse pernegamus, &c. 
Jacobum igitur antea a Sacrarum literarum an- 
tistibus hsaresiarcham declaratum, ex Concilii De« 
creto, more majorum Pontifieatu submotum, atque 
a Christo repudiatum renunciamus : Habemus 
bonorum exempla quibus nobis licere id facere, quod 
illi fecerunt, putamus. [Do you hear this bell, Mr 
Antonelli ? It sounds like that whick accompanies 
a culprit to execution for a capital offence ; and this 

G G G 



614 



should be the basis for the new treaty between the 
Temporal and Spiritual Power. But I must con- 
tinue the extract.] Otho primus cum populo 
Eomano Sacerdotum ejus tribu, Johannem duodeci- 
mum ex albo Pontificum Eomanorum ob scelera 
(quae si ad fiagitia Vicesimi secundi comparaveris, 
Indus est) erasit, alium pastorem urbis et orbi im- 
posuit : Idem alios complures Imperatores, optimos- 
que Principes fecisse, in Annales Fastosque relatum 
est : Proinde Jacobum ilium crimine verse irreligio- 
sitatis, nota haereseos, antea a Franciscanis, caeteris- 
que Theologis injustum, contemptorem paupertatis 
Christianae Imperii Antichristi authorem, jure nostro, 
consilio, sententia, consensu communi Principum, 
Pontificum, Germaniae, Italiae efflagitantibus Sacer- 
dotibus populoque Eomano, exauguratum, abdicatum, 
haereseos condemn atum declaramus, proscribimus 
acta ejusdem rescindimus. Universi ergo Christiani 
eundem in numero impiorum atque sceleratorum 
habeant, ab eo omnes decedant aditum, sermonem 
defugiant, velut contagionem, ne quid incommodi 
accipiant, devitent : Eidem nullus honor communi- 
cetur, et ab his quorum interest, opera detur, ut 
deprehensus more majorum puniatur. Qui adversus 
haec feceret hostis Eeipublice esto. Uos confestim 
cum Sacerdotum Curia, populoque Eomano urbi 
atque orbi pastorem communi consilio atque veterum 
instituto, juxta sacrae historiae leges allegemus. Hoc 
edictum ab Imperatore, item in Sacerdotum Senatu 
populoque Eomanum signatum est, publicatumque 
in celeberrimo nrystarum popuH Eomani regulorum 
Dynastarum, Tetrarcharum, Flaminum, Pontifie, 
Max., Minorum Antistitum eonventu. Datum et 
factum extra Templum Augustissimum, divis Petro 
atque Paulo Legatis Christi dedicatum, octavo die 
Aprilis in Urbe Eomano anno 1328. The above 
document is another masterpiece in proof of 
ignominious * Papal fraud and heresy, and by this 
Pope John was condemned and deposed, agreeably to 



615 



the old-established usages, by the Imperial Power, 
and by the popular and Ecclesiastical acclamations 
and concurrence in the above Council and condemna- 
tion. Qui patriam tradere tentat — now-a-days should 
be treated in the same manner ; and I recommend the 
above to the wisdom of the Italian Minister. 

At this period of Pope John the Twenty -second 
(or Twenty-third), the Theologians and the Juris- 
consultes were discussing in various theses the defini- 
tion of the Imperial and the Papal powers. The Chan- 
cellor Udalric wrote a thesis, which was copied and 
edited by the theologians of his time, as an Apology 
for the Emperor Ludowick, in which he styled the 
Pope a marine monster. — Bestiam de mari ascen- 
dentem, de qua in Apocalipsi appellasse. In this 
thesis Udalric proved that no Pope could arrogate to 
himself the rights of the Temporal Power — Quod 
nullus Papa potestatis plenitudinem in temporalibus 
sibi arrogare potest, ne dum in Imperium, ne dum 
Johannes Papatu manifeste indignus, &c. As the 
Pope sinned against the Faith, it is clear there were 
other mortals superior to him. The Universal 
Church congregated in Council to try him ; which, 
by its authority, it was competent to do. The fact 
that he had to appeal to this Council, is a direct proof 
of his fallibility. The celebrated William Ockam, 
an EDglish Franciscan, who supported the Imperial 
rights against the Papal encroachments and blunders, 
with most valiant intelligence and learning assailed 
the heretical Pope. He said to the Emperor, 
" Defend me with thy sword from the insidies of 
the Pope, and I will return the defence with words 
and writings, and with such convincing reasons that 
the Pope will not be able to evade." In fact, he 
proved that the Pope was heretical and schismatic, 
and that his censures should be treated with con- 
tempt. (See his books of Dialogues in defence of 
the Emperor Ludowick. ) 

These Dialogues are ninety-three in number : 



616 



Capita haee sunt — Quod Papa ex Jure divino nullum 
Primatum habet: Quod Petrus nunquam habuit, 
nunquam Eomae Episcopus sedit, proinde nec Papa : 
Quod Papa errare potest ; quin et Ecclesia Eomana 
tota, inque Concilio judicari debet. Sed Papae cum 
Imperatore controversiam quod attinet, octo ques- 
tiones edisserit. Primo : An munus Pontificum 
simul et Caesareum administrari possint. 2. An 
Caesar a solo Deo, non etiam a Pontifice Romano 
potestatem aceeperit. 3. An Authore Christo Pon- 
tifex et Ecclesia Eomana facultatem habeant, ut 
Caesari, caeterisque Eegibus jurisdictionem exer- 
cendam committant. 4. An Caesar electus, plenum 
habeat hoc ipso jus administrandi Eempublicam. 
5. An caeteri Eeges praeter Caesarem et Eomanorum 
Regem, eo quod a successoribus inaugurentur, 
aliquam ab eis accipiant potestatem. 6. An ejus- 
modi Eeges ullo modo subjecti sint inaugurantibus. 
7. An si novum abhiberent sacrificium aut diadema 
sibi submerent ac imponerent ipsi, titulum atque 
potestatem regalem amittant. 8. An septemviri 
Principes electores tan turn juris conferant electo 
Caesari, quantum caeteris Eegibus legittima succes- 
sio; Quas omnes quaestiones in utramque partem 
disceptans, pro Magistratu Civili, pro Eegibus 
inquam et Principibus maximam partem pronunciat, 
Johannis XXII obiter JExtravag antes proterens, 
tanquam haereticas, falsas, a plerisque damnatus; 
qui secus judicent ad tempus illud pertinere, cujus 
2 ad Tim.,c.3 3 nos Apostolus ad Timotheum praemonuit: Tempus 
v. s and 4. er j^ cum sa riae doctrinae non auscultabunt, sed juxta 
concupiscentias suas coacervabunt sibi ipsis dolores 
in pruritu auditus ipsorum, et a veritate avertent 
aures suas, ad fabulas vero inclinabunt. Hie enim 
est presentis temporis status, ut plerique omnes non 
quae Christi, quae Apostolorum, quae Patrum 
doctrina fuerit inquirant, sed quid Pontifex fieri 
velit atque jubeat, auscultent. Dicit Ascentius in 
Praefatione, sex alios eum Tractatus scripsisse, quos, 



617 



consulto prsetermisit, quod essentaliquanto asperiores, 
nempe in Pontificem Bomanum. 

Ab eadem vena Marsilius Patavinus aurei illius Editus Basi- 
Tractatus author, cujus titulus ; Defensor Pacts de lese, an, 1522 
Irnperatoris et Papa potestate. Ibique ex Sacris 
Scripturis, legibus Canonibus, historia turn Sacra, 
turn Civili, Theses, quse sequuntur asserit et 
edisserit. Quod Christus unicum Ecclesise caput et 
fundamentum, non Petrus. Quod Apostolorum 
neminem, non Petrum ipsum universalem Ecclesiee 
Vicarium instituit, quodque eum titulum omnes 
eodem jure usurpare possunt. Quod Petrus nunquam 
Christi Yicarius universalis fuit, nec Christus alios 
Apostolos Petro subjecit. Quod verisimilius est 
Petrum nunquam fuisse Romse, nedum ut sedem 
ibi tenuerit, cui, ut nec cseteris, sedes ulla peculiaris 
fuit. Quod Papa Primatum ex successione sibi 
deberi contendens, nullo jurenititur, cum ilia exiude 
nulla sit. Quod non illi plenior, quam cseteris 
Episcopis potestas, etiam in eo quod remissionem 
peccatorum et indulgentias spectat ; e contra omnes 
ei jure divino coequantur, Mogurtinus, Coloniensis, 
Trevirensis, non minus Primates quam ille. Quod 
plenitudo ilia potestatis mendacium aperturn, titulus 
execrabilis, omnium malorum origo, ejusque usus 
Pontificibus in bono Concilio sit interdicendus. Ad 
Temporalia vero; Quod Christus, cujus Yicarius 
credi vult, nullam in terra author itatem exercuit ; 
Ipse contra et Apostoli sese magistratui subjecerunt, 
eo in ccelum assumpto et Principibus paruerunt et 
discipulos parere jusserunt ; Quare ad Papam nullam 
jurisdictionem temporalem in quemquam pertinere, 
ne dura in Principes, ne dum in Imperatorem. 
Quod si earn usurpet, tenentur illi ex jure divino ei 
resistere, verbo, facto, omni ratione, omni conatu : 
injusti et Deo injurii ni fecerint, ut qui pro eo 
,pugnent Diaboli satellites censendi sint. Quod ad 
Papam non pertinet Imperatoris confirmatio, multo 
minus electio : Quia et nos ille coronandi propter 

Gr Gr Gr 2 



618 



abusus qui inde consequuntur, imperium periculo 
exponit. E contra Imperatoris est, Principis 
Christiani, ex Cleri et Populi consensu Papam 
nominare, absente se nominatum, confirmare : 
Si arguatur aut accusetur in viam reducere, in Con» 
cilio judicare. QuodPetrus, utpote homo dum vixit 
potuit labi, potuit et errare, nec Papaullo previlegio 
adversus errorem tutus est. Quod vero Petri dictum 
ftt.it. Oravi pro te, ad caeteros Apostolos extendi tur 
peraeque. Quare de sua fide et firmitate, quam 
caeteros Episcopos certiorem esse non potest. Quod 
solus Bibliorum Canon, fons veritatis est, in cujus 
fraudem non licet credere Papae, non Ecclesiae. Quod 
de ipso Scripturae Sacrae sensu aut de aliquo fidei 
capite, Papae aut Cardinalibus solis minime creden- 
dum, cum non raro pravis suis dogmatibus, miseros 
homines in infernum abduxerint. Quod Ecclesia 
Christiana proprie fidelium uuiversitas, non Papa et 
Cardinales, non Bom ana ipsa : Ilia vero in legitimo 
et generali Ecclesiarum Christianorum Concilio 
rapraesentatur : quod ab Imperatore et consensu 
Principum Christianorum convocandum, olim per- 
petuo convocatum, &c. 

Eor brilliant lucidity of thought, as well as 
the truth which is so admirably exposed, nothing 
can be compared to this splendid exposition of the 
Papal abuse of power. There is no great difference 
between the political times of the Emperor Ludowick 
and the present, and I do not see any reason why 
these last pages might not be used as a political pro- 
gramme, and adopted in the $ew Era of 1862. You 
will observe, Mr Antonelli, that these excerpta 
which I have brought out are taken from the Ancient 
Ecclesiastical "Writers, men who were endowed with 
the highest mental faculties, who had devoted their 
lives to theological studies, who had abandoned the 
luxury and pomp of this world to devote themselves 
entirely to the care of human souls and their own 
salvation, as well as for the exaltation of that 



619 



religion and that truth which yon seem to vilify 
and contemn with your mercenary mundane 
affairs, monopolising commercially everything re- 
quired for the use of the Roman States, which you 
do with the assistance of some other individuals of 
your acquaintance, and with whom, under the rose, 
you divide the profits. You promote the bella inten- 
tina, ccedes, rapznce, because out of the destruction 
which ensues more wants are required, and con- 
sequently more profits are to obtained. 

By the decimation of the population, and the 
terror and misery brought by your anti-Christian 
orders upon the martyred people, whom you hope 
will submit and side with you in the fear of their 
utter ruin and perdition — you intimidate them. At 
last, with your criminal administration and your 
infernal proceedings, you have stabbed again, in the 
other side, the Christ, and washed your hands and 
daubed your faces with his precious blood, as the 
Pontifices Maximi of old did in their consecration 
feasts ; with this difference, that the Gentiles, not 
knowing better, intended to do homage to their 
Divinity, while you wantonly trample under foot 
and destroy that Divinity, and inebriate yourself 
with the blood of His Christian Martyrs, as Michael 
Cesennas, the Franciscan General, wrote in his Trac- 
tatus de Translatione Imperii, printed in Paris, 1540: 
Quod Papa anti- Christus, Ecclesia Eomana Babylon, 
Sanctorum sanguine inebriata. 

Before I quit the work of the Paduan Marsilius, 
in defence of the Emperor, it is necessary that I 
should furnish the reader with this extract from the 
chapter on the Eoman See, or Curia Ptomana : Qui 
Romanee Curiae (inquit) imo verius eum veritate 
dicam, domus negotiationis et ea quee latronum 
horribiloris speluncae limina visitarunt, aut qui ab 
hac abstinuerunt, numerosae fide digniorum multi- 
tudinis relatione discent, earn pene sceleratorum 
omnium et negotiatorum, tarn spiritualium quam 



620 



temporalium receptaculum esse fact am. Quid enim 
aliud ibi, quam Simoniacorum concur sus ? Quid 
aliud, quam causidicorum strepitus et calumniatorum 
insultus, et justorum impulsus ? Ibi periclitatur 
innocentium justitia, vel in tan turn differtur, si earn 
prsetio redimere nequeant, ut tandem exhausti, 
innumeris fatigati laboribus justas et miserabiles 
ipsorum causas cogantur deserere. Ibi namque alte 
intonant leges human 2d silent, aut rarius resonant 
divinas doctrine, ibi tractatus et scrutinia inva- 
dendi provincias Christianorum, et per armatam 
et violentam potentiam obtinendi et eripiendi 
ab his, quorum custodise licite sunt commissi. 
Acquirendarum animarum nulla solicitude neque 
consilia. Et adde quod ibi nuilus ordo, sed sempi- 
ternus horror inhabitat. Qui vero, vidi et affui, 
videre videor, quam Danielis secundo Nabucodonosor 
terribilem statuam in somnio recitatur vidisse : caput 
siquidem habentem aureum, brachia vero et pectus 
argentea, ventrem autem et foemora eerea, tibias 
quidem ferreas, pedum partem unam f err earn, et 
reliquam fictilem ; Yentrem et foemora asnea, sonora 
permissione, ac peccatorum et pcenarum vocali 
quamvis fallaci absolution e : propriam vero liber tatem 
defendentium, suis Princibus debitam fidem observare 
volentium, injusta, quamvis Deo protegente prorsus 
innocua condemnatione ac maledictione. Of course 
this work, as well as those written by Johannes 
Gandavensis de Lauduno (published at Venice and 
at [Florence), by Leopoldus Bebemburgensis, and 
particularly the Episcopus Bambergensis, were strictly 
forbidden, and noted in the Index Expurgatorius. 
^Nevertheless, they were copied, circulated, and, later, 
printed, to reveal to the world the iniquitous Papal 
system of fraud and treason, both to God and 
humanity. At this very time, as I have said, 
Protestantism was vigorously spreading its immortal 
light in this universe, which had been invaded and 
ruled by the Hydra of Avignon, who was opposed 



621 



by the Bavarian Ludowick with partial success only, 
on account of the fears of his rivals suscitated against 
him by the Episcopal intrigues. In England, France, 
Germany, Italy, and everywhere else where civiliza- 
tion had penetrated, a great number of energetic- 
minded and clever Christian writers sprung up, and 
denounced the Episcopal Babylon, while they pro- 
claimed the Evangelical Truth, and the Christ 
Redeemer the only fount of salvation for humanity. 
The Prelate, Antoninus, in his Ecclesiastical works, 
proves that many illustrious writers, the learned heads 
of the pious Christian Waldenses, suffered Martyrdom 
— in diversis mundi partibus combusti ; and amongst 
thern — inter alios ejusdem occasione Johannem 
Castillonem et Franciscum de Harcatara Franciscanos 
crematos memorat. Paulus ^Emilius in Carolo 
Pulchro Rege fuere ingenia sublimia eruditissimique 
viri. Seculum illud literatura floruit : erant ex 
iis viri vere sancti, erant qui dum caeteros anteire 
improvide contendunt, nec modum faciunt, impii 
evasere. Erant de quorum moribus consilioque 
anceps sit conjectura Sanctis malas temporum dolori 
erant, taciti moerebant: Ii vero qui Fraterculi 
vocabantur, divitias Ecclesiasticas fando scribendoque 
damnabant, purpuram, opes dominatum a religione 
aliena esse predicabant, &c. The testimony of these 
contemporary authors is incontrovertible, and neither 
the Index Expurgatorius, nor the Papal sword or 
poisoned poignard, will prevent now the republication 
of the abominable, lustful, Papal crimes ; as the age of 
civilization is supported by public opinion, which is 
ever ready to protect the truth, however unpalatable 
it may be to anyone. 

It is useless to recount here the quarrel between 
the French King Charles le Bel and Pope John. I 
will, therefore, only mention that the Papal Envoys 
were sent to treat with the King's messengers for 
an arrangement at a Council which was held in the 
month of December, in the Bois de Vincenne, near 



622 



Paris ; Magister Petras de Cugneto, on the part of 
the King, kept his ground with energetic historical 
and Canonico-Ecclesiastical arguments, which were 
strengthened by fundamental Biblical texts, against 
the Papal argumentations, expounded and supported 
by Bertrandus Episcopus Augustodunensis. The 
King would not give way, or abandon any of those 
rights and privileges w T hich he had inherited from, 
his fathers ; nor would he countenance any of the 
abuses which had been introduced into his kingdom 
by the Ecclesiastics. He declared it was useless to 
repeat that prescription constituted rights; as he 
would not allow prescriptive rights, nor permit the 
destruction of the fiscal rights, because the King 
himself could not abdicate such rights, as can be 
proved by many texts of law which are contained in 
the Decima distinctione. — Quare, inquit, cum Rex 
in sua coronatione juravit jura Pegni non alienare, 
et alien ata ad se revocare, si per Ecclesiam aut per 
quemcumque alium erant usurpata, tenetur Rex 
juramenta ad se ilia revocare. He then handed to 
the Papal Yicar a protestation claiming redress for 
sixty- six articles of Papal offences and Papal usur- 
pations. 

Bishop Bertrand invoked uselessly several prece- 
dents, but the King's mind was immovable and irre- 
vocably fixed, and he answered the Bishop's solicita- 
tions thus : " That he would rather increase and 
support the rights of the Clergy than diminish them ; 
but he would not permit or countenance any of their 
usurpations." — Turn Bex, Jura, inquit, Ecclesiarum 
auxerim potius, quam imminuta velim, .Jura inquam, 
non usurpationes. It was at this epoch that an 
opuscule was freely circulated amongst literary men 
depicting what the Popes, Cardinals, Bishops, and 
other Prelates had been, what they were, and in 
what consisted their labours, instead of attending to 
their flocks. This work, which was evidently 
written and issued anonymously from the Sorbonne, 



623 



was called, " Epistola Luciferi ad Papani et Cardi- 
nales ministros ejus." It seems that this same letter 
of the Devil to the Pope and Cardinals was a little 
altered and reproduced in the year 1351. I regret 
that I have been unable to obtain a copy of either of 
these, and have therefore been compelled to content 
myself with the mere mention of them by various 
ecclesiastical historians. This letter was date ! anno 
Palatii sui eversi, circiter ad annum a Nativitate 
Christi 1318, and treated of the luxum, fastum, las- 
civium, malas artes, Simoniam, &c, protesting that 
the Roman Church had become a Synagogue : Eccle- 
sia Romana Synagoga Satan se iacta sit : Meretrix 
purpurata cum Regibus terras fornicata : de matre 
noverca, de Sponsa Adultera prirnse charitatis et 
castimonise oblita fidem Christianam potissimum 
destruat quam olim aedificabat, &c. The learning 
displayed in the development of the above proposi- 
tions would highly amuse the readers of the present 
day. As we have to put up with the loss of the 
original Document in full, we must find consolation 
in the substitute, written by no less a person than 
the learned divine Petrarch, who we shall see in his 
letters and sonnets pours out a river of fine expres- 
sions, as indignant and as destructive to the Episco- 
palian monsters as liquid lava would be to a bed of 
flowers. Yet all this was to no purpose ; our ances- 
tors were none the better for it, and we are worse, 
although the unholy Tablet says that we labour under 
a great mystification, and that we are quite well and 
happy, and points out Perugia, Rome, and the 
Abruzzi in proof of the happiness of the country. 

At this inglorious, unchristian period (anno 1318) 
the prepotent criminal, Pope John, was desirous of 
rising another step higher, and to this end he could 
conceive nothing better than the dream of uniting 
the Greek with the Roman Church, and so consti- 
tuting himself the highest mortal upon earth and the 
absorber of every prerogative and faculty. Eor the 



624 



accomplishment of this object he sent an Ecclesias- 
tico-Diplomatic Envoy to treat about it. John de 
Mandeville, a celebrated English quasi-contempora- 
neous writer, relates that the Greek Bishops, upon 
hearing that Pope John assumed that he possessed 
all the attributes of St Peter, with plenitude of right 
and power to do and undo what he liked, after a 
little deliberation, gave to Pope John's messenger 
the following highly significant and laconic answer : 

" "We firmly believe your unlimited power upon 
your poor victims ; we will not tolerate your immo- 
derate boldness ; we will not satiate your avarice. 
The Devil is with you, while God is with us." 

"Why do you not say, Amen, Mr Antonelli, to this 
brief quasi-oracular answer touching you so deeply 
in your hard teguments ? You will do very well to 
deny this altogether, like a true Roman Bishop ; but 
before you do so, pause, and read the original sen- 
tences; they are equally brief: Respondent ipsi 
laconice ; Potentiam tuam summam circa tuos sub- 
ditos firmiter credimus, superbiam tuam summam 
tolerare non possumus, avaritiam satiare non volu- 
mus : Diabolus tecum, quia Dominus nobiscum. 

The next Pharisee to the French Babylon was 
elected in sixteen days. He was the son of a baker 
of Toulouse, and took the name of Benedict the 
Twelfth. Like the rest of the Papal humbugs, this 
baker knew how to raise the yeast and make good 
bread at home ; therefore, he gave his numerous 
poor relatives the greatest part of the immense trea- 
sure which had been accumulated by John the 
Twenty-third, and reserved the rest with the pre- 
tence of making war against the Turks. This is the 
Pope who carried the Papal diadem to the third 
storey, and enriched it with jewels. 

The intriguing Philip Valesius continued his 
friendly manoeuvres with the new Pope, and was 
anxious to become the Papal Vicar in Italy, or in 
any other part of the world, and to become collector 



625 

of the Papal tithes. The Bavarian Emperor Ludo- 
wick thought he should be released from the Ecclesi- 
astical persecutions by the death of John, and sent 
friendly salutations to the newly-elected lEaledict 
(I beg his pardon, Benedict) by his relative vassal, 
Kobert, Prince Palatine of the Ehine, and Duke 
William Juliacensem. Benedict received them be- 
nignantly, and seemed inclined to settle all the diffi- 
culties between the Church and the Empire, when 
the old Cardinals interfered, and prevented peace- 
ful arrangements by introducing new quibbles and 
contentions, demanding full Imperial submission to 
the Church. They were instigated and supported 
in this proceeding by Ptobert, King of Sicily, and 
Philippe, King of France. The Emperor had no 
other alternative than to appeal to the Electors, who 
decreed at a Diet, held in 1338, in Oppiclo Reine&ey 
ad rip am Rheni (in which all the Electors concurred), 
that the Empire depended upon God, to whom only 
the Emperor was responsible, and, whoever the 
Electors had chosen, that one was absolutely the 
Emperor, &c. I have extracted and placed in 
another chapter the most important part of this 
Decree; and need not, therefore, pursue the subject 
any further here. 

A short time after this Electoral Decree was issued, 
King Edward of England, brother-in-law of the Em- 
peror Ludowick, went to Frankfort to meet him. 
After they had conferred together, they held a Coun- 
cil, in which many Church dignitaries of France, 
Germany, England, and other countries, concurred, as 
well as the Electors in that Council, and they issued 
a decree condemnatory of all the acts of the deceased 
Pope John and the living Benedict, and declared 
guilty of Lcesce Majestatis any one w r ho obeyed or 
abided by the miscreant Papal orders, &c. 

Albertus Argentin. in Chron., scripsit : Nono post 
die Principes Imperii Lenstenii in Moguntina Dio- 
eesi rursum conveniunt, seseque mutuo ad Decreti 

H H H 



626 



illius defensionem Sacramento devinciunt, et execra- 
bilem sehelem, qui secus fecerit, pronunciant : Extat 
hoc Decretum apud Albericum de Bosate in Legem 
3 Cod. De quadrienni prssscriptione, et apud Hiero- 
nymum Balbum Episcopnm Curcensem, in lib. de 
Coronatione ad Carolum V Imperatorem. 

The celebrated theologian, William Ockam, took 
great interest in all those transactions, and so also did 
many other celebrated Dominicans, so that Ludowick 
had no peace with any Pope. Benedict was a man 
much inclined to voluptuousness of all sorts, and 
much addicted to drink. He was no saint of the old 
or modern hypocritical school ; he was a free, frank, 
and barefaced debauchee of no ordinary character, 
and indisputably occupied the first position amongst 
the lowest of scamps, as well as the most exalted 
amongst the degraded gentlemen of his and subse- 
quent generations. This accounts for his having 
been elevated to the Papal chair, where he held sway, 
blaspheming against law, humanity, and God. These 
Pope Caesars grasped the temporal and spiritual power 
with such tenacity, and such determined and villainous 
audacity as to defy the coalesced Imperial armies, 
and with the assistance of the ignorant mobs, and 
the corrupted Princes who were in expectation of 
obtaining better berths under the Papal investitures, 
they regularly robbed the Emperors for a long time 
of their Imperial rents and States ; until some of them, 
fatigued with wars and the accompanying dangers 
to their lives and families, allowed themselves to be 
partially spoliated of their power. This Pope Bene- 
dict was the villainous impostor who violated Pe- 
trarch/ s sister, and it was through his nefarious 
actions that the immortal poet raised his voice in 
revealing the sinful and filthy Papal abominations at 
the Court of Avignon, and stamped upon the whole 
of their mitred foreheads the brand of iniquity so 
deeply and so perceptibly, that the water of Jordan 
could not wash the mark away even by twenty or 
more consecutive baptisms. 



627 



I cannot help believing what Jerome Squarzaficus 
wrote about the seduction of Petrarch's sister by 
Pope Maledict, particularly as he protested that he 
was not writing rashly nor without ample testimony ; 
and it is very likely he wrote only half the truth, 
as he was advanced in years, and was perhaps desi- 
rous of avoiding the exposure of such criminal Ec- 
clesiastical proceedings. However, in writing the 
life of Petrarch he could not pass over the disgraceful 
transaction, and wrote that while Petrarch was much 
praised and courted at the Palace of Avignon by the 
Prelates, by the foreign princes, and by the Pope, who 
promised him many honours, his sister, who was 
born at Avignon, was living there with her brother 
Gerard, and was twenty-two years of age. She was 
pretty, elegant, well-educated, and virtuous, and the 
Pope was madly in love with her beauty and her 
appearance. He tried many experiments to possess 
her. He also thought of gaining Petrarch's consent 
by loading him with honours and praises, and pro- 
mising to make him a Cardinal, provided he would 
place his sister in his power. Petrarch, who always 
had God present to his mind in everything that he 
did, and from whom nothing could be concealed, 
like one who does not know how to charge his enemy, 
or to feign and dissimulate, as he felt his wrath pro- 
voked, answered what his tongue and soul prompted 
him, saying that such a stinking hat should never 
abominate his head, that he would avoid receiving 
it, as it was disgraceful and heinous ; and, although 
speaking with reverence of the name of God's Vice- 
gerent on earth, he never would wear that hat. He 
said that he would revindicate his honour with pen and 
ink from such ignominy ; and he did so (as Philelphus 
asserts he did) in one of his sweetly moral cantilenas, 
which begins thus : " lo non vd jriu cantare come solea." 
Nevertheless the Pope, transported by his blind furor, 
began to captivate to his madness Gerard. With a 
few presents he conquered him, and he sold his sister. 



628 



Petrarch hearing of this treason, and seeing the 
Church of God dragged through such filthy streams, 
abandoned Avignon and went to Italy. His brother 
Gerard, in penance for his crime, married his sister 
to some one, and retired to a Carthusian convent 
near Marseilles, having renounced pomp and all mun- 
dane affairs, and affiliated himself to that order. 
Hieronymus Inquit, Nam que dum Petrarcha, in curia Papali, 

c'duarzancus ... . 

in vita Pe- pretio esset, et undique a Principibus et a Pontifi.ee 
trarchse. pollicerentur honores, erat Soror Petrarch se quae jam 
duodeviginti habebat annos, quae Avinioni, ubi orta, 
cum Gerardo morabatur, eleganti forma insignis 
moribus, et virtutibus praedita, cujus pulchritudine 
et forma perdite deperibat Pontifex. Ut ilia poti- 
retur multa fieri fecit experimenta. Cogitavit prae- 
miis et honoribus Petrarch am in suam trahi opinio- 
nem, Cardinalem se facturum promittit, dummodo 
ilia suo concederetur arbitrio ; Pranciscus Pet. qui 
in omni reDeum prse oculis habebat, cui nihil occul- 
tum, ut ille qui nihil comere, nihil fingere, nihil dis- 
simulare didicerat, ut debuit ira commotus, et id 
quod lingua, fronte utque animo habebat, respondit, 
tarn foetidum galerum capiti, non esse ponendum, sed 
fugiendum, abominandum omnibus, tanquam nefan- 
dum, et dedecorosum, etsi reverentia nominis, quando 
vices Dei in terris gerebat, non teneret, calamo tantse 
rei se vendicaturum, et fecit prout Philelpho placet, 
in una sua morali cantilena, quae incipit — " lo non 
vd piu cantare come solea" Nichilominus Pontifex 
furoris impatiens, alterum fratrem Girardum tempe- 
rare coepit, qui paucis muneribus captus sororem 
vendidit, quo facinore audi to et EcclesL;m Dei videns, 
per abrnptu vitiorum sic trahi Avinioni aufugit: 
Italiani versus ire ccepit, frater pcenitentia ductus, 
nupta sorore, sanctse religionis habitum quaBsivit et 
Cartusiensi ordinis in conventu Materno, qui est 
prope Massiliam, rebus mundanis rejectis se devovit. 

This was one of the prettiest and most glorious 
works of the most Holy and Eeverend the Father of 



629 



the Roman Catholic Church, the successor of St 
Peter, the Yicar of Christ, Pope Benedict XII. In- 
famous hypocrite ! Had I been Petrarch, I would 
have revenged my sister's honour in spite of any 
danger, even the forfeit of my life. I have trans- 
lated the narration of this villainous proceeding of 
Pope Benedict, to give it notoriety ; and you infernal 
rogues who wear the white omelet on your heads, 
and who are accustomed to deny everything, contro- 
vert it if you can. 

I have referred to the opinion which Petrarch 
entertained of the Roman Curia, alias the so-called 
Holy See ; but as I have not given sufficient extracts, 
I will now take some others from his letters and 
sonnets, after which all remarks would be useless, 
for it would be impossible to find stronger words in 
condemnation of the deeds of the Holy Rom. Cath. 
and Apost. tribe. 

Petrarcha in Epist. 80 inter eas quse vocantur sine 
titulo, inquit, de Curia Rom. : In summa, scito non 
modo hunc, sed ne Ciceroirianum, quidem calamum 
rebus parem. Quicquid de Assyria vel iEg}vptia 
Babylone, quicquid de quatuor labyrinthis, quicquid 
denique de Averni limine, de tartareis sylvis, sul- 
phureisque paludibus legisti, huic Tartaro admotum 
tabula est. Hie turrificus simul atque terribilis 
JNemrod, hie pharetra Semiramis, hie inexorabilis 
Minos, hie Radamantus (the first cousins of the 
present Governor of Rome), hie Cerberus universa 
consumens, hie Tauro supposita Pasiphae, mixtumque 
genus, prolesque biformis Minotaurus inest, Veneris 
monimenta nephandse hie postremo quicquid confu- 
sum, quicquid atrum, quicquid horribile usquam 
est, aut fingitur, aspicias. semper virtutibus tuis 
fcelix, nunc absentia etiam fcelicior tua : putasne 
civitatem banc esse quam vidisti ? Longe alia est, 
longe dissimilis. Puit ilia equidem omnium pessima, 
eaque tempestate fcedissima ; hsec vero non jam 
civitas, sed larvarum ac lemurum domus est, et ut 

EHl2 



630 



breviter dicam, scelerum atque dedecoruni omnium 
sentina atque ille viventium infernus tanto ante 
Davidico ore notatus, quani fundatus aut cognitus. 
Ah quoties redit ad memoriam ilia tua penitus 
paterna vox, et salutaris admonitio, dum digressum 
parenti diceres ; Quo abis ? Quid moliris ? Quae te 
tui immemorem tradit ambitio ? &e. 

This letter was written to an elderly friend to 
whom it seems Petrarch was indebted for advice, &c. 
It contains the strongest expressions, and the severest 
invectives upon the Roman Curia, all which they 
deserved. All that I have said throughout this 
work is condensed in the above few lines ; and if 
some of the Reverends are not satisfied, I will give 
them the opportunity of extracting as much from 
the ninth letter of the same stock, which was 
directed to his at present unknown adviser (probably 
Cardinal Colonna ?) in which he subscribed himself 
as the Hierosolymitanum exulem, and in his tenth 
letter he explains as follows why he did so : 

Subscriptions epistolarum mearum miraris, nec im- 
' merito, non nisi geminam enim Babylona cum iegeris, 
alteram apud Assyrios olim, ubi clarum Semiramis 
nomen habet, alteram apud iEgyptios nostra aetate 
florentem : Desine jam mirari. Et sua Babylon huic 
terrarum tractui est (Avenio), ubi enim quseso dig- 
nius, quam in Occidentali plaga Civitas confusionis 
existeret ? A quibus quidem condita incertum, sed 
a quibus habitat a notissimum, certe ab iis, a quibus 
jure optimo nomen hoc possidet, et si vis, mihi crede. 
Hie Nemroth potens in terra et robustus venator 
contra Dominum ac superbe turribus caelum petens, 
&c. Hie Orientali quoque vesanior Cambyses et 
ipso adeo Turca, &c. Consule Catholicos tractatores, 
sed praecipue Augustinum invenies, quid sibi velit 
Babylonicum nomen, quod cum Iegeris, dices non 
minus Rhodano quam Kuphrati debitum, quam Nilo, 
&c. De quinque Labyrinthis potes enim mirari 
cum apud cseteros scriptores nonnisi de quatuor 



631 



mentionem in veneris, omnium inextricabilissimum 
ac pessimum, sive quia nondum erat, sive quia 
nondum noscebatur, &c. Quam juste autem qui 
noscere cupit, hoc properet, non hie career horrendus, 
non tenebrosaa domus error, non fatalis urna humani 
generis fata permiscens, denique non imperiosus 
Minos, non Minotaurus vorax, non damnatse Veneris 
monimenta defuerint, &c. Una salutis spes in auro 
est, auro placatur Rex ferus, auro immane monstrum 
vincitur, auro salutare lorum texitur, auro durum 
limen ostenditur, auro vectes et saxa franguntur, 
auro tristis janitor mollitur, auro ccelum panditur, 
quid multa ? aueo Christtjs vendittjk, &c. 

I should like to know what the Holv See can 
oppose to these incontestable truths told by such a 
contemporary as Petrarch ? I should like to know 
also if there ever existed any greater abomination 
than the above described extra-infamous Holy See ? 

I have got hold of you. my dear Prelates of 
notorious prostitution and I am pleased to flog you 
now. The proverb says, " Revenge is sweet," and 
this will account for my continuing to take extracts 
from Petrarch. As long as I hold the whip in hand 
you may depend upon it you will not again be able 
to sell Jesus Christ for gold. It is true there is still 
a great deal of mystification prevalent now-a-days, 
and much pretended religious feeling is also intro- 
duced and mixed with the true Christian Churches. 
My object is to collect all these wasted and mis- 
applied religious principles, and bring them to the 
Evangelical Temple for the Glory of the Immortal 
God. I therefore beg the reader will give me his 
assistance and support in the exposure of the evils 
of the Roman Catholic and un-Apostolic Hierarchy. 
Although Petrarch laboured very hard, it is evident 
from his letter JSTo. 11 (directed to an unnamed 
friend) that he knew he exposed himself and his 
friend to great danger ; and for that reason, in con- 
cluding it, he says, " I shall not sign this letter, nor 



632 



put my seal to it, nor date it, or say from where I 
write it, as you know who and where I am, and the 
voice of him who speaks to you." In this fragment 
of his eleventh letter Petrarch thus complains of 
the danger of telling the truth, on account of the 
perfect death and burial of virtue, &c. He says : 
" Siquidem extra virtu tis regnum, imbecillis semper 
et nuda Veritas, atque omnis praesidii inops fuit: 
Quid eventurum censes, ubi extincta prorsus et 
sepulta pridem virtus ? Ibi profecto summum crimen 
est Veritas, et sola sufficiens ad querenda multorum 
odia, cum unius hominis amor multis obsequiis sit 
querendus, &c. Ubi nulla pietas, nulla charitas, 
nulla fides habitat, ubi tumor, livor, luxus, avaritia 
cum artibus suis regnant, ubi pessimus quisque pro- 
vehitur, et munifieus preedo ad ccelum tollitur justus 
pauper opprimitur : Ubi simplicitas amentiae, malitia 
sapiential nomen habet : Ubi Deus spernitur, 
adoratur nummus, calcantur leges, irridentur boni, 
usque adeo, ut jam fere nullus, qui irridere possit, 
appareat, &c. Unum ego libenter huic scelerum 
universali diluvio eximerem, et mereretur fateor, 
sed ridiculum visum est, tarn solidam et tarn latam 
regulam unius nominis exception e convellere. 
Julius hinc igitur Noe, nullus Deucalion enatabit, 
ac ne Pyrrham putes felicius navigasse, prorsus scito, 
nullam emergere : civitatem simul obsccenissimarum 
voluptatum fluctus involvit, atque incredibilis 
qua) dam muliebrium criminum procella, pudici- 
tiaeque foedissimum sine exceptione naufragium, 
haec pauca de multis ausa Veritas, &c. 

Letters 12, 13, and 14 are equally strongly 
worded against that most corrupted body of persons 
who style themselves the Holy Roman. Curia or See. 

It would be waste of time to quote any more 
of them, therefore I forbear; but as this is the 
opportune place to insert some more of Petrarch's 
sonnets — to give the reader some idea of his poetical 
spirit, and by what means he chastised the Eoman 



633 



See, and revenged the honour of his sister, I avail 
myself of the opportunity. 

Prom impious Babylon, where all shame is dead, 
And ev'ry good is banisht to far climes, 
Nurse of rank error, centre of worst crimes, 
Haply to lengthen life, I too am fled. 

Alone, at last alone, and here, as led 

At love's sweet will, I posies weave, or rhymes, 

Self-parleying, and still on better times 

"Wrapt in fond thoughts whence only hope is fed. 

Cares for the world or fortune I have none, 
Nor much for self, nor any common theme : 
Nor feel I in me, nor without great heat. 

Two friends alone I ask, and that the one 
More merciful and meek to me may seem, 
The other well as erst, and firm of feet. 

Fountain of sorrows, centre of mad ire, 
Bank error's school, and fane of heresy, 
Once Rome, now Babylon, the false and free, 
"Whom fondly we lament and long desire. 

furnace of deceits, prison dire, 

"Where good roots die, and the ill weed grows a tree, 

Hell upon earth, great marvel will it be 

If Christ reject thee not in endless fire. 

Founded in humble poverty and chaste, 
Against thy founders lift' si thou now thy horn, 
Impudent harlot ! Is thy hope then plac'd 

In thine adult' ries, and thy wealth ill-born ? 
Since comes no Constantine his own to claim, 
The next world must endure or end its shame. 

Covetous Babylon, of wrath Divine, 

By its worst crimes has drain' d the full cup now, 

And for its future Gods, to whom to bow, 

Not Power nor Wisdom ta'en, but love and wine. 



634 



Though hoping reason, I consume and pine, 

Yet shall her crown deck some new Soldan brow, 

"Who shall again build up, and we avow 

One faith in God, in Eome one Head and Shrine. 

Her idols shall be shatter' d, in the dust 
Her proud tow'rs, enemies of Heav'n, be hurled, 
Her wardens into flames and exile thrust. 
Pair souls and friends of virtue shall the world 
Possess in peace : and we shall see it made 
All gold, and fully its old works displayed. 



I have now pursued the historical evidences in 
proof of the fictitious nature of the Donations, and 
in substantiation of the fact that the Popes never 
possessed the temporal power in Kome, or any of its 
provinces, up till the proper point. I have also 
given precedents sufficient against the Non possumus, 
non volumus. All my statements are built upon 
sure bases, because history has been my guiding rule 
in all my animadversions. 

I should likewise mention here, once for all, that 
this work completely refutes the whole of the 
Episcopal pamphlets, bulls, and pastorals, as well 
as many other hallucinations which have been pub- 
lished during the last three years by the Papal 
scribes, both bribed and unbribed. 

I have shown that Boniface the Eighth, Clement 
V and VI, John, and Benedict, put into practice the 
theory of aut Casar, ant nullus, proclaimed them- 
selves Popes and Emperors, and enacted laws 
for the purpose of usurping the Imperial rights. 
And these are the points from whence the usur- 
pations of the occupiers of St Peter's Chair have 
principally proceeded. "What a catalogue have 
the crimes of the Holy Eoman See comprised I 
Have not their forgeries, their usurpations, their 
spoliations, murders, and crimes of all kinds as- 
sumed a dye so deep, so impenetrable in the 



635 



nature of their villainy, that common humanity is 
called upon to put an iron hoof upon the head of the 
venomous monster which, serpent-like, has entangled, 
enfolded, and sacrificed so many innocent victims, 
and crush it ? How much longer shall the sins of 
such a diabolical institution be permitted to blot the 
page of history ? Ought not the groans of martyred 
thousands be the watchword, the battle-cry, for the 
extinction of such a race of libidinous monsters ? 

Italy can never be wholly free until power is 
ceded to her in Borne, her rightful capital, 
which her people is debarred from entering by 
that chevaux de frise of Gallic bayonets set up 
there. These removed, the Pope would be com- 
pelled to abdicate or do the Italians justice ; and this 
is a matter for the serious consideration of the 
great Hector of Italian liberty (?) who is the author 
of that strategic enterprise. The time may not be 
far distant when the great Puppet of the drama of 
Usurpation may be removed from the scene in which 
he is so miserable a figure, and that will be a time 
%f rejoicing for the Italians. " To this complexion 
he must come at last !" 

In closing this chapter I may remark as one more 
proof that the Temporal Power never belonged to 
the Pope, that Tivoli — so pleasantly situated near 
Eome, — up till the period of 1155, when Frederick 
the First was on friendly terms with Pope Adrian 
the Fourth, was still an Imperial feud. It may be 
remarked that this Pope begged Frederick to give 
him that town as an Imperial Donation to the Holy 
See. Frederick complied with the request of Adrian, 
and addressed a letter to the authorities and the 
people of the town, in which he released them from 
their oath of fidelity to him. Let it be understood, 
however, that he still reserved to himself the Im- 
perial Dominion. " Absolvimus a juramento fideli- 
tatis, quod nuper nobis jurastis ; salvo in omnibus 
jure Imperiali." 



636 



A Slight Peoject foe Refoehing the Papal 
Sway. 

Amongst the selections which I have made from 
various of the ancient authors whose writings I have 
referred to and extracted from in this work, there 
are many passages and circumstances which I have 
been compelled to forbear translating verbatim et 
literatim, in consequence of the exceeding lewdness 
of the matters to which they relate, and for fear 
myself of offending public decency. Something of 
the kind gleams even in the works of Eusebius, 
Ciprianus, and Hieronymus, men who were eminent 
for their piety and strict Christian virtues, and who 
dedicated their lives to the sole purpose of sup- 
pressing the vices and reforming the lives of their 
Ecclesiastical contemporaries. 

Although I extend this act of generosity towards 
the Clergy, yet I think I act unfairly to those who 
are not acquainted with the Latin language, ancf 
who by chance may open this book precisely where 
quotations occur from Cyprianus, or other authors. 
In order that you may not be totally deluded in 
the notion of Cyprianus, and his clear expose of the 
manners, habits, and irreligious characters of the 
Clergy and high Ecclesiastic Dignitaries of the time 
of Constantine the Great, just at the very epoch that 
this monarch committed the blunder of enriching 
the Churches in the manner which I have demon- 
strated in the translation of his gifts to Sylvester for 
the exaltation of the Roman See, take notice, 
reader, that there did not occur in his Donations a 
single word with relation to the territorial appanage 
to the Pope of St Peter's Patrimony, as that was 
invented.after the destruction of the Lombard kings. 

If the reader has perused this work attentively, 
he will have observed how, and when, the career of 



637 



the last Lombard King ended, and when the Patri- 
mony was invented. The only revenue, or appanage, 
or rents that Constantine fixed for two Churches 
merely were two small yearly sums to be deducted 
from the income of the Governors of the Asian city 
of Tyre, which were to be paid to the Eoman See, 
and which sums put together would have made a. 
corresponding amount in English coins of the present 
time to the yearly rent of 701. sterling, or about 
that,' calculating j that money now is of less value 
than it was then. 

It will be seen by this statement, which I have 
proved historically, and from the very Donations of 
Constantine which I have also fully described in 
this work, that the Emperor did not enrich the 
Bishop of Rome, nor the Clergy, but that he enriched 
the Churches with gold and silver, and precious 
marbles and gems, and everything that was then 
costly and fashionable, for the sake of attracting the 
Pagans to the Christian Churches, and degrading, 
isolating, and treating with contempt the Gentile 
tninisters and their churches, which he had spoliated 
and stripped of everything valuable. Their best 
temples he converted into Christian Churches, as 
I have minutely described by contemporary historical 
evidence, and by the quotations which I have given 
from my copy of the celebrated and very ancient 
MS. Chronica, containing Constantine' s real Dona- 
tions, and other very valuable historical facts relative 
to the Origin of Christianity. If the high and low 
Priests, taking advantage of these favourable circum- 
stances, have enriched themselves by ail sorts of 
impositions, and impudent and swindling actions, 
stripping the people, and occasionally the churches — 
this was, indirectly, Constantine's fault ; yet I must 
exonerate him, because it was not done with his 
consent, nor during his life- time. 

Whilst Constantine was alive the grossest immo- 
ralities of which men could be guilty were com* 



638 



mitted by the Roman Catholic Priests, and were the 
emanations of their corporeal and mental endow- 
ments, which only served to augment their vices. 
Constantine probably attempted to elevate their 
characters by his concessions, and kind generosity to 
the Church ; but he was mistaken, and so would 
any other Sovereign Ruler be who ventured to trust 
them now, for as long as the Priests have abundant 
pecuniary means at their disposal, so long will they 
continue to look forward for the means of accumula- 
ting still more, no matter how soiled or how polluted 
the means of obtaining it may be. Therefore, the 
only way to arrest the impetuous pestilence which 
has so long corrupted humanity and devastated the 
best European States, is to change in toto the old and 
rotten system. 

I propose that, in future, the Pope should be paid, 
say, for instance, half a million of francs (£20,000 
sterling), and that he should be permitted to take 
freely all the money that the credulity of the idiots 
might subscribe and pay him, under any miraculous 
shape or pretext. Besides this, I propose that he 
may be allowed to open as many holy shops for in- 
dulgences as he likes, and sell as many Virgins, 
Saints, and other images, and all the etccetera della 
Santa lottaga. Parliament should reduce the number 
of Cardinals to twelve, and not allow anyone, under 
any pretext whatever, to become a Cardinal except 
through the highest mental attainments. If a Car- 
dinal should be elected belonging to the middle classes 
who is poor, and unable to support the dignity to 
which he has been elevated, he should be allowed a 
yearly subvention, at a similar rate to that which is 
paid to a General of Division. Six or eight thou- 
sand francs per annum are quite sufficient for any 
gentleman. At the same time should be abolished 
all the exuberant and intriguing Archbishops and 
Bishops. Por instance, three Archbishops would be 
the proportionate number to twenty-four Bishops, 



639 



who should, for the future, be selected to work. 
There should be no more idlers. Let each Arch- 
bishop have the pay of a General, and each Bishop 
that of a Colonel on actual service. The Abbots 
have been, and are still an abomination ; therefore 
the word even should be erased from the dictionary. 
The Honsignori are a monstrous superfluity, that 
have always poked their noses into the best families, 
and brought disunion, disseminated discord, and 
abused the women, young and old. Let them all go 
to Paris, to court the discarded old lionesses who have 
ceased to shine in the drawing-rooms, and who 
yearly retreat to St Eock, there to affect and osten- 
tate those virtues which they never possessed, and 
to concoct political cabals and intrigues under the 
rose of religion. As for the Archpriests, Arch- 
deacons, Deacons, Canons, and Parochial Priests, let 
them each have the pay of a Captain ; and, as the 
number is now exceedingly superabundant, do 
away with the exuberance by enacting a law that 
for twelve, or the next twenty years, no Priest shall 
be ordained except under penalty of remaining in 
prison until a vacant place is at the disposal of the 
Government. By this means, in course of time, the 
proper proportion of Priests would be obtained to 
equilibrate their duty towards the population, which 
should be at the rate of one Priest to three thousand 
souls. The Priest, the real working man, upon 
whose head and shoulders rests all the responsible 
labour of Christianity, treat him according to his 
merit — and his salary for the first five years should 
be that of a Sub-Lieutenant. If he should prove a 
zealous, active, and honest Christian, giving proofs of 
his care for the welfare of humanity, immediately 
raise his pay to that of a First-Lieutenant. The 
same ratio of pay should be observed with any other 
of the above-named Ecclesiastics, according to their 
merit. All the other religious corporations should 
be suppressed and dispersed, and only those men 



640 



and women who are noted for the good they have 
done, and may still do, should be retained. The Nuns 
should be employed in the schools, and the Monks 
and Friars should be incorporated with the Priestly 
branch. The convents, monasteries, and ail other 
religious establishments, of whatever denomination 
they may be, should be given up to the Government ; 
which should close them, and convert them into 
national establishments for the most necessary pur- 
poses of their actual localities, and for the benefits 
and advantages of the populations. If the women 
of the monasteries should be really inclined to main- 
tain their religious character, they should practise the 
religious duty of assisting humanity in the hospitals 
of each town and village, and in the asylums ; and for 
this purpose they should be properly trained in the 
superficial medico-chirurgical duties, so that they 
should obtain the proper knowledge, and, in case of 
need, be able to do many trifling things, and all the 
preparatory work, and take care of the hospital fur- 
niture, linen, instruments, apparatus, and everything, 
in fact, belonging to this class of really Christian 
establishments. Care should be taken that the 
Priests who visit the hospital to administer their 
Ecclesiastical duties should be watched, and not 
allowed either to stay, or hold unnecessary conversa- 
tion with the women of the establishment ; and 
never under any pretext should they be allowed 
to stay and sleep in the hospitals, or to visit the 
apartments of the attending Nuns, all of whom 
should sleep in. a dormitory except the Abbess, 
or head woman, who should have a private room 
where she could take care of and keep all the books 
and registers and accounts of the daily work of her 
subordinate assistants. 

In every town, great and small, of Italy there are 
a great number of independent, honourable, and most 
trustworthy gentlemen, always disposed to assist, with 
person and means, the suffering poor. A Philan- 



641 



thropic Society should be constituted, which should 
have strong roots, and as numerous branches as there 
are establishments to provide for with their benevo- 
lent actions ; and it should be considered an honour 
to become a member of that society. Great caution 
should be observed as to who should be introduced 
into it ; they should be only independent, rich, and 
most honoured gentlemen, whose characters would 
bear the highest and most satisfactory investigation. 
!No salary or indemnity for expenses should be given 
to them. Their only reward should be the honour 
conferred upon them by their admittance to such an 
honourable society, and by being permitted to intro- 
duce in their coats of arms, if they have them, and if 
they have not, they should have, a signet, with the white 
cross in red field, and the word humanitas engraved 
perpendicularly upon it. I have already stated that 
the Nuns, or religiously-trained women, should 
attend to the hospitals, to take care of and assist in 
conducting everything. I will now give my opinion 
as to what the duties of the gentlemen should consist 
in. I would delegate no less than seven of them to 
each hospital, great or small, as the case might be.- 
If the hospital were situate in a large town, where 
there happened to be an abundance of independent 
gentlemen, their number should be increased to 
eleven. They should sit in committee weekly, and 
the Secretary should attend, at least, three hours a- 
day in the hospital, and inspect all the books and 
accounts in connection with the administration of 
everything necessary for the use of the hospital. Should 
the time which the Secretary could dedicate be in- 
sufficient to review and see to all that is to be done, 
two more of the gentlemen should likewise attend daily, 
to assist him, and inspect the books and register every- 
thing, so as to exercise a proper control over the daily 
proceedings of the Nuns. The hospital should be 
open to the inspection of the Committee at any time 
of day. or night ; the books, and registers of the 

1 1 1 2 



642 



Committee, also ; and under no consideration whatever 
should such books and registers ever be removed 
from the Committee- rooms. The same rule should 
be observed with regard to the books of the Nuns. 
The Committee should consult the medical gentlemen 
attached to the institution, and provide everything 
according to their advice, and go hand-in-hand with 
them in every respect. The physicians, surgeons, 
and apothecaries-in-chief and assistants, should 
content themselves with the honour of being elected 
to those functions, and, under no circumstances what- 
ever, should a gentleman be elected in any of these 
three functions, except by concurrence and by the 
majority of votes, which should be given to the 
cleverest candidate, who should not be allowed to be 
elected by the vote and interest of this or that party, 
whoever they might be. The citizens of the local 
towns are the best judges of the merits of the candi- 
dates ; and only those citizens who pay rates^and taxes 
in those towns should have the right of voting in 
those elections. The medical officers and the 
appointed Priest should visit the hospital daily, and 
attend the gentlemen of the Committee weekly, if 
they should desire it. The medical staff should also 
advise in Committee, but not influence the adminis- 
trating Committee in any way, nor vote in any of 
the deliberations. The Priest in particular, mnder 
no circumstances, though present, should be per- 
mitted to advise, vote, deliberate, or interfere in any- 
thing with regard to the administration of the hos- 
pital ; and should he be present when the votes were 
to be taken, he should take his hat and depart, as it 
is strictly forbidden by the Canonic laws that a 
Priest should take part in any secular affairs of any 
description, his business being limited to the care of 
souls, and not of bodies, corporate or incorporate. 
This law was properly understood in England in 
1641, when it was enacted that the Bishops should 
have a seat in the House of Lords, but that they 



643 



should not take part in the civil and political affairs 
of the country, and that at the moment of voting 
upon any of these questions they should absent them- 
selves from the room. This law was subsequently 
abrogated, as I perceive they now take part in every- 
thing, and vote against whatever they please. 
Imagining myself a Bishop of that time, I shall 
abstain from voting here my opinion about them, 
because I have nothing whatever to do with the 
English Bishops, who are entirely out of my criti- 
cism, and do not come under the strictures which I 
have passed upon the name of Bishop ; because, 
whenever I have used that word, as well as those of 
Prelate and Clergy, it has only been with reference 
to the Italian, Trench, and Spanish, Roman Catholic, 
Apostolic and unapostolic, Christian and unchristian, 
Clergy. Therefore, I here apologise for anything 
which I may have said that might be construed to 
be offensive to those who are not guilty of any of 
the misdeeds which I have animadverted upon, par- 
ticularly to the Protestant Bishops and Clergy in 
general, as well as to the English Clergy. 

Now that I am relieved from the nightmare of 
having offended most involuntarily the innocent 
Protestant Clergymen, I return to the new broom, 
and continue to sweep away the Stygian filth that 
has so long abominated and polluted the fertile soil 
of Europe's garden. If any of you, my dear friends, 
were to ask me what I would do with that exces- 
sive number of Bishops and other Prelates, I would 
answer, first of all, most of the Cardinals are old 
men ; consequently their lease is a short one, and 
when they are gone the popular veto should step in 
to prevent the nomination of others until their 
proper number is fixed. With regard to the Bishops, 
I would limit them to twenty-four. These, with the 
three Archbishops and the Pope, would be quite 
sufficient for twenty-six millions of persons, as 
about 240 would then remain to be jubilated with 



644 



the half-pay already fixed by the State ; and amongst 
them there are one-half that should be tried, 
destituted, and dismissed as felons for the crimes of 
lesce Ifajestatis, as it was customary in Prance, 
Spain, and Germany whenever there was an Emperor 
who entertained proper self-esteem, and cared for 
the safety and honour of his person and interest, as 
well as the spiritual and material advantages of his 
peaceful and industrious subjects. Do not ask me 
what should become of the immense wealth of the 
Ecclesiastical property, because it is natural enough 
how that should be employed. Upon a little reflec- 
tion, the first thing that presents itself to an Italian 
mind is the want of proportionate and proper roads, 
canals, and bridges ; the desiccation of the Maremme, 
and other marshes ; the navigation of the Po, from the 
fauces to theAppennines above Turin; the construction 
of railways, or any other great or useful works which 
the Government might undertake, to promote and to 
facilitate commercial enterprise and the exportation 
and importation of the necessary things for the wants 
of the nation, which would organise and distribute 
the labour throughout each district to the local poor, 
who could be surveyed in their works by the citizen 
soldiers. If the modern Eomans would not imitate 
the old Consulars, and employ the soldiery in time 
of peace and idleness in making roads and upon 
other works, they should employ the poor people to 
do it, while the military citizens would assist in 
directing the works and surveying the labourers. 
By this scheme industry and economy might be 
combined, to the pacification of the poor and the 
advantage of the Government. With regard to the 
Monks and Friars, of all colours and of all sorts, as I 
have said, the really religious and good for some- 
thing might become Priests and do Christian acts, 
and be deservedly esteemed according to their merit ; 
and the lazy, the vagabond, begging idlers, if turned 
out of the refectories, would be compelled to make 



645 



themselves industrious in some way or other, that is 
if they wanted to fill their scrip regularly an hour 
before the vesper bell reminded them of the expired 
dinner and supper hours. 

!No sale of nouses, lands, farms, and congrega- 
tional religious property should be valid unless such 
sale had taken place in the year 1846, two years 
previous to the political movements of 1848, when 
an enormous amount of property belonging to Eccle- 
siastical parties passed nominally into the hands of 
the secular friends of the Clergy as a precautionary 
measure. When these things shall be properly 
settled, there are many accounts which will require 
revision. 

I will say nothing further about this subject at 
present. From my work it will be seen that the 
Old Pontifices of Paganism had their Palaces, and 
of course the Christian Pontiff ought, and shall have 
one ; and to mark the generosity of the modern 
Christians, he shall have one in Rome, and Castle 
Gandolfo as a summer residence out of Rome, that 
being the delightful Pontifical summer retreat. 

I am reluctant to write about this subject, but 
as I have broken the ice, I feel that I must go on or 
else sink in it ; therefore, as it is the general intention 
of every one to treat the Pope with respect, on 
account of his being the representative of religion, 
and out of veneration to that, I would humbly sug- 
gest that when a palace is assigned to him, a Noble 
Guard of 1,000 independent Gentlemen Cadets of 
noble families should be organised, the whole of them 
to be of pure Italian blood. I would exclude all 
and every one who was not Italian, by at least four 
generations. 

These gentlemen should be engaged in that Guard 
for the space of two years only ; the whole of them 
should be changed after that period, to avoid being 
corrupted by proximity with the Priests. During 
their two years of service, they should maintain them- 



646 



selves at their own expense ; and they should have 
a caserme facing or near the Papal Residence. Two 
hundred of them should do duty daily to the Popes 
only. The remaining 800 should be alternately 
changed daily ; and on those days when they were 
not on service, they should attend military instruc- 
tion, which should be regulated. 

This school should be organised on a similar basis, 
and conducted upon the same principles, as the 
Scuola del Genio di Modem, where General Fanti 
was brought up with about forty or fifty others 
whom I have known for more than thirty years. 
These Cadets should be liberally educated, and 
brought up under military discipline ; but not of so 
severe a description as that practised at Modena, 
under Coronini, Cavedoni, and Co., as that was too 
brutal in every respect. A genial liberty and milder 
measures would be more preferable to entice the 
pupils to do duty, and more satisfactory, while they 
would learn the whole of the mathematical branches 
which form the basis of the military art, and open 
their minds to any other noble and scientific sub- 
jects. This method would not interrupt their syste- 
matic course of education. After the service of two 
years they could continue their military career in 
other Colleges, but not in Eome. This should be a 
point upon which the Government should insist, in 
order to prevent the pupils being corrupted by the 
insinuating promises of the Priests, or any other 
Jesuitical manoeuvres tending to excite the young 
gentlemen to rebellion. The whole of the Officers 
of this Sacro Battaglione should be well- 
seasoned, sober-minded Officers, who had seen 
better service, and who would consider themselves 
flattered and happy in having the opportunity to 
command a corps of first-rate gentlemen ; upon whom, 
during their two years' service, they would bestow 
all their care, like fathers, and be as vigilant and 
zealous in promoting their education, and instilling 



647 



into their young minds the principles, discipline, 
rules, and regulations of the military art, which, in 
course of time, would open to them every gate to 
military honours. The Superior Officers, being 
nominees of the Parliament, might remain confirmed 
from five to five years, according to circumstances ; 
and might also be removed before the expiration of 
the first five years, if the Parliament had reason for 
warranting such removal. The great object of these 
necessary laws would be to prevent those Jesuitical 
insinuations which tend to corrupt officers and 
men ; who, though attached to the Papal Service 
for the time, should yet remain independent 
and free, deaf to all Episcopal or Papal orders, 
and be obedient, zealous, and punctual in 
the execution of the orders of the Constitutional 
Sovereign. I have stated that none but the 
sons of pure Italian nobility, or the sons of the 
Patrician Families of Italy, should be admitted to 
this Sacred Battalion. The choice of the aspirants 
should be reserved also to the Government, who 
should take care to exclude all foreigners, and the 
sons of Episcopal partisans. These are my propo- 
sitions for the reform of the Papal sway. 

I will now give a project which was actually 
written by Pope Clement when he proposed to 
reform the Papal Curia. 

In the year 1545 was printed at Paris a work 
called ' Tractatus, De Consilio Celebrando, &c. 
in which treatise were laid down the various texts 
of the Reforms which were to be introduced by 
Pope Clement the Fifth at the Council of Vienna, 
with regard to the Roman See, which was then 
(anno 1313) omnipotent at Avignon. I will extract 
all these texts, as such a reform would be very 
desirable and useful now that things cannot 
remain as they are. I will quote the propositions 
as they were written, without making any altera- 
tions or remarks: 



648 



Inde quae via ad reformationem tenenda sit, 
summatim explicat : " In Sacro, in quit, Coneilio, 
in earn conspirantibus Eegibus simul et Pontifi- 
cibus. — TL Uti ad Legem Dei, ad Evangelium, ad 
Concilia instincta Spiritus S. approbata, ad bonas 
leges etiam humanas, reeurratur; Et quicquid per 
alios invenitur, in regimine mundi in contrarium 
attentatum, corrigatur et reformatur, grout melius 
possit, nec in contrarium impune attentetur. Tol- 
lantur etiam abusus, consuetudines, dispensationes, 
privilegia, libertates, exemptiones, quse illis adver- 
santur, utpote quaB meraB corrupted censendaB sint. 
II. Papse ipsi, se suaque facta et dicta divinis et 
humanis legibus conferment, et se per imitationem eis 
subjiciant, et exempla eorum quae agenda sunt, subse- 
quentibus et subditis demonstrent ; aliter, si a legibus 
et doctrinis illis discedant, et dominari, quam subditis 
consulere malunt, honor em eorum inflari in superbiam 
et quod provisum est ad concordiam, tender e ad noxam. 
—III. Negari non posse, quin Ecclesia Eomana in 
multis a sacra Primitive EcclesiaB institutione, 
Sanctorumque Patrum Conciliorum et Decretorum 
sententia denexerit, in tantum, ut primce institutionis 
videantur ohliti ; cum tamen sacrarum Scripturarum 
veritatem consuetudini cuicumque, etiam perantiquaB, 
anteferre debeamus.— IV. Papam non debere facile 
pati, causas ex provinciis in Curiam transferri : 
Ecclesiasticum ordinem manifeste confundi, cum 
Papee benefieia ab Episcopis pendentia, etiam ante 
vacationem conferunt, ut metuendum sit, cum 
Eomana Ecclesia sibi universa vindicet, ne proverbio 
locus fiat : Qui vult totum, perdit totum ; Et hie in 
extraneorum promotionem invehitur, quorum vocem. 
subditi non audiunt, qui nec subditos intelligunt, nec 
ab ipsis intelliguntur, indigni cseci csecorum duces : 
Unde tota Ecclesia subvertatur. Y. In Simoniam quo- 
que, quaB in Curia Eomana perinde regnat, inquit, ac 
si "nullum peccatum esset. Pluralitatem proinde 
beneficiorum, pensiones Cardinalium, quibus Episco- 



649 



patus onerantur, et alia beneficia quae in Pontificum 
propinquis et nepotibus perennata, quae nunquam 
moriantur. S. Gregorium Magnum Episcopi Univer- 
salis titulum repudiasse, nec alium quemquam eo 
nomine vocari voluisse. Quin et veteres Papas in 
suis JEpistolis solitos alios Episcopos sibi prefer re, 
quod etiam exemplis probat : Quare, ita honorandam 
esse Ecclesiam Eomanam, ut honor aliis debitus eis 
non denegetur; Adeo, ut Milevitani Concilii Canonem 
confirmandum dicat : Ut unaquaque causa in sua 
provincia terminetur. VI, Utile videri, ut in 
Coneilio Matrimonium Sacerdotibus concedatur : Cum 
plane frustra et incassum hactenus sint ad castitatem 
coacti, cumque Graeciae Sacerdotes jus matrimonii 
habeant, idque etiam Apostolorum tempore in usu 
fuerit. VII, Gogendos esse Monachos ad laborem 
manuum, ut olim in Ecclesiis iEgypti, quae nullum 
plane Monachum reciperent, qui aliquam artem non 
nosset. At in primis nullatenus ferendum esse, ut 
officio Pastorum fungantur, Sacramenta administrent, 
segros visitent, mortuos sepeliant, &c. Et Mendicantes 
tanto minus. VIII, Eeprimi opus esse akusum 
imaginum, mundinationem indulgentiarum et pceni- 
tentiarum, Monachorum vagam in concionibus licen- 
tiam, qui sacras Scripturas relinquunt, ut hominum 
inventa depraedicent. IX, sed eo semper redit, refor- 
mandae Ecclesiae, seu in politeia, sen in disciplina, 
seu in moribus nullam spem nullam rationem esse, ni 
Eomana exemplo praeeat, cujus corruptelas per 
omnes partes ^xequitur : Ni Papa ante omnes sibi 
legem praescribat, intra sacras leges turn divinas, 
turn humanas sese contineat ; nihil ullo modo in con- 
trarium indulgeat, nihil etiam inconsultis fratribus 
coepiscopis faciat : quippe qui Apostolorum locum 
obtinet, quibus Christus parem cum Petro Digni- 
tatem, parem potestatem contnlit : non autem curia- 
libus Eomanis ; Nisi etiam Ecclesiae Eomanae Pri- 
matus, per Jura Ecclesiastica, et secularia distingua- 
tur, nec Papa universalis Ecclesiae Pontifex vocetur, 



650 



pro que eo se gerat, quod Gregorius prohibuit* 
Verum, inquit, Ecclesia Universalis malis exemplis 
JEcclesioe Romance scandalizatur et quasi inficitur 
populus universalis, et nomen Domini, Dominatores 
populi, secundum Esaiam, ex hoc sinunt blasphemari : 
Nam secundum Augustinum, nihil magis confundit 
Ecclesiam Dei, vel ei officii, quam dicer e pejores sunt 
Clerici quam Laid', Indeque excurrit in rapinas Lega- 
toram, Nuntionuni omnium, Curiae Horn aria) minis- 
trorum, exactiones indulgentiarum, privilegiorum, 
dispensationum in luxum et superbiam Papas et 
Prselatorum, quocumque gradu, majorem quam 
quorumcumque liegum et Principum : Ignorantiam 
inter hsec et negligentiam plerorumque : TJnde in- 
numerae animas pereant : Et hie identidem exclamat, 
tanquam in deplorato morbo, spem omnem abjiciens : 
Proh dolor, quia videtur in ipsa Ecclesia verificari 
dictum Esaiw 34, infiguram Babylonicce Civitatis, 
gloriosw in Regnis et inclytce in superbia Chaldworum, 
de qua dicitur : Erit cubile Draconum, et pascua 
Stuthionum, et occurrent JDwmonia, Onwcentaurus et 
pilosus clamabit alter ad alterum, ibi cubavit lania, 
et invenit sibi requiem, ibi habuit foveam ericius et 
enutrivit catulos, illic congregati sunt milvi, alter et 
alterum. Item, utinam non verificetur verbum in 
clero, Esaiw dicentis : Populus hie labiis me honorat ? 
cor autem eorum longe est a me. 

Many other equally interesting propositions were 
printed in this valuable project of reform, which, as 
usual, had no effect whatever ; because when the 
Popes and Prelates have been pushed into a corner, 
and compelled to do, or to agree to do anything, they 
have always promised, and invariably failed to keep 
their w r ords, as well as their written promises and 
obligations, whenever they have been able to procras- 
tinate for a few days the fulfilment of the stipulated 
conventions, of whatever nature they may have 
been, except only when they have been pecuniarily 
and pompously advantageous to themselves. In this 



651 



case, only, their words have been as good as their 
signatures ; otherwise they have always been and are 
still incorrigibly and proverbially known as perjured 
liars, without religion and without faith. 

This Clement the Fifth was a first-rate exponent 
of the tribe, and instead of carrying out Ecclesias- 
tical reform according to his promise, he soon altered 
his mind, and, at a Council, issued a famous Deore- 
talis, by which he assumed power above the Emperor, 
and with Bulls and Pastorals he appointed the Angels 
to serve and obey his caprices, as I have already 
explained, 

The recently-discovered MS. in Germany. — 
A eew Prophecies concerning Italy. — 
A Genealogical Notion concerning the 
Family of Garibaldi. 

A few months ago the public Press announced that 
an ancient and valuable MS. had been discovered in 
Germany, and that it had been given to a commission 
of learned men to translate. It was even remarked 
that this MS. was probably the identical one which 
had been used by the celebrated Erasmus, and that 
that writer had not dealt fairly with it. I have 
several coDies of the first editions of the works of 
Erasmus and some MS. I have no time now to compare 
these works with the MS. Chronica de JEtatibus in 
my possession. It is possible that these works bear 
some analogy to each other, and after the publication 
of this book I will engage myself to examine all the 
various works of Erasmus and other authors, and 
if I find anything important to relate, or if they cor- 
respond with the MS. Chronica, I will give a public 
account of the fact. I cannot however yet abandon 
the MS. Chronica. The arrival of Phidias and 
Praxiteles at Rome deserves honourable mention. 
There is a mystic anecdote connected with their 



652 



presence in Home, and as I feel satisfied that it bears 
some analogy to present circumstances, I hope I may 
be excused if I introduce it in this work. I quote 
from the Appendix of the MS. deiEtatibus : Cavalli 
Marmorei [sic] quod facti fuerint nudi, et quid nun- 
cient, et quid sit quod ante cabellos quedam fsemina 
serpentibus circumdata sedet, habens concham ante 
se. Temporibus Tiberii Imperatoris venerunt Bo- 
mam duo philosophi juvenes, Praxiteles et Phidias, 
quos Imperator agnoscens esse tantse sapientiae, caros 
in palatio suo habuit. Qui dixerunt ei esse se tantse, 
sapientiae ut quidquid nolit absentibus in die, vel in 
nocte in camera sua consiliaverit, dicemus ei usque 
ad unum verbum. Quibus Imperator ait, si facitis 
quod dixistis, dabo vobis quidquid vultis. Qui re- 
spondent es dixerunt. Nullum pecuniam, sed nos~ 
trorum m em or i am postulamus. Yeniente altero die, 
per ordinem retulerunt Imperatori quodquod in illam 
preteritam noctem consiliatus est. Unde fecit eis 
• promissam prelibatam memoriam eorum, sicut postu- 
laverunt. Equos videlicet nudos qui calcant terram, 
idest potentes Principes hujus seculi, qui dominantur 
homines hujus mundi. Fernet Bex potentissimus 
qui ascendet super equos, idest super potentiam prin- 
cipum hujus seculi. In hoc semi nudi qui stant 
supra equos et altis brachiis, et replicatis digitis nun- 
ciant ea quae futura erant, et sicut ipsi sunt nudi, ita 
omnes mundiales sci... [sic — illegible] nudaetaperta 
est mensibus eorum. Psemina circumdata serpentibus 
sedens, concam habens ante se, prsedicatores quipras- 
dicaverunt ea ut quisquis ad earn ire voluerit non 
poterit, nisi prius lavet in concha ilia. 

This parabolic quotation is perfectly consonant 
■with the present state of Italy, in spite of the word 
which I cannot read. I do not know who wrote the 
above originally, nor when it was written, but I find 
it has some analogy with the prophecy of Dante and 
Petrarch. It is also perfectly consistent with the 
prophetic description of the Peast on the Seven Hills, 



653 



which is more diffusely explained in the book of 
Bevelations. The allegorical meaning is the same, 
though expressed in other words, and giving a dif- 
ferent comparison. 

Perhaps it will be opportune to give here the six 
lines of Dante, in which he predicted that in 515 
years Italy would be free from the reign of Papal 
corruption. In these six lines Dante prophetically 
foretold us what has now happened, and according to 
my explanation (given in a long letter which was 
kindly published in the Daily News on the 16th of 
October, 1860), nearly everything is now clearly 
demonstrated by words and facts. Here are the 
oracular words so much and so deservedly venerated 
by the Italians. Dante, Purgat., Canto 33 : 

" Ch'io veggo certamente, e pero il narro, 
A darne tempo gia stelle propinque, 
Sicure d'ogni intoppo e d'ogni sbarro, 

Nel quale un cinquecento diece e cinque, 
Messo di Dio ancidera la fuia, 

E quel gigante che con lei delinque." 

The translation of the above reads thus : 
I speak positively, as I see that a propitious star 
will appear, free and unbarred from any power, to 
give notice that a messenger from God shall come 
and destroy the corruption, and the giant who sins 
with it, in five hundred and fifteen years. 

Petrarch, who had been long enough at the Court 
of Avignon, where he had seen the most revolting 
abuses of power, and the most disgraceful and dis- 
gusting outrages against religion and humanity, 
after reproving and reproaching many Cardinals and 
high clergymen with their foul proceedings, with- 
drew and wrote the famous Sonnet which begins, — 

"L'Avara Babilonia ha colmo il sacco," — 

and in which is embodied the thought of Dante. 
The Nuovo Soldan of Petrarch is the Messo di Dio 



654 



named by Dante, who shall appear to destroy the 
corruption, &c. 

These predictions have been partly realised. The 
remainder will be accomplished with the assistance 
of the Eternal God, who is ever- merciful to those 
who are willing to labour for their own redemption 
from ignominious slavery. I therefore hope that 
the nation will collect all its strength and wisdom, 
and complete the noble work by a decisive blow on 
the head of the monster, which shall smash and 
disperse all its horns. 

The following few lines, which I have since 
found, I copy from the MS. Chronica de JEtatibus 
(p. 213), to show that the name of Garibaldi is old 
and illustrious in Italian blasonic annals. I will not 
undertake to assert or deny that the glorious Cincin- 
natus the Second is or is not a distant descendant of 
that illustrious family which, on the fourteenth year 
of King Dagobert's reign, lived and ruled at Turin, 
and was a relative and friend of Grimoaldus Dux 
Beneventanorum : About the year 860 of the Chris- 
tian era, Arripertus the First, King of Lombardy, 
after nine years' reign, died, and left two sons still 
minors. The eldest was named Pertasi, and resided 
at Ticino, the Lombard metropolis ; the youngest, 
Godebert, lived at Milan and Ticino, as he re- 
signed his share of public administration (regendum 
relinquit). As soon as Grimoaldus, the Duke of 
Benevento, heard of the death of Arripert, at the 
suggestion of Garibaldi, Duke of Turin, he hastened 
to Lombardy and had an interview with Godebert. 
During the usual salutations and kissing each other, 
Grimoaldus discovered that Godebert had a poignard 
concealed beneath his dress ; without loss of time he 
unsheathed his sword and passed it through Gode- 
bert' s body, and then took possession of Lombardy, 
as Pertasi had fled directly he discovered the fate of 
his brother : Grimoaldus Dux Beneventanorum hoe 
audiens suggestione Garipaldi Taurinensium Ducis 



655 



mox animum ad Eegnum Logobardorum obtinendum 
erexit, &c. The letter p for b was frequently mis- 
use d by the ancient writers, and particularly by the 
Germans, who cannot forget it yet. By this affair, 
on Easter-day, Duke Garibaldi lost his life : a little 
man, a familiar of Godebert, knowing that Gari- 
baldi was going to the Church, posted himself 
behind the Baptistry and threw himself violently 
upon him, striking him upon the head, and de- 
capitating him immediately after : Erat autem 
quidam parvulus homunculus de propria familia 
Godeberti ; is cum Garipaldum Ducem in ipso 
sacratissimo die Paschali ad Eccles. venturum sciret, 
supra sacrum Baptisterii fontem contemnens laevaque 
manu se ad colunellum teguri tenens, unde Gari- 
paldus venerat toto annixu eum in cervice percussit, 
et protinus caput ejus amputavit. I could extract 
many more valuable notes from this MS. with regard 
to Lombardy, but must refrain, as they would be 
extraneous to this work. 

At the end of my letter, published in the Daily 
JVews, I added a postscript, which stated that whilst 
making the catalogue of my rare books, I took up 
one called the Poliocreticon, sive de Machinis, Tor- 
mentis, Telis, by J. Lipsius, publish ed at Antwerp 
Offic. Plantin. dedicated to Ernest, Archbishop of 
Cologne, Prince Bishop of Lodi ; and, in the fourth 
page of the dedication, I was surprised to read the 
following : " Quid alios commemorare opus, Tassi- 
lones, Utilones, Garibaldos et tot illustria nomina ?" 
I concluded at once that there had been more than 
one illustrious general of the name of Garibaldi, and 
that they were in the service of the Bishop of Lodi, 
in the sixteenth century, or before, and were of 
Lombard origin. I hope Garibaldi will take care of 
himself, and avoid the snares of his enemies, par- 
ticularly the priests; and that his precious life 
will be preserved, to the terror of the barbarian 
hordes who still infest the sacred soil of Italy. A 



656 



little more union is required for the last blow, and 
then everything will be free, and for ever. I am 
sure that the great soul of Garibaldi desires no other 
honourable distinction than that of being one of the 
Patres Patrim, and seeing Italy united, strong, and 
free. 

Before I quit you, Messrs Herode and Company^, 
I will here give you an oraeular sentence, just taken 
out of my pocket, and you shall tell me if it is 
prosodiaeally correct, and to your taste. Mind, I do 
not mean to speak of the last judgment-day, I mean 
the month previous to it, like next April ; it will be 
very fine indeed, a beautiful spring. I know you will 
grumble, but we do not care for that> and we shall 
see then, 

" Omnia nunc florent, nunc est nova temporis setas f* 

you shall pack up your things and bolt, the devil 
knows where, and the Messo ii Pw y of Dante, or th@ 
Nuovo Soldan, of Petrarch, has appeared, to hasten 
your forced march to Palestine, or to — as we 
shall have the 

" Judicii signum, tellus sudore madescet 
E ccelo Eex adveniet, per seela futurus 
Silieet in earne presens, ut vindieet TTrbem/* 



THE PAPAL IE FALLIBILITY. 

As in other chapters I have slightly alluded to 
these subjects, I think I ought here to recapitulate 
and discuss them more fully. 

Juno sine viro foecunda Mart em Gradivum peperit \ 
and the Gentile philosophers took it for granted that 
it was so, and never troubled themselves about it 
with useless disputations. With them there were 
minds of wider range and sounder judgment, who 
admitted the mythological origin of their gods, how- 
ever strangely fabulous it might have been ? because 



657 



with them religion was not a warehouse for the sale 
of stolen things, or bubbles and puppets with or 
without heads, nailed on boards or walls, blinded, 
roasted, stabbed, or scourged, &c. With them it 
was a sound politico-religious principle to esteem 
religion as the principal of all the virtues, and they 
had the highest veneration and respect for their 
gods ; so much so, that we see, for this reason, up to 
the first 160 years of the Roman era, it was for- 
bidden either to paint or sculpture the images of the 
gods, for fear of offence, by putting them on a level 
with the animals of creation, in attempting to 
imitate their forms. Besides, the Eoman and Greek 
Pontifiees being paid by the State, and elevated to 
that dignity by talent, nobility of soul and blood, 
had no fear of opposition, or jealousy of their con- 
temporaries, as they knew what talent was required for 
that honourable position. But when Christianity came 
by the God-Eather's Messenger to redeem the world 
from a state of immorally fictitious worship, that 
Christian and Apostolic Mission undertook at first to 
point out to the people the errors and inconsisten- 
cies of the notions that they had of the Immortal 
God, and pointed out the proper path by which 
the soul's divinity, after its disembodiment in this 
world, would return to the Great Father, the Causa 
Causarum. We inherited then from Christ the 
godly humanisation which was instinctively felt by 
the Apostles, and by them transmitted to their dis- 
ciples. How long the transfusion of that sublimely 
delicate and exquisitely divine sentiment continued 
to permeate from soul to soul amongst the growing 
generations, and spread and generalised itself in the 
various countries, we have seen ; and we have seen 
also what corruptions, what monstrous criminalities 
gradually crept up and kept pace with it, in constant 
opposition, ever attempting to overthrow the truth 
with falsehood, reason with blasphemy, and God 
with Popes. After the death of Hieronymus, 



658 



Eusebius, Angus tin, John Crisostomus, Ambrosius, 
and other real Christians, the grossest mystifications 
were substituted for Christianity. These had 
already began to creep in at the end of the 
second century, but the above-named Saints, in 
the third and fourth centuries v by their exemplary 
conduct, aided by their powerful pens, and during 
their Episcopacies, preaching in their respective 
provinces, kept in check abuses and innovations, and 
the whole of the fourth century was controiled by 
their mightily inspired actions, without much 
damage to Christianity. The fifth century gave 
birth to many monstrosities, and redoubled the 
criminal debaucheries and clerical orgies of the third 
and fourth centuries, and the Christian world became 
affected by a general mournful chaos, from which 
humanity has not yet been able to free itself, 
although there have been occasional mitigations in 
various countries by the help of the sword of state. 

The priestly innovations originated under variously 
shaped and coloured religious cloaks, one more in- 
consistently unbecoming than the other, another yet 
more offensive to God and humanity, repugnant 
at once to decent common sense and human reason. 
The mammiferus atque oviparus Dog-man of the 
Dogma of the Immaculate Conception laid the egg a 
long time ago, and had it hatched for several cen- 
turies under the Pontifical Pallium, but could never 
find a fitting opportunity or congenial atmosphere to 
make its appearance before the world and stand bare- 
facedly in the ludicrous false position of its unlimited 
impudence. The incubus and the incubation were 
sung, ridiculed, and scouted out of society for suc- 
cessive ages by the intellectually active-minded men 
who followed God and Christianity, real Christians 
who never filled their pockets mercenarily and 
sanctimoniously with gold. At the Council of Trent 
there was an attempt made to force the old dog-man 
down the throats of the public, but, fortunately, the 



659 



presence of the Hungarian Bishops prevented the 
Papal President opening the carpet-bag to let it out. 
After that repulse it remained hidden in Papal 
darkness for an extra hatching, until it finally made 
its supremely comical appearance in the year 1855. 
It was thought that Savonarola and Paleario had 
now been forgotten, and that the time was opportune 
and safe to bring it out under the protection of the 
German Concordat. The Immaculate Pontiff was 
still infected with the perfumes of the German 
Messalina, who pereginated with him towards the 
Avernian Lake, when he returned to Rome inebriated 
with demoniacal rage, and was reinstated in the 
sullied Chair of St Peter, forgetting that God said 
to Peter, lt Si me amas, pa see oves meas." This 
unworthy successor, instead of taking care of his 
flock, as soon as he returned issued from the Vatican 
Stables a mad Bull, branding with damnation and 
whoredom the noblest work of God, the noble 
Eoman ladies, who did the kindest Christian work 
that should have been done by the ruffian Priests 
who skulked away at the moment of distress and 
calamity. 

Five years after his reinstallation, still filthily 
immersed in sins, with hands and garments ensan- 
guined from the blood of his flock, his mouth slob- 
bering poisonous froth, the lie on his tongue, with 
the affectation of humility and sanctimonious words 
of peace, he perversely and hypocritically unbagged 
the Dog of the Immaculate Conception, as a per- 
petual farce, to the amazement of educated people, 
and as a new bait to many of the innocent and 
honest portion of the populations who do not under- 
stand or trouble their heads about it ; also as a flat- 
tering sanctimonious testimonial of his power to the 
rogues, his Saint Knights of the Roads, Chiavone, 
Merode, Borgia, Antonelli, and Co., and would 
gladly have martyrized the unbelievers of the revived 
old imposture. This frantic old Priest has forgotten 



660 



apparently that, for a thousand years, such prepos- 
terous humbug had been publicly and privately dis- 
cussed, and condemned as an inconsistent dogma, an 
imposture, and that the expounders of the reasons 
why such dogma is a mad dog, or a man-dog, or both, 
hermaphrodite- like, spiritual and temporal — the 
ancient expounders and controversialists on this sub- 
ject have always been unmolested and free, even 
in times when the Papal debaucheries and concubi- 
nage, public and private, were omnipotent at the 
Courts of Eome and Avignon, when they used to 
say, " I am the Second Jupiter." 

The aforesaid dogma is inconsistently wrong, 
spiritually and materially, if it is possible to say so ; 
a perfectly absurd notion, intended merely to support 
other cabalistic and mythological principles, stored 
up altogether in that carpet-bag many years ago, and 
reproduced at the apple-season of the year 1855. 
The fundamental proposition was wrong, absurd, and 
false before and after that dogma's dogmatisation. 
Here is the proposition of St Paul, who stated it, 
and never thought that his words would be tossed 
and turned and set up as a speculative proposition to 
bring an Income-tax to a set of vicious idlers, who 
live at the expense of that humanity whom St Paul 
intended to benefit by his noble and disinterested 
devotion. He wrote: ss Omnes homines peccaverunt 
in Adamo," — every man sinned with Adam. St 
Paul excepted nobody, nor did he intend to except 
any person, male or female, young or old. If he 
had contemplated any exception he would have named 
it; and had he thought of excepting the Virgin 
Mary, two words only (Excepta Maria) would 
have been quite sufficient, and such exception would 
have been undoubtedly expressed in the said propo- 
sition, and transmitted to the New Testament. The 
old Popes, however, with their coherent ideas of 
mystification, and desire to reduce Christianity to a 
mythological state by their attacks and opposition to 



661 



the Bible, saw in the above dogma the opportunity 
of satisfying their intent and purpose, and deter- 
minedly framed an amendment to St Paul's proposi- 
tion with these words : " Excepta Maria Virgine 
sine labe concepta." By this amendment it can be 
seen at once that they found the Philosopher's Stone 
by which they could command not only a respectful 
credulity on the part of ignorant Christians, but also 
a new California to keep up permanent supplies to 
their housekeepers for the Ccenas Saliares, and the 
means to ascend a step higher in the estimation of 
the blessed half-blinded people. Therefore it was 
they framed it afresh as a new dogma, though it had 
been ridiculed long ago, and could not be made 
acceptable. However, as political circumstances 
were much in favour of Pio JSTono a few years back, 
and reaction was successfully re-established every- 
where on the Continent, he presented the Mad Bull 
by smuggling it in at a Council without any discus- 
sion at all, simply announcing it, and at once rose a 
step higher in the opinion of the Kaiser, and of his 
faithful subjects, who believed that such a precedent, 
established without the disapprobation of a single 
member of the Ecclesiastical Council, constituted the 
Pope's Infallibility. 

Before quitting this subject I should like to make 
some remarks upon it. Suppose that to-morrow I 
marry, and next year I become a parent, of course I 
should be annoyed with the thought that my child 
is born in sin, though I know it to be innocent, and 
though I presume that I have lived an exem- 
plary life. Now imagine that the ecclesiastics who 
ordained Merode, Antonelli, Cullen, Dupanloup, Pie, 
Tail, Horn, and Company, were alive, and were 
perfectly acquainted with the stock of iniquities that 
these reverends had committed, would they be equally 
sorry or annoyed at their paternity as I am, or not ? 
This is the first question ; but another question arises 
from this proposition, which may be stated thus : If 



662 



the sacraments are all equal, why does sin originate 
from the celebration of matrimony, and not from the 
celebration of the Sacred Orders ? Why is an infant 
born in sin, and why is an ordained barterer, a 
marauder, a Simoniac, a lewd profligate, exempt 
from sin ? 

According to my views and limited intelligence, 
it appears that my paternity is less culpable than 
the episcopal, and if there is a place for the punish- 
ment of the sin of the first, there ought to be one 
also for the second. It appears also that as the sins 
of the second are greater than that of the first, that 
they ought to be more severely punished : and in 
such case it would not be inconsistent with Divine 
justice should it fall heavily upon the heads of the 
ordaining bishops as well as upon the ordained sinful 
priests. I take it for granted that Divine justice 
pays everybody with the proper coins, and according 
to their merit. Now, for instance, Bishop Cullen, who 
wants to keep a population in ignorance ; Merode, 
who strives to subjugate and cut to pieces another 
population ; and Antonelli, who wishes to roast alive 
those who escape the barbarism of Merode, — these 
three first-rate specimens of proverbially known An- 
tichristianity, will they be rewarded, or will they be 
punished ? And the Bishops who ordained them, 
will they be answerable for their deeds, or will they 
be exempt from punishment ? 

These are proper theological questions which I 
should like to hear duly discussed by persons who 
can see much farther than I can with my limited 
penetration. As Antonelli is too much engaged 
in the politics of the day, the crossed lamb of Or- 
leans might explain them : as he is compelled to 
attend to his business, and has given up the pamph- 
leteering episcopal system, he might condescend to 
explain these propositions with some theological 
reasoning. 

Now, Mr Double X of Orleans, what is the differ- 



663 



ence between the sin of a baby and the gigantically 
swindling transactions of Bishops A. B. C. of Holy 
Eoman Catholic and dog Apostatic confederation ? 
You may answer, that the proposition will not stand 
because the comparison is not good, inasmuch as 
religion admits that the child is born in sin, and that, 
however criminal he may be, the Church does not 
contemplate the ordained priest or bishop as a sinner ; 
and to your answer I reply that logically and rhetor- 
ically speaking, though apparently there is no sin in 
the ordination of the Sacred Orders, yet many sins, 
scandals, and crimes have originated by your enticing 
and provoking ignorant people to oppose the laws 
of the country, to promote intestine wars and disunion 
in the various countries, and set up a barrier of 
perpetual strife and discord between the human 
and the Divine laws. Therefore my impression 
is that the difference consists in this, that the 
child is born in venial sin, and that prelates like 
you commit willingly mortal sins ; and I prove it by 
your being diametrically opposed to the decree of St 
Peter, who orders and forbids ecclesiastics, under 
whatever circumstances, to meddle, accept, or admi- 
nister any affair concerning the temporal power. 
But, as this is out of my comprehensibility, I return 
to the Papal infallibility, alias the new dogma lately 
established by Pio Nono, under the name of the Im- 
maculate " Juno sine labe concepta," when she gave 
birth to Martem Gradivum. 

Pio Nono, to please his dear friends the Jesuits, 
who were the real authors of the Immaculate Con- 
ception, fell into a vortex from which he cannot 
now liberate himself, because this is the real sub- 
stance of the matter, which I will explain as briefly 
as possible. The E. E, P. P. Jesuits wanted the 
establishment of the Papal infallibility, because in 
their own doctrines they have established, or think 
that they have established, their own infallibility. 
The honest Christian believers have in good faith 
often questioned the Jesuits if it were possible that a 



864 



Christian sect could be infallible, while the head of 
Christianity was still considered fallible. 

Pio Nono, seeing the contradiction, desirous to 
assist his friends and to rise another step himself, 
commissioned the right reverend Jesuits to prepare 
the plan for carrying out the scheme, and by the 
assistance of various Concordats with other Jesuitical 
secular Powers, when the reign of terror was estab- 
lished everywhere, except at three Courts of Europe, 
it was done as quietly as possible, as it was proposed 
in the Jesuitical programme of 1855. At a council (I 
forget the day and month) Pio Nono simply proposed 
the thing, and the Cardinals and Bishops present 
having been already instructed to assent to it, the 
proposition was carried nemine dissentiente, and the 
Papal infallible dogma of the Immaculate Con- 
ception came out of the hole of the Stercorarian 
chair in the shape of an egg without a shell, and was 
received by the zanies and credulous worshippers of 
Papism as a real article of faith ! — 

I ought, perhaps, to say something about the my- 
thological origin of the Holy Water, but I am afraid 
of fatiguing the reader. However, I will briefly men- 
tion that the old Romans had their holy water, which 
was invariably used by the Pontiflees to wash, their 
heads, faces, and hands, before making any sacrifice to 
their divinities, as Strabo says, in lib. 6, Geogr., 
" Purgamenta inde superstitiosissimus JNuma peregit, 
et comatum longa caput csesarie aspergit unda." 

"Bis caput intonsum fontana perluit unda, 
Bis sua faginea tempora fronde tegit." 

So says Ovid : Purity was particularly required in 
everything that was sacred ; and it is confirmed by 
Jamblicus in the ' Mysteries,' by Plautus, Virgil, 
Tibullus, &c. 

Persius, Satyr 2 : 

" Hsec sancte ut poscas Tiberino in gurgite mergis 
Mane caput bis, terque et noctem flumine purgas." 



665 



Ovid, lib. 5, Fastor : 
" Cumque manus puras fontana perluit unda 
Vertitur et nigra3 accipit ore fabas." 

Virgil, lib. 6, JEneid : 

M Idem ter socios pura circumluit unda 
Oceupat iEneas aditum corpusque recenti 
Spargit aqua." 

- It is not many years since that I read in some 
Koman Catholic newspaper the praises and the use- 
fulness of the Holy Water ; it was described most 
grandiloquently, and given out as a great nostrum 
of the Holy Eoman Catholic shop, of course with 
the usual amphibious power, like everything else 
pertaining to that stock. Its Spiritual utilities con- 
sisted in u washing the venial sins, shortening the 
pains of Purgatory, and giving strength to resist all 
sorts of temptations." The Material utilities con- 
sisted in u Curing sterility (like the Lupercalian 
feast), purging the atmospheric air from pestilences, 
and curing all sorts of diseases." Dulcamara, in this 
case, is beaten out of the field, although his specific 
cures a great number of human infirmities, com- 
prising the renovation of the skin to the old maids 
of St Eococo, as he says in his song : 

" voi matrone rigide 
Ringiovinir bramate 
Le vostre rughe incomode 
Con esso cancellate," &c. 

But the Pope's Holy Water does more than this ; 
and it is said by Herodes that he uses it as a lotion, 
to his bad legs, and expects a miraculous cure. 

Setting aside badinage, and returning to the clas- 
sics, it is evident (and I have also demonstrated this 
in the Consecration of the Pontifices Maximi) that the 
Mola Salsa used to be sprinkled on the altars and on 
the victims before they were immolated at the various 

K k k 2 



666 



sacrifices by the Gentiles, just in the same way that 
the Priest uses the holy water for every modern 
ecclesiastical purpose, whether in blessing one thing 
or in damning another. 

Horace, Satyr 3, says : 
" Tu cum pro vitula statuis dulcem Aulide natum 
Ante aras, spargisque mola caput improbe salsa.' ' 

Et Tiresias apud Senecam, ubi Mantum, et (Edipum 
alloquitur ; 

. . hue prospere admove 
Et sparge salsa colla Taurorum mola 
Placido ne vultu sacra, et admotas manus 
Patiuntur." 

Virgil, iEneid, lib. 4, also says : 

" Ipsa mola manibusque piis altaria juxta, 

Unum exuta pedem vinclis in Teste recincta, 

Testatur monituea Deos." 

These facts prove that the ancient Greeks and 
Eomans were the original patentees and administra- 
tors of the Holy Water, which was superseded by the 
Apostles when the latter instituted Christianity. 

Eegretting that I am not able to trace when the 
Eoman Catholic Episcopate re-introduced the Holy 
Water into use, I transfer any further investigation 
of the subject to the Eight Eeverend Prelate, Bishop 
Cullen ; and for the present I suspend this portion of 
my work, and take my leave of the kind reader, 
wishing him happiness. 



VENICE: 



ITS PEESENT MAETYEDOM AND ITS 
FOEMEE GLOEIES. 
— = — » 

The events of the whole of last year proved to be 
a general castigation to the human race ; probably 
on account of the anti- Christian and monstrous 
literary abortions of that class of society which, 
malevolently mistaking their proper mission on this 
earth, had set up an unreasonable and doggedly 
obstinate resistance, not only to that which is good 
and reasonable in general, but to all material and 
spiritual progress, setting at defiance a Voutrance both 
public opinion and law, thereby proving themselves 
to be the positive Incommoda sceculi, and incorrigibly 
mad. 

Eirst of all, we have had the Pope in several 
Consistories in hysterical fits, thumping and tearing 
his embroidered petticoats, merely because the sun 
insisted on rising in the east, and continued in its 
course to illuminate the universe, in spite of the 
Bulls issued from the Vatican telling it to stop at the 
antipodes until further orders were issued by the 
said Holy shop. This modern thundering Jupiter 
forgets the fiasco, and that he has not the power of a 
Jupiter Stator, as he could not even stop the merce- 
nary knights to pick up the pagnotte before Castel- 
fidardo, and convert the rout into a victory. His 
last allocution had only the effect of renewing the 
Carnival before its proper time in Italy; and in 
other European countries it had the miraculous 
power of setting to bark a goodly number of 

a 



2 



interested persons "who feed and fatten upon the 
produce of the Holy shop, which is kept supplied 
with tolerable stock by the insensible and gentle 
lifts which are practised daily and nocturnally, to 
the detriment of their husbands and families, by a 
number of credulous and idiotic women, sprinkled 
also with a small portion of rogues of both sexes, 
the whole of them being enticed to these saintly 
works by the invisible mask of the confessional. 

In Germany, Trance, Ireland, the pretended 
Cavalieri di Cristo, and even Sancho Panza, all cried 
out plagas — miserere met, against the progress of 
civilisation and constitutional freedom ; and having 
leagued themselves together under the chiefs of the 
Sanfedistes Society (spread all over the various 
States and Provinces of Europe, whose Grand 
Masters are the Bishops), have determined (as they 
think they are still in time, on account of the great 
superstition and ignorance that has prevailed for so 
many consecutive centuries with the abject popula- 
tions) to rally their strength, and by means of their 
secret Propaganda, corruption, and immorality, 
pecuniary means, and promises, impudently false 
inventions, and Jesuitical insinuations, together with 
the assistance of the public press and the pulpit (the 
latter no longer the area for the exposition of the 
Eternal Truth and the teaching of the sublime 
morals of the Omnipotent Benefactor of mankind), 
and, lastly, by every means that opportunity offers 
them, even the upsetting of thrones and the murder 
of their Sovereigns (as is insinuated in divers 
Jesuitical works printed at various epochs, and 
particularly in the seventeenth century), they have 
determined, I say, to make a last effort to upset and 
stop the progress of civilization. In order to give 
credence to this awful announcement, the people 
need only take in their hands the daily papers, and 
read the e very-day preaching and printed circulars 
of the Bishops ; and, as it would be impossible, on 



3 



account of the great number of them known, and 
of the greatest cipher unknown, secular and 
Ecclesiastic, males and females, to name the total, 
I shall only extract from the public papers the 
names of a few of those who seem more impudent 
and more barefaced than the others, more timid or 
Macchiavellic. The great archpharisaical, pro-igno- 
rant, and anti-Christian Cullen, and the incessant 
eminently Satanic writer Dupanloup (both of them 
the standard-bearers of the Eoman Catholic and 
anti- Apostolic hypocrisy) stand in the first order, 
supporting right and left Cardinal Eaucher, who 
leads his Imperial Master in a Barathro infernale, 
while he thinks of going to Florence, Borne, and 
Naples to eat the figs and grapes that never will 
ripen for him because the climate is too warm! 
Three yards behind follow the new public criers, the 
Bishops of Agen, of St Die, of St Claude, of Metz, 
of Verdun, of St Denis, and the remainder of the 
Sacra Caterva of superior and inferior Priests, who 
quietly grin through their hypocritical teeth and do 
their business in the style of Don Basiglio. 

I shall not take any notice of these pretended 
Fidei Defensores, but let them meditate and do what 
they can for the accomplishment of their politico- 
religious and interested schemes of conspiracy against 
public opinion and moral progress ; and while they 
busy themselves in their works, I will undertake to 
acquaint my readers with certain facts and black 
deeds which are uncontroverted, and which posi- 
tively establish* the bad faith, impiety, avarice, 
simony, falsification, unchristian revenge, and un- 
godliness, as well as the robberies and murderous 
spoliations and usurpations, which have been perpe- 
trated by the Popes and other Ecclesiastics of every 
hierarchic degree, and which have always been 
committed most sacrilegiously under the mantle and 
the name of God and the Saints, but, in truth, only 
and really for the advancement of themselves and 
their relatives. 



4 



As these Ecclesiastics are determined to go per 
vetitum nefas, so, fas est, et ah oste doceri ; and it is 
quite time to take up the challenge, and apply to 
these secular and Ecclesiastical incorrigibles the lex 
talionis, with or without asking them how they like 
it, — therefore, Macte animo virtute, Baron Bicasoli, 
and you, too, Count Persigny, do not be afraid of 
acting unconstitutionally, by entirely removing and 
dismissing from their prebends and stipendiary 
emoluments, or parochial incomes, all those Bishops, 
Prelates, Canons, and Vicars who, meddling and 
speculating with the politics of the day, transgress 
the rules and regulations of the State, and, by their 
fanaticism, attempt to subvert public order and the 
laws of the country ; unmindful, at the same time, 
of their duty to their flocks, and to the Sovereign 
who protects them and guarantees to them their 
incomes, and traitorous to the Divinity whom they 
pretend to represent, but most unworthily. After 
a sufficient trial, then, unhesitatingly give these 
open-mouthed verbiloquent enemies the sack ; and 
if that should not prove sufficient to satisfy them, 
you might resort to harder measures. Bemember 
that they form a tenacious sect, and a compact of 
such strength and means, that as long as a branch of 
them, however small, remains, they will fight, and 
by proselytism ripullulate, like the cardus maledictus; 
and that they may return to the attack while you 
are asleep, and eventually succeed in attaining their 
objects. In the course of this abrege of historical 
Ecclesiastical usurpation, I shall touch upon several 
examples that have occurred which confirm this 
statement ; therefore, I inculcate the application ot 
the remedy before the disease spreads any farther, 
and thus becomes constitutionally chronic. Besides, 
where would be the justice, if only the liberals, or 
suspected liberals, are to be imprisoned and fined for 
simply transgressing this or that law? Up to a 
few years since thousands and thousands of victims 
were sacrificed in every country, sometimes upon 



5 



conviction, at others upon suspicion, and many poor 
innocents were the victims of the most abominable 
torture of both mind and body, the perpetration of 
which involved the entire wreck of their families. 
I have been accustomed for many years now to see 
fair play in everything, and I have lived long 
enough to see many political events, but I have no 
remembrance of having read, or seen, or heard of 
the political persecution of aristocratic retrogades, 
however criminal they have been. The only popular 
retribution that has come under my notice in late 
years against a tyrant who richly deserved it (and 
which gave me a good and satisfactory appetite for 
at least six weeks), took place here in London, 
and was most spontaneously administered by the good 
and honest- hearted sons of John Bull, upon the 
notorious Field-Marshal Haynau, who, I say, richly 
deserved the dish, as he had ordered the flogging of 
numerous Italian women in several towns, and in 
the public places, and had also burned many villages 
during the Italian war of 1848, and ordered the un- 
fortunate peasants who attempted to escape to be shot. 

In the late Italian war the brave Kaiser produced 
in the field another specimen of the Haynau breed, 
bearing the name of General Urbain, who had a pre- 
dilection for shooting whole families, and levying 
such heavy contributions upon the towns and villages 
through which he passed that his depredations were 
equal to those of a swarm of locusts after settling on 
a fresh field of corn in the month of May. All 
these inglorious and rascally in-Urbain deeds were 
perpetrated by this General because he had under his 
Command twenty or twenty-five thousand Austrian 
marauders, who were repeatedly thrashed and dis- 
comfited by Garibaldi and three thousand of his 
brave Volunteers, to whom Urbain, after fighting for 
a couple of hours or so, was always compelled to 
show his heels, and the prodigious elasticity of his 
confederate gambini (Groats). 

a 2 



6 



The liberal Governments of the present day need 
hesitate no longer to put a strong bar against the 
false and hypocritical rules of a few persons who are 
prone to keep the universe in convulsive suspense 
by their threats of war and ruin to the population, 
under the plea of possessing the right to do these 
things by Divine gift and will. The people know 
well enough now-a-days* that this is all moonshine, 
and that the Eulers themselves must go hand-in- 
hand with the populations, upon whose common 
sense and actions that popular sovereignty is built 
which places the crown upon the head of the 
monarch most disposed to sustain their honour and 
interests, and thus afford the most material advan- 
tages for their comfort, civilisation, and freedom. 
Let the reader glance a few years back, and recall to 
mind the conduct of Francis the Fourth, of Este, at 
Modena ! He did not even spare the Ecclesiastic 
Andreoli, nor many others suspected of liberalism ; 
they were doomed, unconvicted. The same cruelties 
marked the conduct of the idiotic ex-Emperor of 
Austria in 1850 towards the flower of the liberal- 
minded Germans and Italians who had the mis- 
fortune to be credulous, and were confident in the 
justice of that cause and their Euler ; and who awaited 
firmly in their places the result of the political con- 
flagration in 1848 — the absentees only saved their 
lives, and lost their substances. The sleek and san- 
guinary hypocrite, the Arch-Priest of Eome, acted 
the same towards the Ecclesiastic TIgo Bassi at 
Bologna, and hundreds of others in many other 
towns. Not content with the victims which he had 
provoked by his own folly, and the recantation of tbe 
humane programme which he issued after he had 
been consecrated in his place (after his restoration 
to Eome, which he had deserted), he went hand-in - 
hand with the whole of the other traitors to the 
liberal cause; and, to show his contempt for 
liberalism, issued a Bull stigmatising as prostitutes 



7 



all those noble Eoman ladies who had with generous 
hearts and motherly feelings, like good Samaritans, 
sacrificed their means, their time, and their lives to 
afford their constant care and assistance to the 
Volunteers of Garibaldi who so nobly defended Eome. 

I will not say anything of the number of victims 
who were shot and hanged, nor even of one, a liberal, 
an Anconitan Jew, who was there publicly burned 
alive a few years ago. Now, granted that he was a 
liberal, that he had taken up arms against the Popish 
rule, where was the Christian justification for such 
a revenge ? It is not true that Kingly and Sovereign 
institutions were ordained by God for the oppression 
of the populations ; it is not true that God created 
the populations at one time, and at another ordered 
their destruction by fire and sword ; it is not true 
that God is revengeful, because such absurd notions 
are monstrously insulting to God himself, and to 
His consistent Divine will and power. When such 
things have happened, it has been through the abuse 
of power, and the barbaric *fear which Kings have 
entertained of their enemies ; and because, not satis* 
fied with spoliating those enemies of their goods and 
chattels, they have taken their lives in the bargain. 

Let the reader observe the new martyrology of the 
Venetians, and reflect a little on the number of 
victims from the year 1815 to the present day. Let 
him observe, also, the abuse of power in every way, 
not only in over-taxation and fines, in forced contri- 
butions and loans, in the confiscation of houses and 
landed property, in the suppression of the issue of 
metallic coins of the proper value, and the issue in- 
stead of paper invalid twenty miles out of the place, 
and in the compulsion of the citizens to pay the taxes 
and impositions in coins; but observe, also, how 
justice is administered in Venice by judges who do 
not understand the language of the country, and who 
judge, not according to evidence, but according to 
superior orders ; the forced conscriptions of overdrawn 



8 



young men, on account of the suspicion of their being 
liberals ; the suppression of the free port of Venice, 
which was for centuries the first emporium, of the 
world, and which was ordered for the sake of at- 
tracting the commercial speculations towards, and 
of enriching the incommodious and dangerous port 
and city of Trieste, where a number of Tudesques 
and Germans have settled lately, in league to 
absorb with the Government every sort of profit that 
might be obtained by enterprise ; the overcrowding 
the cities and villages with Austrian troops, station- 
ing the soldiers in most of the citizens' houses, to 
consume and enhance the value of food, and shorten 
the means of the citizens ; and the inconvenience of 
having in their houses, according to their means, a 
number of vile, rapacious, filthy, and abominably- 
savage barbarians, who take and do whatever they 
like with property and person, threatening the lives 
of and accusing their victims of liberalism, as a 
palliation or as an excuse for their thefts and 
brutality; thus intimidating and impoverishing the 
population, once most opulent and happy, most 
educated, and susceptible of the highest inspiration 
of delicacy, honesty, virtue, and all other honourable 
qualities attributed to the aspirations of mankind. 

Now this population, according to the evidence of 
Charlemagne (given in his biography), was at his 
time the most skilled and learned in arts and sciences, 
and from them he selected many masters of all sorts, 
to transport them to various cities of his Empire, to 
teach there, as he said, out of Italy nulla scientia 
cognita erat. Yet Venice at the time of Charle- 
magne was not four hundred years old, and from its 
very infancy it stood firmly watching and imperturb- 
ably guarding and defending its shores and lares 
from those ferocious barbarians the Huns, the 
Goths, the Vandals, as well as other savage tribes, 
which had, one after the other, devastated and de- 
stroyed the towns and populations of the noble 



9 



peninsula. When the old Italian Patricians first 
congregated in those lagunes, they conceived and 
adopted the best means for self-defence ; and they 
fortified themselves so ably as to resist the attempt 
of any stranger to deprive them of their indepen- 
dence. Indeed, they actually defended themselves so 
valiantly that neither the Eoman Empire, nor the 
French Kings, or any other, could conquer them. 
"We see, also, from the ancient MS. and printed 
histories of Italy, that the Venetians began early to 
have political and commercial treaties with the 
Greek and Eoman Empire, and the rest of the 
European States, and that they never signed any 
treaty derogatory to their freedom and independence. 
This can be proved by the MS. Chronica of the cele- 
brated Doge Dandolo, and by the Libri Pactorum, 
besides the historians Eossi, Guicciardini, Muratori, 
and all the Venetian historians, such as EafFaino 
Caresini, Gio. Jac. Caroldo, Daniel Chinazzo, Biondo 
Plavio, Ant. Donato, Paul Morosini, Jac. Zeno, Ber. 
Giustiniano, and those who wrote by public decree ; 
and I am happy to repeat here that the Venetians 
supported their dignity and independence with eclat 
and grandeur in their territory near home, as well as 
in all their colonies, even when they were quite young 
amongst the nations. With their prudence and wis- 
dom, and their skilful knowledge and courage in the 
fourth century of their existence, they gave a moral 
lesson to Pipin, and afterwards gained his esteem, as 
well as the friendship of that great man Charlemagne. 

The Venetians soon attained the fame of a first- 
rate power, and they became the greatest defenders 
of the Christian faith. It was the Venetians, too, 
who first conveyed its Ministers and the Knights to 
Palestine, and various other parts of the globe, to 
spread the Evangels. They twice conquered Con- 
stantinople and the Black Sea, the Syrian coasts, and 
the coast of Morea ; they also conquered many towns, 
as I shall demonstrate in course of time in these 



10 



historical sketches. They likewise undertook many- 
warlike expeditions single-handed ; and they some- 
times, leagued with other Powers, sustained, at 
intervals, for consecutive centuries, the wars with the 
Turks. For an example of their heroism I may 
refer the reader to the siege of Candia, which lasted 
for nearly five-and-twenty years. Venice was also 
perpetually molested by the other Turk-leeches of 
Europe ; that is, by the insatiable sucking animals 
rolled down from the German, French, and Spanish 
Alps ; who, not satisfied with having a good share 
each of the Italian States, stimulated by the caprices 
of the Popes, either to satisfy their holy grasping 
motives, or to fatten some kindred of their own, 
legitimate or not, or by their natural cupidity of 
spoliation and pomp,— sometimes instigated also by 
the political schemes of the Imperial vassals, in con- 
junction with the Popes, to wage war against this or 
that State,— they endeavoured to bring in, in one 
way or another, the Yenetians, with the sole object 
of weakening and exhausting their strength and 
means, hoping thereby to reduce them, so that they 
might become an easy prey. The Venetians, how- 
ever, armed with virtue and political wisdom, stood 
every battle valiantly, repell&ig the ambitious Papal 
or Imperial schemes ; and not only defended them- 
selves and their allies, but at other times stood single- 
handed, and bravely defended themselves against 
the combination of all the great Powers of Europe. 

During the whole of the fifteenth century the 
Venetians were engaged in wars, principally with 
the Turks, when Pope Julius the Second, in the year 
1508, originated the League of Cambrai against 
them, for the sake of spoliation, and in jealousy of 
their really great and supreme domination in every 
part of the civilised world. 

I should state that the Venetians, with their 
money and influence, materially contributed to the 
elevation of Julius the Second to the Papal Chair ; 



11 



and out of gratitude for these services and assistance, 
lent to him before and after his assumption of power, 
this monstrous priestly scamp laid a snare and 
originated the League against them, with all the then 
great Powers of Europe, assisted by the minor 
Powers, and the Imperial vassals who joined them 
with their land and naval forces. Henry the 
Eighth of England was the only one who did not 
appear against the Venetians ; and his exclusion from 
taking part in the League was justified by other 
political motives, which can be read in Ereneh or in 
English History. Besides, England had always been 
on good terms with the Yenetians ; there was no 
jealousy between the two governments, and there 
was a mutual sympathy between them with regard 
to political affairs, as well as a popular and friendly 
fellow-feeling with regard to industrial speculations 
and commercial enterprises. I shall speak further 
of this League in a future page. The Venetians 
were at this time in the zenith of their opulence 
and legislative wisdom, on account of the great num- 
ber of celebrated, modest, honest, and virtuous men 
who sustained and represented at the European 
Courts the high dignity of the Serenissima Bepub- 
lica, with splendid and spotless glory, while the seas 
were loaded with their vessels, importing and export- 
ing the merchandise of Europe, Asia, and Africa. 

The English had for some centuries admired the 
Venetians, followed many of their noble examples, 
and had many of their young noblemen and gentle- 
men educated at the Venetian Colleges. England 
was then in her first stage of political and commer- 
cial greatness, and Henry the Eighth thought it 
necessary to be a constant friend of the Venetians, 
in order to keep in check the ambition of the French 
Monarchs, as well as the Aragonian Sancho Panza. f 

As it is not my intention to write the Venetian 
history, there is no occasion for me to state here 
when, how, and by whom the .Venetian Eepublic 



12 



was founded ; though when very young, and not yet 
200 years old, in the year 558, as stated by Cassio- 
dorus, a contemporary historian, the Venetians had 
numerous ships, arsenals, storehouses, and a great 
number of shipbuilders and artificers of all sorts, and 
that those citizens were already celebrated everywhere 
as commercial men, as well as gallant warriors. 

I will now pass on to the seventh century, when 
the Venetians were feared as powerful foes by their 
neighbours and by the Greeks, who had much esteem 
for them, and highly valued their friendship, having 
seen how firmly they stood, and how intrepidly they 
defended their shores from foreign insult or inva- 
sion. The celebrated historian Rossi tells us that, 
in 729, they took Ravenna by assault from Luit- 
prand, the Lombard King, who had driven away the 
Exarch, the alter ego of the Greek Emperor in Italy. 

In the year 804, King Pipin, the father of Charle- 
magne, having established Ravenna as the metropolis 
of his Italian kingdom, after the spoliation of the 
Lombard Kings (as I have shown elsewhere), as he 
resided there frequently, conceived the idea of pos- 
sessing Venice and doing away with the Republic, 
thinking he should find as easy a task as he did with 
those of Lombardy, Tuscany, and the Roman 
Estates ; however, he was mistaken in his calcula- 
tions, and was tremendously defeated. He had no 
other motive for that war but that of conquest. 
Constantine, Perfirogenitus, Rubeus, and other his- 
torians say that he went to attack the Venetians 
with a naval army and with large ships of war. 

I will here give a sketch of the battle. In the 
year 804 Pipinus started from Ravenna for Venice 
with a powerful army and fleet ; he had already by 
force occupied Brondolo, Chioggia, and driven out 
the Venetians from Malamocco, who withdrew in 
order of battle, with their ships of all sorts and sizes, 
to the front of Rialto, determining to stand there and 
perish in preference to giving way to the enemy ; 



13 



who soon came there and attacked them with great 
impetuosity and determined courage, which the 
Venetians, with equally determined valour and 
ability, resisted, assisted by the command of their 
General, who ordered them to separate and break 
the line of the French ships while the tide was 
flowing down, and so take advantage of the impossi- 
bility of manoeuvring the large French vessels, and 
board them. The signal was given, and the Vene- 
tians threw themselves upon the French with such 
ardour, dealing death with almost every blow, that 
the French began to disband, seeing the number of 
their companions slain, and instead of recognising 
the voice of their Commander, hearing those of their 
wounded comrades ; seeing, likewise, that the waters 
were reddened with their blood, and their King pre- 
cipitously retreating towards Eavenna to save his 
life, they dispersed, and abandoned the Venetian 
waters. This war, which lasted but a few days, 
terminated with a tremendous loss on the part of the 
French ; but it cost a great number of the Venetians 
dearly also, mostly artificers of all sorts, and 
Arsenalotti, who had retired at first from the above- 
named places on account of the superior number of 
the French. The French King was so surprised at 
the bravery of his enemy, that a short time after he 
wrote a letter from Eavenna to the Doge, offering to 
treat for peace, and expressing his desire to go there 
personally to see and admire the place. The 
victorious Doge accepted this flattering proposal, and 
sent a good number of fine vessels to Malamocco to 
meet him. The King, dressed up with the utmost 
of his magnificent pomp at Malamocco, ascended the 
largest Venetian ship, and as there were a great * 
many spectators, he faced the curious population 
that was watching him, and with a loud voice, and 
throwing his gold sceptre in the sea, he said : — " As 
I have thrown into the sea my sceptre, which will 
never again appear, so I will never any more 

I 



14 



disturb tlieir happiness or offend this community. 
Without cause, and without any just reason, I did 
provoke you ; and as the anger of God fell only upon 
me, so may it fall upon the heads of all those who 
may unjustly come to offend you in future centuries." 
He was then escorted, amidst acclamations, to the 
Ducal Palace, where he was most sumptuously 
received ; peace, independence, and liberty were re- 
confirmed, and the Republic acquired greater 
stability and lustre from that time. 

Although it is somewhat out of place, it is well to 
state here that the Greek and Roman people, in diffi- 
cult times, that is, in times of scarcity of food and 
of political commotion, used to assemble riotously 
before the Senate-houses, crying out loudly for 
panem et cir censes. The Venetian people, on the 
contrary, always seemed to better understand the 
position of their own Government, and with acute 
political intelligence, in the greatest as well as in 
the smallest difficulties of the Republic, the Gondo- 
liers, the Arsenalotti, the Armourers, and every trades' 
corporation, inspired by the dulcis amor Patrice and 
their liberties, proud of co-operating with the 
nobility and the authorities for the welfare of the 
country in every case of attempted or real invasion, 
this orderly, silent, and meditatively obedient popu- 
lation, with virtuous and intelligent intrepidity, exe- 
cuted, veteranlike, the most difficult and dangerous 
orders of their Commanders without hesitation or 
murmur, evinced deeds of heroic bravery, with 
self-abnegation of comfort, property, and life ; con- 
tributing also their wealth to swell the public 
treasury, depositing there all the gold and silver 
vessels or jewels they could afford as a holocaust to 
their country's liberty and independence. 

These are the great examples that the Venetians 
have left us, and the world in general, to be fol- 
lowed by every people nobly inspired for the main- 
tenance of their immaculate Lares, their wise, liberal 



15 



laws, and the honourable crown of their King, or 
supreme magistrate. It was a great and sublime 
spectacle to see the whole of the Venetian family, 
rich and poor, all aiming, labouring, and struggling 
so indefatigably to save their country's honour. In 
the supreme moments of danger they never tumui- 
tuated for panem et cir censes, like other people used 
to do. Such a thing never occurred with them, and 
they never distressed the Government in troublesome 
times ; yet this population, — so obedient to the laws, 
'so respectful to the authorities, so familiar with the 
nobility, and so ready to answer the call to defend 
their country's liberties, so great and so feared by its 
enemies, so excessively jealous that one corporation 
should be more favoured than another, or that any 
arbitrary tyranny should be exercised against this or 
that class of persons, endowed also with highly ex- 
citable spirits, easily inflamed in two or three in- 
stances, — have terribly tumultuated, and sacrificed 
the lives of their Doges, and other authorities to their 
jealous vengeance. 

I feel bound to say a few words only with regard 
to the feminine sex, as I can find no words that are 
adequate, and have not the space to dedicate to them 
in this small work ; therefore I will laconically say 
that the Yenetian ladies most heartily concurred in 
everything with extraordinary promptitude, self-de- 
votion, and abnegation of every kind, in the critical 
moments of the Eepublic, and that their cheerful 
presence w r as met everywhere, and their assistance 
much appreciated by the whole population. Their 
greatest pride was that of having generated and 
brought up to sentiments of glory and patriotism a 
population which from infancy had rivalled the 
renowned and extinct Eepublics of Greece and 
Home. Vanity was invariably banished in every 
momentous question. Every woman felt that her 
heart palpitated in its proper place, and that she 
was the worthy companion of the man who enchanted 



16 



her life, and drank out of her cup. God immortal 
was reflected on the men whom she venerated, while 
he blessed her existence. Love and charity pre- 
vailed in the midst of the population, led by Divine 
"Wisdom, which seemed almost to take part in the 
general spectacle of a people who were determined to 
maintain their redemption from tyranny. These were 
the feelings which animated all those who took 
part in the tragic scene, while the lands and waters 
were newly baptised in blood to strengthen and 
perpetuate their sacred liberties. £To despair, no" 
confusion, interfered in those struggling moments. 
God, I repeat, was ever present, benignantly smiling 
upon them, and no mystification, no superstitious, 
idiotic bigotry, seized the minds of the women— 
as happened in various other places; their minds 
were free, their hearts open to receive the godly 
inspirations, and they were already occupied with 
elevated thoughts, and the exquisiteness of the pro- 
portioned sentiments of the soul which constituted 
the virtuous programme of life harmonising with God 
and humanity, prompted by Him with the sweetest 
vibrations upon the most delicately and ingeniously 
complicated instrument, that is, the beautiful and 
sublime masterpiece of God — woman. Yes, the 
Venetian ladies, with their mental attainments, 
largely contributed to the civilisation of the world, 
and deserve my poor tribute of admiration for their 
past honourable, virtuous, and glorious deeds ; and 
I am happy to say that I had personal knowledge of 
the patriotism and national devotion of the modern 
ladies, who in 1848 emulated the glory of the 
ancients in spite of the exhaustion and miseries of 
the martyrdom that they suffered, and have suffered 
since 1815 — under the barbaric rule of his Impious 
Majestically Rum Cadaveric Apostate, who has never 
thought for a moment that the day of retribution is 
fast approaching, and that his best title really means 
Caro data vermis, or to the pigs, no matter to which, 



17 



as it amounts to the same thing, et in pulverem, 
revertetur serius ocius. 

Ca va sens dire that I should say something also 
of the illustrious Venetian Senate ; but what shall I 
say first of all, as so many ideas suggest themselves to 
my mind all at once that I do not know which to 
choose ! On the extraordinary wisdom of that 
illuminated corporation depended all the merit and 
the greatness of that little nationality. Their 
steady, calculated political prevoyance; their energetic 
actions; their ambition for supremacy; their enormous 
wealth ; their love of liberty and independence ; their 
prudence in political transactions with other nations; 
their unstained, honourable word, which was reli- 
giously maintained in every civil and commercial 
transaction, and in the affairs of State ; the severity 
and the just administration of their laws, and their 
polite manner to strangers and to the neighbouring 
populations, which captivated their esteem and 
admiration, whilst it impressed them with fear and 
respect. The jealousy of their national honour was 
almost elevated to the rank of Deification and as 
long as this lasted, Venice was great and powerful ; 
the foundations of that Empire sunk when they 
became indifferent to that honour at the end of the 
seventeenth century, when gorged with gold and 
possessed of a greater territory than they could 
manage to look after or administer with their usual 
intelligence, moderation, and wisdom. 

Prom the earliest stage of the Venetian welfare, 
the civic authorities contrived to secure the affections 
of the people, and the nobility and gentry ; and they 
never neglected any opportunity of commingling 
with them. The better to ensure to themselves 
popular sympathy and obedience, they instituted a 
great number of religio-political festivals for all the 
year round, as a permanent means of amusing the 
population, and keeping them in a healthy state of 
agility, and in good training for martial valour. 

5 2 



18 



For this purpose they also revived the whole of the 
Greek and Eoman Gymnastic and Olympian games. 
The Doge and all the other public officers in- 
variably attended upon these occasions, robed 
in their magnificent official costumes, to enhance 
the pomp of the proceedings by their presence, 
and to participate in the public rejoicings, as 
well as to better regulate order, and maintain proper 
decorum and friendly feeling with all classes of the • 
people, who were invariably the actors in every 
public representation illustrative and commemora- 
tive either of a land or a naval victory over various 
people whom they had conquered at different epochs. 
Besides this, the regular Olympic and other kinds of 
games afforded the people the opportunity of dis- 
tinguishing themselves in everything that was manly 
and honourable. Thus, whilst the applause and the 
ovations of the people were bestowed upon the victors, 
others were excited to emulate them, and with 
the ambition to aspire to noble actions, and make 
themselves expert in every mode of fighting and self- 
defence. Music, dancing, and theatrical representa- 
tions were accessory amusements on such occasions, 
and were equally appreciated by every class of the 
citizens. The expenses of these national festivals 
were defrayed by the Government, though most of 
the Nobles voluntarily contributed largely to them 
out of their private means ; in some instances, also, 
at various epochs, several Senatorial families have 
entertained at their private expense the Doge, the 
Senate, and the people in the grandest style. 

It was by their generous liberality that the Nobles 
showed the people how pleased and how proud they 
were of their disinterested and popular friendship ; 
and the grateful population, happy to receive the 
protection, generosity, and friendly sympathy of the 
Nobles, returned their thanks and the high esteem 
which they entertained for their Nobles, by making 
common cause with them in every political necessity 



19 



for war, and in every ease of need for popular 
assistance. 

If I were not afraid of going too far, I might state 
here that from the tenth century the Nobles mid 
adopted the habit of standing godfathers to such of 
the children of artizan families as they liked to 
choose, and that these children were always well 
brought up ; moreover, that in course of time they 
used to accustom themselves to look upon these 
Noblemen as their shields and protectors, who in 
return looked upon those they had adopted as mem- 
bers of their families, not as menials or vassals, 
but as personal friends upon whom they could rely, 
and who would most devotedly and sincerely con- 
secrate to them their affectionate esteem and interest. 
Many instances in proof of this could be illustrated 
by reference to historical facts, but it would be 
superfluous to quote them here. 

On the Genius of the Venetians. 

In the year 808 the Venetians went with a large 
fleet to frighten the inhabitants of the coast of 
Dalmatia. In 827 they fought two great naval 
battles with the Saracen Arabs, and made other wars 
against the Sclavonians. Towards the end of the ninth 
century they gained that famous victory over the 
TJgres (or the Ungarians), and another equally 
famous one over the Narentanians, which entirely 
humiliated that people and destroyed their country. 
These naval victories were not accomplished by 
means of small ships, but mostly by large vessels of 
1.200 lotti (tons) each. (This Venetian measure- 
ment was subsequently adopted by all other nations 
in their navies.) We read that the Venetian ships 
used to sail with three masts, while those of the 
Greeks, who at that time were capital sailors, had 
only two. The Greek and Norman contemporary 
historians, though enemies to the Venetians, used to 



20 



call their ships ambulant fortifications, most terrible 
to meet on the high sea, and asserted that the 
"Venetian lagunes were full of ships, sailors, and 
riSh merchandise. In reading their history in the 
tenth, eleventh, twelfth, and thirteenth centuries, 
we find ample testimony of their perfection, 
and of all kinds of improvements in their naval 
architecture, either in their mercantile or in their 
war ships, with which they undertook many long, 
perilous, and exploring navigations and wars. 
However, in the year 1255, when some of the great 
nations of the present day had scarcely half-a-dozen 
large ships each on the sea, and others had none at 
all, the Yenetians brought out a Nautical Code of 
Laws, which has since been of immense service in the 
regulation of the shipping and commercial interests 
of the world. The Genoese Eepublic followed in 
the steps of the Venetians in building vessels, and 
in sailing, and were for centuries the only rivals 
that could contend with them. I must observe that, 
unfortunately for both, and for Italy in general, 
their rivalry lasted too long, and produced many 
desperate wars, which invariably turned out profit- 
able to others, never to themselves. Had they 
understood their interests better, and leagued them- 
selves together with one or more Italian Princes, 
they might have averted the calamities of twelve 
centuries by ruling confederately with wisdom and 
freedom. 

The rivalry and wars between the Venetians and 
the Genoese lasted nearly 300 years. The intre- 
pidity of these illustrious rivals for a long time per- 
plexed almost all the historians with admiration of 
their bravery and achievements, until at last the 
Venetians mastered these then victorious people, 
who had the temerity to push their fleet and 
besiege the Venetians at Chioggia. It was a terrible 
affair on both sides. Before, or even after this battle, 
these nations might have set aside all rivalry, and, 



21 



by means of their opulence, the intelligence and the 
strength of their armies and their citizens, by the insti- 
tution of wise laws, and with the assistance of two or 
three other confederates, they might have cleared 
Italy of all foreign intruders, and ruled fairly and 
freely without dependence upon or submission to 
strangers. 

The Greeks, the French, the Austro-Germans, and 
later the Spaniards, have all of them, more or less, 
always found pretexts for invading Italy ; sometimes 
to satisfy their own caprices, but mostly at the 
call of the Popes, who appear to have been pleased 
to see the population decimated, for the reason that 
they could better keep it in subjection and easier 
spoliate it, according to their capricious whims. 
These Popes were never in want of a cause for war ; 
they had imagination enough to invent one, and suf- 
ficient relatives to enrich at the expense of the 
Nobles, and those who had good patrimonies. The 
swords of the Imperial Vicars, Kings, and Emperors 
(when they were not against the Popes) were always 
ready to be used on their behalf, to the detriment 
of the innocents who were to be immolated, as I 
have said, for the sake of dividing the spoils. 
Knowledge at any time was a crime in the eyes of 
the Popes, unless it were prostituted to their pur- 
poses ; otherwise they would not have succeeded in 
inculcating and rivetting ignorance so firmly in 
the people's minds that they were idiots enough to 
swallow the most gigantically incredible stories, 
wholly inconsistent with truth and common sense. 
Mysticism and ignorance have always gone hand- 
in-hand, the first in the shape of the master, the 
second as the most humble servant of the first ; 
and, strange to say, they have never disagreed, for 
fear that the sword should level the difference. TVe 
may trace this truth historically from the Egyptians, 
the Hebrews, the Etruscans, the Greeks, and the 
Romans down to the present day. If this were not 



22 



so, we should not now find people pretending to a 
certain degree of civilization who still believe in the 
wonderful performances of Jonas with the whale, and 
that St Denis, after having been decapitated in 
Paris, took his head under his arm and walked back 
to St Denis, a distance of six miles. The same 
might be said of a thousand other equally inconsistent 
farces. There is very little difference between the 
above and the poetical Episodes of Ariosto ; the only 
variation is that the first are warranted by the 
Priestcraft to impose upon the people and stupefy 
them ; and that the second is told by the poet to 
please and at the same time to astonish human 
credulity, and, by his wonderfully poetical imagina- 
tion, to criticise and moderate that same credulity of 
the people in the old mystical and poetical farces. 

At the present era there are many speculators on 
the human conscience, and many people without any 
principle whatever except that of roguery. With a 
tolerably good education, and a capital position in 
society, they go hand-in-hand with the masses of 
these all-believers, and are always intent to narrow 
their intelligence by foisting superstitions and igno- 
rant principles upon the unguarded and deluded 
people. If by chance they are put to the test in 
anything, their superior education and social position 
afford them every means of escape from the dilemma 
they might be brought into by their affectation of a 
creed or principle which they never believed. At 
this present epoch, too, of so-called high civilization, 
it appears to me that there still exists amongst some 
people evidences of great delusion, or, properly speak- 
ing, of great mystification. Now and then, when I 
read the morning papers, certain facts come under my 
notice which throw my mind into suspense, and I 
find myself speculating as to whether they are real, 
or whether I am undergoing a transitory delusion. 
At such moments my mind often wanders ; when I 
frankly confess I should like to go back and have a 



IN 



23 



peep at the barbaric age of Cicero, Cato, Virgil, 
Horace, Caesar, and Company, just merely for the 
sake of observing and comparing their times of posi- 
tive greatness with the present, and witnessing how 
heroism and virtue were then venerated and pre- 
raiated, and how patriotic and virtuous were the 
honest, learned, and noble Pontifices. In such a 
case I should have observed the brave Caesar, when 
he conceived the idea of putting his sword between 
his teeth and swimming across the Rubicon, after 
having reflected that, if he were to go back, he 
would be sure to be lost, and that it was necessary 
to go forward in spite of the difficulties and the mis- 
fortunes he was sure to encounter, although fully 
alive to them and forewarned. 

As I am not dreaming now, however, I must 
return to my dear Venetians, and state that, to their 
glory and credit, they were undoubtedly the earliest 
and greatest navigators and travellers in the Middle 
Ages ; and that they were the most proficient 
astronomers also, as is attested by the works of P. 
Ximenes, who tells us that in the year 873 he had 
many Italian followers in the study of that science ; 
and it could not have been otherwise, when we come 
to consider the great number of fearless Venetian 
navigators that were then living. The conviction 
that they were so becomes further strengthened 
when we look back to the events of the twelfth and 
the thirteenth centuries, and find that the Venetian 
family of Maffeus Polo were travelling in China and 
Tartary, and that, on their return, twenty years 
after, Marco Polo, the son of jSTicolaus, joined them 
in several excursions ; and that he afterwards went 
to China and brought from thence the compass, 
where, in the opinion of many modern writers, it 
had been in use for a long time previously by the 
Chinese navigators, of which Marco Polo made no 
mention in his writings, although he made the in- 
strument known, and although he described places, 



24 



populations, and manners so minutely and so accu- 
rately that most of his contemporaries believed his 
narrations to be mere fiction. However, we have 
lately seen that in their works many English navi- 
gators have confirmed the truth of the assertions of 
Marco Polo. His excursion to Asia from the Capri- 
corn tropic to the Arctic Pole, his penetrating into 
the glacial zone further on before any other traveller, 
his description of the Polar Star, and his minute 
observations upon many phenomena, were all looked 
upon as incredible stories, and have only been lately 
confirmed. 

"Whilst referring to Marco Polo, I will notice that 
silk and velvet dresses were worn by gentlemen 
before and at his time, though I cannot trace the origin 
of these fabrics. At page 6 of the Preface written by 
Gio. Bat. Eamusio to the second volume of the Travels 
and Navigations of Marco Polo, I find it stated that 
when Mafiio, Mcolo, and Marco Polo returned to 
Venice after twenty years of navigation, their rela- 
tives scarcely recognised them, on account of the 
changes which they had undergone in their physi- 
ognomies and costumes. The travellers on their arrival 
alighted at their own house, which was occupied by 
their relatives, to whom they gave a sumptuous 
dinner. Before sitting down to dine they withdrew 
to another room, washed their hands, changed their 
long dresses of raso cremosino (crimson silk), and 
put on other dresses of Damasco cremosino. These 
may have been of linen, wool, or silk. They then 
returned to the dining-room, and ordered their first 
dresses to be cut to pieces, and distributed to the 
servants of the house. After having partaken of a 
few viands, the travellers again withdrew to another 
room, again changed their dresses, and put on long 
velvet ones, also crimson-coloured ; they then divided 
the second set of dresses amongst the servants. Upon 
the conclusion of their repast they retired once more, 
changed their velvet dresses for common cloth ones, 



25 



which they wore every day, and then ordered the 
distribution of the velvet ones as before. The ser- 
vants were then directed to leave th,e room, when 
Marco went into an adjoining apartment to take in 
the most inferior dresses with which they were clad 
when they arrived at Venice. Their relatives were 
already astonished at the proceedings of the travel- 
lers, but were still farther surprised when they 
beheld them undo the seams of their dresses with 
knives, and disentangle and produce therefrom an 
immense quantity of most valuable jewels, consisting 
of rubies, sapphires, carbuncles, diamonds, and eme- 
ralds of immense value. This enormous wealth, 
which they brought home with them in jewels, was 
the produce of the munificent presents which they 
received in gold from the Great Khan of Tartary, 
who it appears was on the most friendly terms with 
them, and treated them with the munificence of one 
of those Princes spoken of in the ' Thousand and 
One Nights.' 

Marco Polo states in his first book that the people 
of Campion, under the Great Khan of Tartary, printed 
their booh. 

Mafiio and Nicolo were well received by this Great 
Khan, and were commissioned by him to return to 
Europe and be his messengers to the Pope, and ob- 
tain from him some Roman Catholic Legates for his 
States, and also to bring him some of the sacred oil 
from the lamp of the sepulchre of Our Lord Jesus 
Christ. Maffio and Mcolo executed the commission, 
in spite of the difficulties and dangers attending so 
long a voyage ; and when they arrived at Venice, 
]STicolo found that his wife, who upon his departure 
in 1250 he had left enceinte, had died after giving 
birth to a son, whom she had baptised and named 
Marco, and who was then nineteen years of age. 
This is the hero who at the age of nineteen wrote 
and spoke four different languages, and joined his 
father and uncle in their second voyage to Asia at 

c 



26 



the court of the Great Ehan, where he was honoured 
by that Emperor by being inscribed as one of the 
first gentlemen of his Court, and where he remained 
up to the period of 1296 or 7. 

When the Genoese fleet went to attack the Vene- 
tians in 1298, under the Admiral Lampa Doria, Marco 
Polo, being then young, vigorous, and renowned for 
his travelling exploits, was nominated Captain of a 
ship of war for the defence of the country. During 
the engagement his intrepidity led him too far, and, 
surrounded by a superior force, he was wounded and 
taken prisoner, then chained, and taken to Genoa. 
Though kept in captivity, he was kindly treated, and 
received frequent visitations from the principal 
authorities of the town, who were delighted to hear 
him narrate his travels and the customs of the 
Asiatics. It was whilst a prisoner here that he dic- 
tated his Book of Travels to a young Genoese gentle- 
man, who showed him much friendship, and fre- 
quently visited him in his prison. 

In the prohemio of this book, dedicated to the 
Princes, Dukes, &c, Marco Polo says that they will 
find in it the description of the manners and habits 
of the people of Armenia, Major and Minor, of 
Persia, Media, Tartaria, India, and many other 
provinces of Asia, from east to west, all which places 
(he observes) " I have seen and described." Marco 
Polo begins his book by saying that Maffio and 
Mcolo Polo, his father and uncle, in the year 1250, 
were at Constantinople, where at that time resided a 
Venetian Major, whose duty was to govern the city 
under the Empire of Baldwin, Count of Flanders, 
who was then Emperor. They deliberated about 
departing from there, and resolved on navigating the 
Mar Maggiore in search of towns for better 
exchanging or selling their various articles of 
merchandise. At last they arrived at the sea-port 
called Soldadia. Erom thence they travelled by land 
to the Court of the Grand Signor of West Tartary, 



27 



named Barcha, who resided in the towns of Bolgara 
and Assara. 

Marco Polo did not believe in astrology and necro- 
mancy, or any branch of these diabolical arts, as he 
calls them; but, nevertheless, at page 17 of the first 
book of his Viaggi, he relates of the necromancers at 
the Court of the Great Khan, that when the weather 
changes and indicates a storm, they accomplish a 
wonderful feat, which, when he saw it, surprised 
him ; it consists in getting on the top of the Khan's 
palace, and, by virtue of their art, preventing the 
rain or hail from falling upon the palace, while it 
showers and storms most furiously all around the 
said palace. As the mission of my work is to treat 
of the origin of religion and of its mystification by 
the Popes, I will not contaminate it with frivolities 
and absurdities which I do not believe. If it were 
my intention to mislead the reader, I might entertain 
him with other stories equally surprising with the 
above. 

Marco Polo ends his book of Viaggi with the 
description of Pvussia, which he calls a Province, 
exceedingly wide, and divided in many parts ; he 
likewise terms it a tenebrous region, where the men 
and women are fine and fair, with long hair. They 
are of the Greek religion, and pay tribute to the 
Eing of West Tartary. He also remarks that there 
are many silver mines, that it is a very cold region, 
and that various skins of animals, Armelini, Arco- 
lini, Zelelini, Vari, VoIpi } and much wax (perhaps 
spermaceti), &c, abound there. 

In the second part of the History of the Tartars, 
written by the celebrated Armenian, Hayton, son of 
Churchi, a relative of the King of Armenia, at page 
64, I find that in 1244, Sultan Guyadin, when he 
was defeated in a battle in Asia, by the Tartarian 
General Bay do, the Turkish Emperor had at his 
service two thousand Latin troops, who were com- 
manded by two Christian Captains, John du Liminda, 



28 



native of Cipro, and Boniface da Molin, of Venice. 
These two Venetians were probably the first Euro- 
peans who had penetrated into the innermost regions 
of Asia. 

There is also the voyage of Josaphat Barbaro to 
Tana, and from thence to Persia, in 1428. At the 
city of Derbent, near the Caspian Sea, this traveller 
found several Venetian merchants established. 

At that time Piero Lando, a Venetian gentleman, 
was Consul of the Republic of Venice at Cairo. 

Josaphat Barbaro, in commencing the description 
of his voyage, says, " In the year 1436, I began to 
travel to Tana, where I have resided for sixteen 
years, and have surveyed and visited all these 
coasts by sea, and diligently crossed and recrossed 
that region by land for curiosity sake," After this 
he describes the plains of Tartary, &c. 

Much later came John and his son, the renowned 
Sebastian Cabotta, the discoverer of the magnetic 
needle, which completed the improvements of the 
compass. The two brothers Zeni, in the year 1390, 
a century before Columbus, discovered North 
America and Iceland. Alvise Cadamosto, another 
Venetian, in 1455, whilst navigating the Atlantic 
Ocean, approached the Equator; and Joseph Contarini, 
Josaphat Barbaro, Marinus Sanudo, and the above- 
named Sebastian Cabotta, and his brother Antony, 
could not have undertaken long and dangerous 
voyages unless they had been most expert astrono- 
mers, and able to find their way back after many 
3^ears of toil and constant observation. In the 
Venetian History honourable mention is made of 
these celebrated travellers, unknown to or forgotten 
by other countries. 

With regard to Geography, the ancient maps, 
delineated according to the descriptions of Marco 
Polo, and others of his contemporaries, and which 
were placed at that time in the Ducal Palace, satis- 
factorily prove that the Venetians were the first people 



29 



of that period who studied geography and were masters 
of that science. Besides these there still exists in the 
Public Library of Venice the celebrated Planisphere, 
in which Africa is correctly delineated in the shape 
of a peninsula from the maps made by Marco Polo 
when he was in Kitay, and which he brought with 
him when he returned to Yenice in the beginning of 
the year 1296. History demonstrates by facts that 
for some centuries, while the other nations were- 
living in leisure at their homes, the Venetians, with 
their illuminato spirito of enterprise and their know- 
ledge, were exploring distant and unknown lands 
and seas, providing the people of Europe with all 
kinds of novelties of foreign produce and most useful 
to humanity. 

Y/ith reference to the Arts, I need say nothing 
further than this, that the Venetian Schools are very 
ancient and renowned in every branch, and that many 
of their men of genius have not yet been excelled by 
any other nation. See Canova's works, for instance, 
which rival the sculptures of Phidias and Praxiteles. 
I have debarred myself from naming the Paintings 
of Titian, Paul Veronese, and the other great 
men of their class ; therefore, I will say nothing 
either of the great works of Palladio, San so vino, 
Scammozzi, and others, who were endowed with the 
gifts of superior genius in Architecture. I cannot 
refrain, however, from saying a word about the 
ancient, celebrated, and immovable Murazzi, which 
have withstood a thousand times the lurious attacks 
of Neptune, and baffled the attacks of the fleets of 
invaders for many consecutive centuries. The 
Palaces speak for themselves, even to the idiots who- 
cannot help admiring them, particularly if they 
have resided in other towns. 

Poetry and Eloquence reigned supreme in the 
earliest days of Venice, and it was a custom with 
the Venetians to send orators as Ambassadors to the 
great Courts of Europe. Bembo, Bernardo Capello, 

c 2 



30 



and Navagero, are sufficient representatives of the 
class. 

The commerce of the Venetians with Constanti- 
nople, Alexandria, and Damascus was so great and so 
regular, that their merchants had frequent oppor- 
tunities of seeing the ateliers of the East, and buying 
and exchanging all sorts of useful articles ; and as 
the Easterns, instead of improving in the production 
of these things, degenerated very much, particularly 
in the sixth and seventh centuries, the Venetians, 
being expert, intelligent, and assiduous, imitated 
and perfected them, making a variety of improve- 
ments of all kinds ; and in a short time they excelled 
and surpassed their masters. In the fair of Pavia, 
in the year 775, the Venetians exposed for sale, 
not only the objects they had purchased in the East, 
but all sorts of magnificent tissues in silks and 
cloths, worked in gold and silver, which had been 
made and improved in the Venetian Lagunes. The 
officers of the army of Charlemagne and his Paladins > 
rich with the spoils of the Lombard King, flocked 
there, and bought almost everything, even the imi- 
tated carpets of Damascus, the woollen tissues of 
Angora, the gilt leathers prepared at Venice (used 
as hangings for rooms and coverings for chairs), 
and many other kinds of fine works, spending their 
money most happily upon objects of which they had 
no idea, on account of their noveltv. It is said that 
Charlemagne himself was pleased to have and to wear 
frequently a heavy dress of Venetian manufacture ; 
I presume that he provided himself with light dresses 
also, as he was so much pleased with the workman- 
ship and the quality of the stuff. 

The Venetian smiths were most anciently estab- 
lished, and were uncommonly skilled in forging 
arms, in inlaying them, engraving them, and con- 
verting various metals into any shape or form they 
liked, and tempering them according to the con- 
sistence which each article required. Their forges 



31 



and foundries were numerous, and they were con- 
stantly employed in supplying strangers with every- 
thing they wanted. 

The goldsmiths and silversmiths were also clever 
and expert in all kinds of work, and we read that as 
early as the year 1123 they worked gold bracelets, 
which became objects of luxe. Most minute gold 
chains and ear-rings followed in the train of luxury, 
and the Venetian ladies did not abandon their use 
until bracelets, ear-rings, and chains enriched with 
precious gems were substituted in their place, when 
the rich and noble ladies cast aside for ever the 
simple gold ornaments to the exclusive use of the 
wives and daughters of artificers and the middle 
classes, particularly the women of the gondoliers, 
with whom they would be still in use had they not 
been lately spoliated of everything by the Austrians. 

The bell- founders, brass- workers, and smelters 
were also very industrious, and the campanologic 
art of Yenice is honourably mentioned^ in history 
from the fact that Doge Partecipatius, in the year 
868, sent as a present twelve brass bells of different 
tones and sizes to the Emperor Basilius, the Mace- 
donian. 

Another scientific branch of manual industry very 
early in vogue amongst the Venetians, and not then 
known or practised any where else, was that of 
organ-building. A celebrated priest, Don Gregorio, 
who had his atelier in the Lagunes of Venice, built, 
in the year 824, an exquisitely-toned organ, which 
gained him such renown that he was presented to 
the Emperor Ludowick, who received him most 
courteously, and in order to retain him in his service 
presented him with a rich abbey in Erance. 

Nicholas Conti, a celebrated Italian traveller of 
the fifteenth century, who visited the places de- 
scribed by Marco Polo, found the Venetian zequins 
in great estimation in the Indies, along the Ganges 
and the coast of Malabar. When Vasco de Gama 



32 



went to Calcutta he found them current there, and 
in great estimation, as well as the Venetian ducats. 
Colonel Cooper, in one of his Memorials, asserts 
that from the Mediterranean Sea to the Chinese the 
Asiatic people knew no other coins than the Yenetian 
zequins. Even in Arabia Felix the zequins were 
very early known and appreciated by the Scheriffs, 
who used to keep them under glass shades as objects 
of valuable rarity. 

"What shall I say of the practice of the vitreous art ? 
which though very well known to the ancient Etrus- 
cans, Eomans, Greeks, and Arabs, yet when barbarism 
tyrannised over Greek civilization it degenerated in 
beauty of form and composition, and so much so that 
it almost fell into disuse. The Venetians began to 
practise the art about the tenth century, and rapidly 
improved upon it, in so many varieties of shape, form, 
and composition that they almost made it a new art. 
The manufacture increased so much through out Venice, 
and the demand for samples became so great in every 
part of the .world, that the Senate considered it 
convenient to fix the factories in a suburban part of 
the town ; which was accordingly done, as may be 
seen by a Decree of the thirteenth century, which 
assigned Murano for that purpose, after which period 
this island became very rich, and much populated 
by a very industrious and skilful class of people, who 
were constantly exercising their ingenuity in the 
display of colours, and who exhibited much taste in 
the objects they produced, competing amongst 
themselves only, as there were then no other es- 
tablishments in Europe or anywhere else, of any 
note, where their art was practised. Beads in 
imitation of the Egyptians were first made ; then 
followed all other sorts of beads, of various sizes, 
shapes, and colours; vases, chalices, vario-painted 
flowers in bouquets and festoons, capricious objects, 
and objects of ordinary use ; and, in fact, everything 
was produced there with elegance and in profusion. 



33 



The cut glasses in imitation of diamonds, the fine 
lustres, the small and great chandeliers, radiating 
and reflecting the colours, all contributed to create 
cheerfulness amongst the artificers, who were as 
happy as any other mortals could he better situated 
than they were. I must not forget to mention the 
mirrors and large looking-glasses, which stood un- 
rivalled almost to the end of the last century, and 
which brought so much to the coffers of the Govern- 
ment and to the pockets of the industrious artificers. 
I should state here that the Yenetian Government, 
finding the manufacture of beads and fictitious pearls 
so profitable to the State, issued severe laws against 
any one who should divulge the secret of the way in 
which they were manufactured ; which secret was 
so zealously kept by every one, that for several 
centuries it continued to remain, as I have said, a 
great source of wealth, on account of the vast 
number of travellers who flocked to Yenice to 
purchase them, as well as by the quantity that was 
exported yearly by the Yenetian merchants to 
distant lands, and from which they used most fre- 
quently to take in exchange the real pearls, bril- 
liants, rubies, and other valuable stones. Yasco 
de Gama reported that he found these beads and 
pearls were profusely circulated as coins in Calcutta ; 
and Lord Macartney, the English Ambassador, stated 
that the Tartars and Chinese of rank, such as the 
Mandarins, for instance, used Yenetian paste-buttons 
ornamented with works of Marguerites, or beads, as 
an honourable distinction, according to their grades. 
As early as the ninth century the market was held 
weekly in Olivolo,' and at Murano two yearly fairs 
were held for the sale of looking-glasses and every 
other object in vitreous art. The great annual fair, 
which lasted eight days, and in which all sorts of 
produce were exhibited and sold to the commercial 
travellers of Europe and other parts of the world, 
was instituted in the year 1180, and was opened 



34 



regularly on the Ascension-days with great pomp 
and extraordinary effect, on account of the enormous 
display of every kind of wealth and examples of 
industry in every branch of manufacture, and even 
of the Pine Arts. It would be useless to attempt 
to give a description of this great fair in this trifling 
work, for the mere description of the sublime 
mechanical work which was used every year for 
the construction of the portable shops, or rather 
galleries, which were placed on the occasion in the 
Piazza of St Marco would occupy more space than 
could be afforded. 

I will close this chapter ^by saying that until 
the downfall of the Venetian Eepublic, there was 
no branch of manufacture or art that had not at- 
tained the highest perfection at the hands and heads 
of the Venetian artificers. Do not ask me, dear 
reader, what has become of ail this magnificence, 
where and when it disappeared. I have already 
partly told you ; and Venice, unconquered in her 
cities and provinces, was ignominiously bartered in 
the treaty of Campo Eormio. With the treaty of 
1815, her final doom was signed and sealed; when 
towns and populations were consigned by brutal 
force to the hands of the actual executioners, whose 
savage and infernal brutality, and extreme avidity 
for lucre and spoliation by the means I have already 
stated, has reduced her to her present state, and left 
her people with only exhausted eyes to shed tears 
upon their late opulence, comfort, and greatness. 

Fancy for one moment if Orseolo, Dandolo, Moro- 
sini, Zeno, Vittor Pisani, Michiel, Andrea Gritti, 
Moccinigo, Loredano — fancy, I say, if one or all of 
these, or any others of the illustrious warriors and 
heads of the Eepublic, could rise from their tombs 
and peep out at the place of St Mark now, what a 
sorrowful grief, what a mockery to their great and 
glorious deeds, to their patriotic affections, and their 
humane civilization it would be. Their great souls 



35 



would be so terribly afflicted, that I do not think 
they would be able to find words sufficiently strong 
or adequate to condemn those who stand inert, thus 
morally approving the work of spoliation by their 
atrocious ruling friends. 



Good Symptoms foe the Italian Beotheshood. 

The press of to-day (the 9th of Jan., 1861) 
reports that the Municipality of Spalatro, and six- 
teen other towns in Dalmatia, have protested against 
the Ministerial Austrian pragramme for annexing 
Dalmatia to Croatia. I congratulate the Dalmatians 
for their spirit in refusing to have connection with a 
population which, even at the present day, in spite 
of the fact that civilization has spread itself to all 
other provinces of neighbouring kingdoms, have 
remained and still remain the only savage cannibals 
of Europe, as they were 900 years ago. 

This is not at all an exaggerated assertion, 
particularly when we come to consider the many 
acts of barbarism and the most sanguinary actions 
of which they have been guilty, wherever they have 
been stationed in execution of their military duty 
during the last forty-five years. Eor these reasons I 
sympathise with the demonstration of the Dalmatians, 
and applaud them. I give them credit for refusing 
the Croatians, for the sake of keeping themselves 
in reserve for junction again with their very old 
and dear friends, benefactors, and protectors, the 
Yenetians. 

By the treaty of Campo Formio, Napoleon the 
First gave to Austria what did not belong to him, 
because he had not conquered Yenice, and he had 
neither bought it nor engaged it for- other States ; 
and because Dalmatia and Istria were part and 
parcel of the Yenetian Dominions, and had been 
so since the year 997. It was, therefore, an 



36 



unjustifiable barter to which he gave way, as a 
momentary military stratagem, which I am sure 
it must have been his intention to redeem afterwards, 
if he had had the opportunity of so doing. As he 
failed to do so, however, his Nephew is universally 
considered in duty bound to redeem the action of his 
illustrious ancestor, by reconquering, and reinstating 
the real owners to their properties, and they are the 
Sovereign people of Italy (the S.P.Q.L), that is if 
he wishes to follow the steps of his illustrious Uncle. 
I remember the old Patrician Cornaro of Venice, 
who held a distinguished position in the army of 
[Napoleon the First, and who had been also one of 
his pages. He was here in London in exile some 
twenty-five years ago ; we used to meet as friends 
frequently at a table d'hote, and had many long 
walks together. I used to make him talk about the 
illustrious Republic of Venice, I being inebriated 
with its sublimity, and he being an ambulant his- 
tory, full of details the most minute, and could 
recount everything that had been done that was 
great and glorious in his own country. He liked to 
talk about, and I liked to hear anything relating to 
the old wars ; and though he was an enthusiast for 
[Napoleon, and recognised in him the cause of his 
own and his country's miseries, yet he often ex- 
claimed that the Bonapartes were not yet dead, and 
that one day or another one of them would redeem 
the pledge. Another of my old friends, Colonel 
Araldi, also a most distinguished soldier of the Em- 
pire, used to tell me in 1848 the same thing, as a most 
positive fact, just as if he had foreseen the advent 
of Napoleon the Third to the throne of Prance. "We 
were also travelling one day together along the Po, by 
the side of Ferrara, in 1848, when he told me of this 
event before Napoleon bad entered France ; and in 
1851, he wrote to me that he was coming to see me 
in London at the time of the Exhibition. On his 
departure from London he renewed his oracle by 



37 



telling me that he would go to Paris to see Napoleon, 
the Third, from whom he expected great events. 

The advent of Napoleon the Third to the throne 
of Prance destroyed the compact of the Holy- 
Alliance, and rendered null and void the Treaty of 
Vienna. I merely name this as a precedent, and 
because I do not see the justice or the reason why 
Italy should not possess the same right "as France to 
emancipate herself from her enemies and claim her 
own property and independence. Neither past nor 
present history gives the pre-eminence to the French 
on account of her men of genius in any epoch, 
though the population of France is more numerous 
than that of Italy. "With regard to civilisation and 
liberty, the Italians are not indebted to the French. 
It is true that the genius of Napoleon the First gave 
the death-blow to feudalism in France and Italy, 
and that from that time a new European political 
era began; but it is also true, that as soon as the 
French Revolution broke out, towards the end of the 
last century, it re-echoed in many central Italian 
towns. I will instance Eeggio as the most patriotic 
town of Europe, although endowed with a population 
of about 20,000 souls. The Italian nation was ripe 
for liberty, and had it not been that they were 
waiting to see other nations engaged elsewhere, so 
that they should not plunge upon them and put 
them down (which has always been the case), they 
would have begun the revolution much earlier than 
the French did, as they had good cause for complaint 
against their Government. The Florentine Bonaparte 
family, during the last part of the seventeenth 
century, produced an eminent writer, a lady, and 
two other literary characters, who had contributed 
to the spread of civilisation when the father of 
Napoleon the First was sent to Corsica to occupy 
the honourable berth of Judge ; and it was on account 
of his foreign extraction that that Emperor was 
induced to be naturalised as a Frenchman. Now, since 

d 



38 



this Emperor disposed of Venice, Istria, and Dalmatia, 
the people have been subjected to the greatest and 
most humiliating tortures, without any cause or 
disgrace on their part ; and this is why it becomes an 
honourable duty on the part of the present ruler, 
Napoleon the Third, to restore them to their own 
freedom, rights, and privileges. 

The Invasion oe Venice by the Taetabian TJgees. 

Now, as liberty is the order of the day with the 
Dalmatians, as well as with the Venetians and 
others determined to regain it, it may not be out of 
place to open the Venetian history, and observe 
that in the year 906, after many other invasions in 
Italy, the Tartarian Ugres, a ferociously savage 
tribe, invaded Italy, and committed the most wanton 
acts, destroying the towns, killing men and women, 
eating the raw human flesh of their victims, and taking 
away everything they could carry, rinding no resis- 
tance in Priul and Lombardy, as those States were 
neither organized nor prepared to meet an invasion. 
This is corroborated by Sabellicus, in his History of 
Venice (Dec. I, lib. 3), the following passage from 
which I quote : — Hunni non modo pietatis, sed hu- 
mamtatisetiam contemptores : quippequine csesorum 
quidem cadaveribus parcerent, immaniumque ferarum 
more hum ana membra laniarent, laniataque man- 
derent. Hie nefandus gentis mos, &c. 

These Tartarian Ugres, knowing that the Venetians 
were rich, and had never been conquered, had 
directed themselves there by sea and land, and had 
already destroyed Eraclea, Capo d'Argine, and 
Chioggia, when the Doge Peter Tribunns, with the 
Venetian citizens, on the 29th of June, undertook 
the defence of the city, and fell upon them with 
such prompt and valorous effect, cutting and wound- 
ing those on the land and destroying and sinking 
those who were in their boats on the sea, that the 



a9 

remainder of them took to flight, some in their little 
boats, others by means of their horses and carts 
which they had assembled on the land ready to be 
loaded with the spoils had their navy succeeded in 
entering Venice as victors. They were so terribly 
defeated, however, in both places, that the remainder 
were compelled to quit hastily (as I have said) upon 
their horses, which were accoutred almost the same 
as themselves, that is covered with skins, tanned or 
iintanned, as they were ; when they took the quickest 
and straightest road to Hungary, where they finally 
established themselves, and from which time Pannonia 
took the name of Hungary. The historians say that 
these barbarians had an extraordinary number of 
carts and little horses, and that they were so fami- 
liarized with the latter that they used to eat, drink, 
and sleep together, making almost a family circle, 
and understanding each other like St Patrick and 
the pig, or St Eock and his dog. Although the 
slaughter was great, yet some few escaped also by 
their boats, and went to settle in the Adriatic Isles ; 
from whence, now and then, they issued and com- 
mitted acts of piracy upon any commercial vessels 
that happened to strand upon the coast, and upon 
the islanders who were not strong enough to defend 
themselves. I should have stated that, at the end of 
the sixth century, a very powerful horde of savages 
emigrated from Scythia, and that, after crossing the 
Danube, they divided themselves into two branches, 
the largest of which went about to conquer and settle 
themselves in Illyria and Sclavonia. After visiting 
the coast of the Black Sea, and finding that it was not 
a sufficiently good place to settle in, they continued 
their peregrinations, and upon arriving in Sclavonia 
they began to run about to acquire new lands towards 
the coasts of the Adriatic, settling and dividing them- 
selves in groups of families- At last they found a 
good situation to build their chief town in, which they 
called Karenta, and themselves the Narentanians. 



40 



These ferocious barbarians, after having fortified 
themselves here, made incursions into Istria, and 
subdued by force the defenceless populations ; they 
then built vessels, and began to exercise their 
industry as pirates, and to commit depredations upon 
the Yenetian vessels, and the people of the coasts. 
The Venetians, the Istrians, and the Dalmatians 
soon discovered the atrocious dispositions of the 
Narentanians, and began to defend themselves and 
their properties. The Venetian Eepublic was com- 
pelled for a long time to keep a number of vessels 
of war employed for the protection of their mer- 
chantmen to and from the Adriatic, which now and 
then punished the Narentanians. During a period 
of at least two centuries of hard and most obstinate 
struggles with these pirates, the above populations, 
instead of living in prosperity and happiness, were 
always kept in consternation and in jeopardy. At 
last, tired as well as exhausted of their means of 
self-defence, the Illyrians and the Dalmatians sent 
deputations from every town to the Doge, begging 
that they might dedicate themselves to him, and 
throw themselves upon the protection of the 
Venetians, provided the Eepublic would undertake 
to wage war and destruction to those barbarians who 
were constantly making predatory incursions upon 
their coasts. The Doge, Peter Orseolo the Second, 
received the deputations with pleasure. The Senate 
accepted with transport the offer of the annexation 
of those provinces, and assured the Deputies that 
they should soon be assisted in the revindication of 
their rights. To this effect the Doge ordered a large 
fleet to be got in readiness ; which was done accord- 
ingly, when he himself took command of it, and went 
on board of the Admiral's vessel on the Ascension- 
day of the year 997, amidst the ovations of the 
whole of the Venetian people. He started with full 
sails for Aquileja; he then proceeded to Grado, and 
afterwards set sail straight for Istria, where he was 



41 



met and saluted with immense joy and acclamation 
by the entire inhabitants of the towns of that pro- 
vince ; who, like the people of Grado and Aquileja, 
had congregated there to cheer him as their Libera- 
tor. The whole of the Communes then took the 
oath of fidelity with alacrity, and were full of hap- 
piness from the annexation, and the protection they 
expected to enjoy from such a glorious and powerful 
Eepublic. Soon after this, the Doge and his fleet 
went to Zara, where he found the whole of the re- 
presentatives of the various towns of Dalmatia, and 
of the isles (except the representatives of the isles of 
Curzola and ofLesina) congregated to meet him. The Sebefficus, 
transport which those Dalmatians then experienced |bf|*' His 
was indescribable ; and the islanders and citizens, as 
well as their orators or Deputies, displayed so much 
spontaneous affection in their dedications and annex- 
ation to the Eepublic, that they offered themselves, 
their cities, their public and private fortunes, with 
most unanimous and affectionate brotherhood and 
warmth of heart. 

The Doge, seeing that the islanders of Curzola 
and Lesina did not come forward to be annexed, or 
to offer any treaties of friendship, but that, on the 
contrary, they appeared to be disposed to resist (on 
account of their situation, and because they har- 
boured a great many of the JSTarentanians, as well as 
for the reason that they thought from the security 
of their seaports and fortifications they could safely 
carry on their depredations and piracies), went there 
with his fleet, and invited and exhorted them to 
friendship. They evaded him, and would neither 
listen to terms of friendship, to threats, or to inti- 
midations ; upon which the Doge determined to de- 
stroy the nest which generated all the miseries. He 
thereupon attacked Curzola, which soon fell, and 
was compelled to surrender on account of its bad 
fortifications. Lesina, however, was very strongly 
fortified, and its forts were situated on a high rock, 

d2 



42 



surrounded by inaccessible and strong walls. They 
were also garrisoned by a great number of Naren- 
tanians. In consequence of this it was necessary to 
take all precautionary means in approaching the 
place. When everything was ready and in order to 
commence the assault, the Doge gave the signal, and 
the troops and sailors mounted the ramparts with 
fury and indomitable valour, encountering the most 
tremendous resistance and destruction on both sides ; 
the Republicans, however, speedily mastered the 
whole place, and the town was compelled to beg for 
mercy, and surrender at discretion to their glorious 
conquerors. Orseolo lost no time in following up 
his victory, and carried destruction into all their 
villages, forts, and cities on terra firma ; whereby the 
Harentanians were reduced to such a pitiable state, 
that they were glad to beg for peace at any price, 
saving only their lives, which the Doge accorded with 
conditions so stringent that for the future the JSTaren- 
tanians lost all hope of rebellion or resistance. Erom 
that time the Adriatic became free from pirates and 
thieves of all kinds, and the whole of the Gulf of 
Venice submitted to the government and laws of the 
Venetians, who treated the people with kindness. In 
proof of the benevolence of the Doge towards them, 
and of gratitude and fidelity towards the Venetians, 
I will state that he did not garrison any of the towns 
of the coast or of the islands ; nor did he compel them 
to adopt the Venetian laws ; he left them their 
autonomy, and treated them as friends, not as 
conquered subjects. His only condition was a treaty 
which he concluded with every town of the coast and 
isles, by which the inhabitants bound themselves to 
furnish to the Venetian Government an annual sum of 
money, and in case of war to supply a proportionate 
number of men for the defence of the States. The 
Venetians also left them all their commercial advan- 
tages, and the same security in their ports as if they 
were natives of Venice, and the Venetian Eepublic 



43 

guaranteed to them the exchange of the same pri- 
vileges and their protection. 

The whole of the Venetian Gulf, Istria, Dalmatia, 
and the islands were thus, in that year, friendlily 
annexed, and hecame happy and faithful to San 
Marco, and from Yenice round the Gulf and down 
towards Greece the whole of that side of Dalmatia, 
extending over a space of 370 miles, enjoyed all the 
advantages of Italian civilization for many centuries'. 
The Senate ordered that Orseolo and the future 
Doges should assume the titles of Doge of Yenice 
and Duke of Dalmatia, to which the people unani- 
mously agreed. To commemorate this triumph it 
was decreed that an annual and sumptuous festivity 
should take place on the Ascension-day, with such 
splendour only as could be attained at Yenice, and 
nowhere else. Nothing like it ever took place 
before ; and on such days the Doge, in the presence 
of all the highest authorities and the populations, 
who came from all parts of the world to witness the 
spectacle, used to marry the sea, pronouncing, as he 
threw down the ring, these words — "We marry 
thee, Sea, as a mark of our true and perpetual 
dominion." What a change has taken place now; 
even the fishes have almost withdrawn from that 
coast, on account of the filthiness and the smell of 
the Austro-Germans who infest the coasts and 
islands. Lately the Austrians dreamt (whilst drunk) 
of a German Sea in those waters ; but they have 
forgotten the last grand historical demonstration 
which took place on the 22nd of August, 1796, in 
the city of Perasto, when General Eukovina, in exe- 
cution of the treaty of Campo Formio, disembarked 
a thousand men from a small fleet at Petana, in 
Dalmatia, took possession of the place, and marched 
to Perasto to take down the Insignia and Standards 
of St Marco. That mournful ceremony took place 
entirely against the desires, and in spite of the tears 
of the whole of the supplicating population, who 



44 



had hastily assembled in the square, and begged and 
prayed uselessly that the general would leave them 
their auspicious emblems, and not substitute those 
of the hated Austrians. However, the Flag of San. 
Marco was inexorably lowered, while the population, 
was on its knees, and saluted with twenty-one guns 
from the fortress for the last time, amidst the 
universal consternation and grief of the citizens and 
villagers, all of whom had assembled to pay homage 
of sympathy, and to take the last farewell of those 
dearest symbols of their past long glory and happi- 
ness. The Captain Commander of Perasto, over- 
grieved and in tears, took the Hag, and uttered a 
patriotic apostrophe upon it, expressing the noblest 
sentiments, and protesting and appealing to all 
Europe and to history that the Perastians had for a 
long and uninterrupted space of 377 years sustained 
most gloriously the honour and the fortunes of the 
most honourable and illustrious Venetian Eepublic, 
of which they had been the obedient and dutiful 
children, and that in return that illustrious Senate 
had protected them, assisted them liberally and 
freely, and that they had ruled them with incessant 
care, and as zealous fathers. 

To resume : By citing historical facts, I have 
proved that the Adriatic Islands, Istria, and Dal- 
matia, and all its littorals, had been under the protec- 
tion of the laws and government of Venice, from the 
time of the defeat of the Tartarian TJgres (now called 
Hungarians), until the conclusion of the treaty of 
Campo Eormio in 1796. In 1815 they were given 
over to the rule of Austria, which power has mis- 
ruled them so constantly that the population still 
cry out most loudly " Murder, murder." Is it not 
time, then, to go to their rescue ? and is it not 
unchristian, inhuman, and ungrateful of Europe and 
Italy to leave to such a fate that most worthy and 
glorious people, who, in spite of the muskets, swords, 
and cannons of their executioners, succeeded in 



45 



expelling them in the year 1848, and forcibly kept 
them out of the place, and most valiantly defended 
themselves against superior force, although unassisted 
by any Royal or Imperial army, for nearly eighteen 
consecutive months ; when, through want of pro- 
vision for the support of the people, want of ammu- 
nition, and through the cholera morbus, which was 
ravaging the population (converted into militas 
patriot), and finally abandoned and besieged by that 
double-faced lady called Diplomacy, they were 
compelled to capitulate ? The Austrians again 
entered, and the Venetians were bound to submit once 
more to the unmerciful, double-headed, ever-starved 
monster of prey, who, with another cholera morbus 
sui generis, still occupies the marble halls, whilst he 
threatens to devour the foundations of the palaces 
that support his despised carcass. But the time 
fortunately approaches when the tocsin will sound 
his precipitate retreat, and when the people will 
get hold of him and drown him ; then I shall say, 
Amen. 

To any one who is engaged in writing upon any 
particular subject, it is very consoling when he 
chances to find, just at the very moment he has 
executed his task, by the reports of the public press, 
that a Member of Parliament had enunciated and 
supported those very ideas which he has already 
written to appear in his book. Such a coincidence 
of opinions has happened to me to-day (the 12th of 
September, 1861), and I cannot resist inserting the 
extract which follows. The remarks which I refer 
to were made in" an interesting debate which took 
place in the Lower House of the Eeichsrath, and 
the speaker was Signor Lapenna, in answer to M. 
Gljubissa. Signor Lapenna said : 

" Being generally acquainted with the tenor of his 
predecessor's political creed, he did not require any 
special knowledge of his arguments for opposing 
him in the most determined manner. Although 



46 



Inhabited by a good many Croats, Dalmatia, he 
•urged, possessed a number of Italian towns, and 
moreover had to thank the people of Italy for what- 
ever civilisation it possessed. He then expatiated 
upon the political past of the country, which for 
three centuries had been a dependency of Venice, 
and without any relation except of an international 
character to Croatia. When he concluded his speech, 
he was greeted with the applause of the Germans; 
who hastened to express their gratification at this 
utterance of anti-Croatian and pro-centralisation 
feelings from the mouth of an Italian. Yet there 
■was evidently no cause for the Teutonic majority to 
exult. It is a public secret that, if subjection to 
Austria in preference to Croatia is preferred by 
the Italian element in that maritime province, the 
only reason influencing them in this choice is the 
hope that the Empire will go to the wall sooner 
than the new and aspiring kingdom of Sclavonian 
nationality.' *■. 

At this point I feel bound to state that I cannot 
help digressing from the various periods which it 
was my intention to describe in these chapters; 
although I feel at the same time irresistibly com- 
pelled to continue my narrative of the succeeding 
centuries. I suppose these things are consequent, 
either upon my inexperience as a writer, or through 
the want of having the proper knowledge how to 
compile this work. And I will take this oppor- 
tunity of saying here that I never before this 
attempted to write a book, and that I did not sup- 
pose for a moment at one time that, from several 
letters which I had prepared at my leisure for the 
press for anonymous publication, I should at this 
date have increased them to such an extent as to 
form the present historical volume, but which I fear 
the reader has found disjointed, sometimes in most 
particular positions. 

Besides the perplexity which these incoherencies 



47 



must have caused to the reader, there is another 
serious discrepancy to be taken into consideration — 
and which I am perfectly aware pervades the book 
from beginning to end — and that is the audacity of 
a person undertaking to write a book in a language, 
with a knowledge of the construction of which he is 
lamentably deficient. This is the position I feel 
bound to state I am guilty of having placed myself in. 
The only excuse I can offer in palliation, therefore, 
of the numerous errors which I know I must have 
committed is that I have never taken a single lesson 
in the English language, and that my knowledge of 
it has resulted only from reading the daily news- 
papers, and my intercourse with the English people. 

I should farther state, that when I decided upon 
forming the various papers which I had prepared for 
the press into a book, I discovered that by accumula- 
tion they had become so numerous that I could not 
find time to lay them in strict chronological order, 
or to revise them. I have been obliged, therefore, 
to print them promiscuously, for fear that some 
change might occur in the political world which 
would render the publication of the work useless. 

I remember some years ago I used to say, that as 
soon as I could gain a slight knowledge of its pro- 
nunciation, and the most familiar expressions of the 
English language, I would study it. During the 
time that I have learnt sufficient to express myself 
in many different arguments, however, I have for- 
gotten my resolve, and boldly adopted the Latin 
maxim, audaces fortuna juvat ; and dared to write 
this book as a political essay, adapted to the circum- 
stances of the time we live in. Trusting that, as there 
is mercy for all repentant sinners, there will also be 
mercy for me, I will now proceed with my task, 
promising to do my best in amending my faults, my 
expressions, and, if possible, upon another oppor- 
tunity — should it be offered me— the book itself. 



48 



The Fiest Expedition to the Holy Land. 
Anno 1099. 

The political ability of the Venetian Senate, the 
regular and steady increase of the population, the 
extension of their commercial transactions with 
Africa, Asia, and Europe, and their commercial 
tariffs, which facilitated the importation into Venice 
of all kinds of useful articles of consumption and 
luxe, attracted to that port all . the foreign merchants 
and their merchandise, and constituted Venice the 
emporium of the world. It was, therefore, necessary 
to institute just and equitable laws ; and to keep in 
order and submission a floating and promiscuous foreign 
population, as well as the natives, that those laws 
should be administered with prompt and stern reso- 
lution. Eor the protection of such immense capital 
and wealth it was necessary to maintain, also, a 
powerful naval army. The commercial faith of the 
Venetian citizens w r as strictly kept, at home and 
abroad, and sacredly maintained by the traders and 
the Government, which appears to have attained the 
highest glory and the first rank in the scale of 
powerful '"naval nations at about the one-thousandth 
year of the Christian era. 

With the Venetians the whole of the eleventh cen- 
tury passed in peaceful navigation and great com- 
mercial enterprises, which contributed much to 
increase the riches and the influential power of the 
Eepublic ; and to its credit let it be said that that 
Eepublic was ever ready to extend the band of 
friendship towards any human family, however far 
distant they were situated. 

Towards the end of the eleventh century Godefroy 
de Bouillon had conquered Jerusalem, and w r as 
enthroned Eing of that city. All his reward was 
justly due to him for his bravery, his successful 



49 



achievements, and his superior merit. In this first 
expedition of the Crusaders, to deliver the Holy Land 
from the tyranny of the Turks, the Emperor, Henry 
the Fourth, King William of England, the French 
King, Philippe the First, the Kings of Spain, Den- 
mark, Poland, Sweden, and even Hildehrand (who 
had so much intrigued and stirred this affair, which 
had been invented by the Lombard hermit, Peter, 
pour deturner les armes Imperiales from Italy, so that 
those States should be left at the mercy of Pope 
Hildebrand and his concubine, the great Countess 
Mathilde) did not join. As a matter of course, the 
Venetians did not dare to co-operate either, for the 
reason that the Pope and the Emperor had made war 
and carried fire and death into every quarter of 
Italy; and it would have been a great political 
blunder on the part of the Venetians to have taken 
their naval army so far away at a moment of such 
great peril at home, or near there. The Venetians 
were, nevertheless, anxious and ready to assist in the 
liberation of the Holy Land, and had unofficially 
aided the first expedition. In the year 1099, as the 
affairs of the liberators were almost at a stand- still, an 
appeal was made to the European Knights, and two 
great fleets started from Italy. The Pisan Eepublic, 
which had at that time elevated itself into a powerful 
and respectable State, and had already acquired 
several possessions, also sent a large fleet, which was 
met near Eodi by a Venetian fleet of 200 sail, com- 
manded by the Doge, Dominic Michiel. Between 
these two Eepublics there existed a great deal of 
rivalry, and at this very epoch a quarrel arose, which 
had been provoked by the Pisans about pre-eminence. 
From words they came to blows, and a great naval 
battle ensued between them, which ended in the 
destruction of nearly two-thirds of the Pisan fleet. 
The Venetians captured twenty-two of their ships, 
with 4,000 Crusaders on board. They retained 
thirty hostages, and gave back the ships and the 

e 



50 



remainder of the prisoners, in order that they might 
proceed with the expedition to the Holy "War. After 
this encounter the Pisans never had any further dis- 
pute with the Venetians, and always recognised their 
superiority. It is worthy of being remarked that 
the Pisans, the Genoese, the Florentines, and other 
States, which have, either more or less, favoured 
the quarrels of the Holy See, have invariably lost 
their power and liberties before any other State, 
although those who sided with the Empire, or 
remained neutral, gained very little in proportion to 
the sacrifices which they made to support themselves 
and others. After the above tremendous battle the 
victorious Venetian fleet, in 1099, entered the Archi- 
pelago, took possession of Smyrna, and opened the 
road for the Crusaders to conquer Jaffa by assault in 
the same year. In the following year, 1100, the 
Venetians materially assisted to conquer Tiberiade, 
and almost all Galilea. Godefroy attacked Jaffa by 
land, whilst Doge Michiel, with his fleet, assaulted 
it by the seaside, and compelled the besieged to 
surrender. This expedition ended gloriously, and in 
favour of the Venetians ; and the Crusaders and the 
Doge, full of glory, returned to Venice, to receive 
the popular and Senatorial ovations. 

Upon the death of King Godefroy, his son, Bald* 
win, was crowned at Jerusalem ; but he was not so 
expert in politics as his father, with regard to the 
management of his kingdom. He, therefore, lost 
ground with the Turks to such an extent that he 
was obliged to apply to the Venetians for assistance, 
which was readily proffered him by the illustrious 
Doge, Michiel, in the shape of a fleet, which he again 
personally commanded ; and by his valour and the 
assistance which was also rendered by the Crusaders, 
they conquered Acre, Sydon, and Berito. After 
everything was settled, the Venetians returned home, 
and remained inactive, as far as any expedition was 
concerned, until the year 1117, when Baldwin again 



51 



applied for assistance, as he had at that time lost 
nearly the whole of Syria. The Doge again set sail, 
this time with a fleet of one hundred sail and up- 
wards. King Baldwin was imprisoned by the Turks. 
As he passed Dalmatia, the Doge took on board re- 
inforcements. He speedily reached Cyprus, and then 
Jaffa, where he came up with a Turkish fleet, which 
he had followed there. He immediately gave them 
battle, which turned out a tremendous one, and 
lasted many hours, inasmuch as he completely de- 
stroyed and sunk the whole of their ships and men m r 
after which he entered the port of Jaffa, to restore 
his valiant sailors, and take on board the necessary 
provisions for the remainder of his campaign. 

Soon after his defeat of the Turks the Doge went 
to Jerusalem to preconcert measures with that 
Patriarch and the Magnates, with regard to the 
campaign, and to obtain his signature to certain 
stipulated conditions which had been already agreed 
upon by both parties. As soon as this political 
treaty was concluded, in order to give eclat to the 
first military operation, Michiel proposed that a child 
should draw lots to determine which city should be 
the first to be captured. This the Patriarch agreed 
to do, and accordingly celebrated a festival in the 
Temple ; the urn which contained the names of the 
cities stood upon the altar, and the child appointed 
for the task drew forth the name of the city of Tyre. 
The siege, which proved a long and difficult one, 
was immediately undertaken, and after a constant 
and severe struggle, which lasted for five months, 
the troops of Venice and of Baldwin entered the 
city. King Baldwin was then restored to liberty 
and to his throne, and for these obligations he paid a 
ransom to the Venetians, and accorded them certain 
privileges, &c. 

The Greek Emperor, Carlogianus, was at this time 
jealous of the greatness of the Venetians, and he 
ordered his navy to assail their ships in any of the 



52 



Greek waters. Upon discovering this treasonable 
intention, the Doge presented himself with his fleet 
before Rhodium, when the population of that city 
opposed his entrance into the port. Michiel, with- 
out the least perturbation, thereupon availed himself 
of the opportunity to enter forcibly and chastise his 
opponents, which he did. He then sacked the town, 
after having first carefully removed into his ships 
a great many of the best and most ancient monu- 
ments of Fine Arts. From thence the victorious Doge 
went to pay a visit to the islands of Scio, Sarnos, 
and to all the Cyclades ; when he took possession of 
all those places, to the great happiness of the popula- 
tions, and to the glory of the Yenetian Eepublic. 
This Doge was so highly honoured and so much 
esteemed by the nations and by his army, that, being 
in want of money, without troubling the Senate for 
it, and in order to meet his necessities and keep his 
troops in good supply of everything they required, 
without abusing the confidence or deluding the 
people, or extorting anything from them (they 
furnishing him voluntarily with the necessary 
material), he conceived the scheme of stamping his 
name upon little bits of leather, and giving them 
in payment to his troops and to the provision-dealers, 
and promised all those who took them that, on his 
arrival at Yenice, they should be exchanged for real 
money. By this stratagem he averted mutiny and 
starvation, and on the return of the troops to Yenice 
the Senate approved his wisdom, and honoured his 
credited leather coins, which were faithfully repaid. 
This glorious, honest, and true Eepublican, in 
repatriating, had crossed the Archipelago, come 
along the sea coast of Morea, conquered Modone, 
garrisoned it, and brought his fleet to an anchor off 
Sicily for a few days. The arrival of this great 
warrior there filled the hearts of the population with 
joy and admiration. The people and the Nobles, as 
a tribute of their enthusiasm and esteem for him, 



53 



offered to his illustrious brows the Sicilian crown, 
which he modestly refused, saying that it would be 
unbecoming a true Bepublican Yenetian citizen to 
accept it. The honour which attached itself to a 
Venetian Doge was not inferior to that of any other 
potentate, and Miehiel, by refusing the proferred 
crown, proved himself a worthy prototype of 
Garibaldi, and an excellent exemplar of disinterested 
and human wisdom. 

I will now leave the Doge Dominic Miehiel 
safely landing from his ships with his valiant 
army, rich in honours and the precious spoils of 
antiquity, taken in the conquered places, to enjoy the 
festival instituted in honour of their glorious deeds. 
The monuments which they there set up taught, 
and will still teach, posterity what the nature of 
their heroism was. 

In the year 1125, from the coast of Syria up, to 
Venice, the whole of the populations bowed to the 
name of the Venetian Senate. 

The "Wealth and Gbandetjb oe the Venetians 
in the Eleventh and Tweleth Centuries. 

The repeated barbarian invasions in Italy had not 
only suspended and destroyed the regular course and 
development of the arts and all scientific pursuits, 
but had completely upset law and order, and divided 
the compact union of the Eoman Empire by sepa- 
rating it from those great families or communities 
which were its tributaries, and substituting in their 
place new, and independent, and lawless masters. 
Charlemagne had partly remedied this evil, but his 
collegiate institutions in each of the States of his 
Empire proved insufficient for any great progress of 
civilisation. It was the great commercial enter- 
prises of the Venetians to and from the East to the 
West of Europe which so materially assisted and 

e2 



54 



contributed more than any other of the arts or 
sciences to civilize the populations, to polish their 
manners and improve their tastes, while at the same 
time they enriched them, and made them industrious 
and happy. Their great expeditions to Egypt, Syria, 
and Turkey, and their constant intercourse with the 
Greeks, rendered them the principal European carriers 
for the transport and exchange of the produce of 
those countries, and later even of India, in the various 
European ports. It is a well-known and long- 
established fact, too, that the Baltic, and particularly 
the Hanseatic ports, were always open to the Vene- 
tians ; and in these latter, as well as in the harbours 
of Great Britain, they were under the immediate 
protection of the Governments of the respective 
cities, and enjoyed many immunities and privileges 
on account of their honest and useful speculations, 
which, at the time of the Crusaders, had reached 
such an apex, and had resulted in such prosperity 
and benefit to them and their correspondents, that 
their wealth became almost fabulous. This was 
particularly evinced in the establishment of their 
Banks in the various Metropoles, and the number of 
manufactories established by them in Italy and 
abroad. 

"When I open the French, the English, and the 
Italian histories, and find so many testimonials of 
the virtues and the industry of the Venetians (who 
were then known under the appellation of Lombards), 
and reflect upon what they were then and what they 
are now, my heart becomes so filled with grief that 
I am almost compelled to break the bounds of 
moderation and give way to tears. At such times 
I often say to myself, surely there is a possibility 
that some one will one day or other make a propo- 
sition in some liberal European Parliament of 
redeeming Venice from the barbarous treatment to 
which she has been subjected. Is there no descend- 
ant left of the noble Volunteers who went to the 



55 

Holy Land with the Venetians, in the Venetian 
boats, and who, probably, experienced the hos- 
pitality of this once glorious people in the hospital 
which was built for the reception of them in 
expectation of the passage to Palestine ? Did not 
any one of those Volunteers leave any memorandum 
or any family record of the companionship of 
,the Venetians, testifying to their sincerity, their 
disinterested conduct, their love of gallant enter- 
prises, their many virtues, the generous feeling by 
which they were ever ready to assist those who 
were oppressed, and release those who were slaves, 
and their intrepid determination to keep up a per- 
petual war with the barbarians, and thus prevent 
them becoming the masters of Europe ? I should 
like to know what would be the state of things at 
the present day with those Germanic patriots of so 
much renown if the Venetians had not made war 
with the Turks in 1684, when they were on the 
road to Vienna ? 

We shall see that the Venetians were engaged 
from the year 1652 to the 27th of May, 1667, in 
defending Candia ; that in 1684 they took up the 
quarrel betwixt Poland, Austria, and the Pope, 
whilst the Turks and the Hungarians were under 
the walls of Vienna, and that the brave Morosini, 
with his Venetian sailors and soldiers, after a 
number of successive battles, conquered Greece, its 
islands, and all the Morea, and that he liberated the 
populations from the Turkish dominion, thereby 
completely breaking up the Mussulman power every- 
where, thus saving Europe ; all which was the 
glorious result of his noble and disinterested naval 
and military actions. We shall likewise see that 
Austria and Poland profited by the achievements of 
Morosini, which through the ingratitude of those 
nations, and of Europe likewise, were unhappily the 
means of building up that monumental sarcophagus 
in which Venetian glory lies buried ! 



56 



Tee Conquest oe Constantinople. 

Towards the end of the twelfth century the 
Christians had lost almost all the cities that they had 
previously taken from the Turks in Asia. Entire 
regiments of Christians, commanded by the Crusaders, 
had been cut to pieces. The famous Prince Lusignan 
had likewise been taken prisoner, upon which the 
Venetian Doge, Henry Dandolo (who was a man of 
the highest mind, a genius in war and legislative 
science, an octogenarian, expert in every civil art, 
and who was universally admired and esteemed by 
his compatriots and by strangers), conceived the idea 
of entering into a convention with the Crusaders 
(who were then passing through Venice to embark 
for the Holy Land), by which they should lend him 
their assistance in the capture of Zara, the metro- 
polis of Dalmatia, which had been forcibly occupied 
by the Hungarians, to the detriment of the Venetian 
Government, to which that province had belonged 
for two centuries. For their services, the Doge agreed 
to compensate them by paying their expenses, and 
by giving them credit for the expenses of their 
embarcation and transport to Asia, until their return 
from the Holy Wars. All this was duly agreed 
upon. In the meantime, Dandolo conceived the 
idea of liberating Constantinople from the power of 
the usurper Alessius, the brother of the Emperor 
Isaac, who had been dethroned, blinded, and incar- 
cerated in a tower at Constantinople. His son 
Alessius had sufficient time to save himself by going 
on board a Venetian ship, disguised as a Venetian 
sailor. Young Alessius applied for help, but use- 
lessly, to the Emperor, to the Pope, and to the 
Crusaders. The Emperor Philippe and the Pope 
advised him, as they could not assist him, to confide 
his cause to and rely upon the Venetians. He 
thereupon applied to the Venetian Senate for the 



I 



57 

recovery of Constantinople, and the restoration of 
his father to liberty and to his throne, and obtained 
Dandolo's assistance. At the moment of departure 
most of the Crusaders had disappeared, so that the 
French and Flanders Volunteers, and the Venetians 
and Savoyards only departed. They arrived safely, 
and afterwards took Constantinople, in which they 
were assisted by an internal revolution. They 
then liberated Isaac : and reinstated him on the 
throne, when he took his son as partner. 

The people most gratefully acknowledged the 
valour and glory of the Venetians, and recognised 
them as their liberators. 

After a short time, however, young Alessius, 
instead of supporting and fulfilling his conventions 
honourably, indignantly repudiated the treaty which 
he had made with Dandolo in compensation for his 
recovery of the Empire ; which he was enb oldened, 
flattered, and instigated to do by a traitorous 
courtier named Murtzulphus, who shortly afterwards 
dethroned Alecsius, who had attempted to incendiate 
and destroy the Venetian fleet. Dandolo, with 
extraordinary presence of mind, most cleverly evaded 
the impending evil by taking prompt measures of 
precaution. 

He immediately collected his troops, with the 
French and other Crusaders, and determined to take 
vengeance upon the perfidious reprobate whom they 
had crowned as Emperor, and take Constantinople 
as a conquest. All this was accomplished in a very 
short time. Isaac and Alessius were killed by the 
people, Constantinople was sacked, many persons 
were slain, and the traitorous Murtzulphus was 
proclaimed Emperor, while the Venetians were 
masters of the city with their 20,000 men, who 
could not be restrained by any means from sacking 
the town and robbing the citizens. Dandolo, seeing 
the destruction by fire and sword was so great, 
issued an order that the sacking might be continued, 



58 



provided everything was deposited in three churches, 
that nothing was sold to the Greeks (to whom the 
French troops were selling the most precious objects 
for the most trifling considerations), and that the 
soldiery should cease setting fire to the houses. 
This happened on the 12th of April, 1204. An 
aide-de-camp of Count S. Paul was hanged with 
his arms and his shield pending from his neck, for 
having disregarded the orders of Dandolo, and con- 
victed of having sold the precious objects stolen 
during the sack. This example checked the melting 
and the destruction of the most valuable objects, and 
the precious monuments of antique ingenuity in the 
arts of chiselling and sculpture in metal and precious 
stones. Nevertheless, great destruction had already 
taken place ; and it is attested in a letter of Bald- 
vinus, written by him to the Pope, that the quantity 
of valuable things accumulated by the Crusaders was 
so enormous that all the remainder of the other 
cities could not possibly possess as much. And 
when we come to consider that when Constantine 
transferred his Imperial family to Constantinople he 
stripped Rome of all the best monuments of art that 
it contained to embellish his new metropolis ; and 
besides this that it had continued to be the Imperial 
residence for nine consecutive centuries ; that it 
became the metropolis of Europe and of the world ; 
and that, situated as it is, it was the most convenient 
place to receive the manufactures, and a grand depot for 
the commercial transactions of Asia, Africa, and every 
other empire, it could scarcely have been otherwise. 
When they began to divide the precious spoils, the 
Venetians, observing that the French were destroy- 
ing and selling their share of valuable objects of art 
for any consideration, or for the sake of making 
money, they agreed to buy the respective shares of 
such objects at the rate of 400 silver marks for the 
share of each Knight Crusader, 200 for that of each 
Prelate or omcer, and 100 for that of each soldier. 



59 



By these means they saved from dispersion and 
destruction the finest, the most ancient, and the 
most precious jewels. Thus the gold, silver, brass, 
and other metal works of art were secured, and 
transferred to the Venetian Museum ; where they 
remained to the admiration of the public, and served 
as models of instruction, for many consecutive 
centuries, to the Yenetian artificers. 

The land possessions were also divided. Dandolo 
took regular possession of half of Constantinople, also 
of the islands of the Archipelago, several seaport 
towns on the coast of the Hellespont, as well as 
Frisia and Morea. Murtzulphus then gave way to 
Baldwin, who was proclaimed and installed Emperor. 
Louis, Count of Savoy, was at the taking of Constan- 
tinople, as well as Boniface, Marquis of Monferrato, 
with many of their troops and retainers ; Count 
San Paul, with his valiant troops, and Baldvinus, 
the Count of Flanders, and a great number of 
followers and other knights, were also there, and all 
distinguished themselves in that glorious enterprise. 

I may here remark that neither Dandolo (who gave 
an Empire to the Count of Elanders), nor Louis of 
Savoy, would ever have thought for a moment that 
one of the successors of Baldwin, in course of future 
centuries, w r ould have hesitated to recognise the right 
of a descendant of Count Louis to the throne of Italy ! 
Yet such is the fact, and the youngest of Kings and 
Kingdoms ungratefully refuses to pay the tribute that 
he owes to the eldest of Kingdoms and to the Kingly 
friend. 

It may be stated that the fleet, which was com- 
manded by the illustrious Dandolo, in the above 
expedition, consisted of 100 ships of the line, 120 
gallies, alias frigates, and 60 transport ships. It 
appears also that 20,000 men were landed in Con- 
stantinople ; therefore, there must have been a crew 
of at least 16,000 to man and attend to the Eleet 
while the others were engaged on the land. 



60 



In closing this short chapter, I append this 
brief foreign certificate of a contemporary historian : 
That the state of government and manners were 
much more improved in Italy than in the other coun- 
tries of Europe is evident, not only from the facts 
recorded in history, but it appears that the more in- 
telligent leaders of the Crusaders were struck with 
the difference. Jaeobus de Yitriaco, a French his- 
torian of the Holy Wars, makes an elaborate pane- 
gyric on the character and manners of the Italians. 
He viewed them as a more polished people, and par- 
ticularly celebrates them for their love of liberty and 
civil wisdom. <£ In consiliis circumspecti, in re sua 
publica procuranda diligentes et studiosi ; sibi in pos- 
terum providentes ; aliis subjici renuentes ; ante 
omnia libertatem sibi defendentes ; sub uno quern 
eligunt capitaneo, communitati suae jura, et insti- 
tuta dictantes, et similiter observantes." (Hist. 
Hierosol. ap. Gesta Dei per Franc. Yol. II.) 



The Feench and Yenetian Expedition to the 
Holy Land. 

A correct idea of the naval power of the Yenetian 
[Republic may be easily formed by glancing at the 
historical period of 1268, when the rage for spolia- 
ting the Jews was still prevalent ; that is, I mean to 
say, when the Christian Princes, at the instigation of 
the Pope and in conformity with his injunctions, 
pretended to free the Holy Land from the Turks, 
Jews, Arabs, &c. The Venetians appear to have 
been the general conveyers of the European troops 
to the most convenient places of landing, and they 
appear to have kept in almost constant readiness a 
small corps dlarmee to pioneer the new comers. 

In the 1st volume of the Traitez de Paix de 
Treve, &c, p. 81, is to be found the Convention 
between St Louis, King of France, and the D. Dux 



61 



et homines Veneticorum, by which the Venetians 
engaged themselves to convey to the Holy Land 
a French corps d'armee, composed of four thousand 
cavalry and ten thousand infantry, with all their 
provisions, horses, forage, &c, and to keep the ships 
there, at the most convenient ports, for the period of 
a full year, and at the disposition of the Trench 
Commander of the army, with specified conventions 
between the Trench General and the Venetian Ad- 
miral, &c.j for a stipulated sum of money, &c. The 
Venetians also agreed to furnish the large ships and 
the crews to man them, &c, so that, instead of the 
14,000 Trench troops, I presume the total number 
of men must have amounted to, at least, about 
20,000, particularly when we come to consider the 
number of transport- ships they employed to convey 
the provisions. It is somewhat tedious to transcribe 
this treaty, which details the names of the Venetian 
vessels, and gives their dimensions, and begins 
thus : — 

Navis quae vocatur Sancta Maria, est longa pedibus 
108, quae longitudo est de pedibus 70, in columba ; 
in largore prorae et puppis est de 38, et est ampla in 
fundo pedibus novem et dimidio, et est alta in se- 
cunda coperta pedibus sex et dimidio, et est alta in 
corridoriis pedibus quinque et dimidio, et a corri- 
doriis in superius pedibus tribus et dimidio, et est 
alta in capitibus columbe, et habet duos paradisos et 
unum bannum et unum super bannum coopertum et 
duos pontes, et unum super pontem et unum bellato- 
rium amplum de quatuor vel quinque pedibus retro 
de puppim ; quae navis cum omnibus corredis et ap- 
paratibus suis et cum centum et decern Marinariis 
dabitur pro mille quadringentis marcis argenti, ejus 
bonitatis cujus est Venetiae grossus ad pondus de 
Parisius. 

2. Navis, quaa vocatur Eoccafortis est longa pedi- 
dus 110, quae longitudo est de pedibus 70, in co- 
lumba, &c. &c. 

/ 



62 

There are only eight of these ships so described, 
but I imagine they must have employed many more 
of them to convey so large a number of men and 
provisions, and whatever munitions were used in war 
before gunpowder was invented. At all events, the 
implements and engines of war were voluminous 
enough, and required a great space in the ships ; and 
so it would also in this book were I to describe 
them. My intention, however, is simply to name 
the fact, in order to show the vast means and 
power of the Venetian naval army of that period, as 
well as her influence, and the fact that alliance with 
her was courted by most of the European Monarchs. 

I should not omit to mention here the numerous 
wars of the Venetians against the Genoese. These 
two powerful republics, jealous of each other's glory, 
have done considerable damage to themselves and to 
the Italian nation, as I have already said. They 
never would or could understand that their own, as 
well as the general political interests of Italy, would 
have been much better served by a mutual and 
commercial intercourse, secured by a good and sin- 
cere treaty of alliance and peace, than by keeping up 
a constant state of warfare with each other. In- 
stead of following the vicissitudes of the Empire, 
upset by Papism, siding either with the one or the 
other, and in opposition to themselves, as they have 
done, the Genoese and the Venetians should have 
arrayed themselves against both Pope and Emperor ; 
and, in course of time, they would have succeeded 
in mastering each of them, and, in addition, have 
secured their mutual interests and independence. 
With regard to the Imperial Vicars, there would not 
have been the least difficulty, as it has been proved 
that some of them were indifferent as to whom they 
paid feudal tribute ; as we have seen frequently by 
one or the other feudal lord receiving the investiture 
of his Estates, sometimes by the Emperors, and at 
others by the Popes. This proves that a little 



63 



diplomacy would have easily arranged all the in- 
terests of the Imperial Yicars, by securing to them 
their States, which would have become consolidated 
by their forming part of the Italian league. After 
the extinction of the line of the French Monarch s, 
after Otho the Fourth, Henry the Fifth, Frederick 
the First, or, at any other time, as there was a state 
of constant schism kept up for many consecutive 
centuries, such a league could not have failed to be 
successful ; particularly if they had put the Popes in 
their proper places, and kept them there, with short 
nails and short commons. Instead of doing this, 
the two republics waged an inexorable war against 
each other, which materially contributed to enforce 
their servitude, either to the Pope or the Emperor ; 
and when the Genoese could no longer sustain, 
single-handed, the opposition of the Venetians, the 
former sold her independence to the Lombard Yicar, 
so that the usual rivalry might be continued. 

I will say nothing further on this subject now, as 
it is painful to recur to the thought of such great 
human sacrifices which were made without any good 
cause and any good effect. Most happily those times 
are now buried in the past, and will return no more. 
The brotherhood of the Italian family is recognised 
by themselves, and by those strangers whose delight 
and whose interest it was to set them to fight each 
other, until they were sufficiently exhausted and 
prostrated for them to come in for the best share of 
the spoils, if not the whole, according to the old pro- 
verb, Inter duos litigantes, tertius gaudet. I will 
not say anything material at the present moment, 
but I have some slight doubt about these Eomano- 
Neapolitan affairs. Napoleon the Third neither ig- 
nores the law which compelled him, a proprietor and 
a citizen Swiss, to quit that territory, nor the month 
and year ; therefore there are reasons as enigmatical 
as they are suspicious about this Italo -French and 
cosmopolistic holy brigandage which should be seen 
into, and watched with the eyes of an Argus, and 



64 



guai alio straniero che osera usurpare il suolo di 
Cirillo e di Pagano, e di un millione di altri martiri. 

I give the following passages, though, not strictly 
belonging to my present subject, as it affords an in- 
teresting illustration of the political state of things 
in Italy at the time of Frederick the First. The 
different steps taken by the cities of Italy in order to 
extend their power and dominion are remarkable. 
As soon as their liberties were established, and they 
began to feel their own importance, they endea- 
voured to render themselves masters of the territory 
round their walls. Under the Eomans, when the 
cities enjoyed municipal privileges and jurisdiction, 
the circumjacent lands belonged to each town, and 
were the property of the communities. But as it 
was not the genius of the feudal policy to encourage 
cities, or to show any regard for their possessions and 
immunities, these lands had been seized and shared 
among the conquerors. The Barons to whom they 
were granted erected their castles almost at the gates 
of the cities, and exercised their jurisdiction there. 
Under the pretence of recovering their ancient pro- 
perty, many of the cities in Italy attacked these 
troublesome neighbours, dispossessing them, and an- 
nexed their territories to the communities, and made 
thereby a considerable addition to their power. 
Several instances of this occur in the eleventh, and 
in the beginning of the twelfth centuries. (Muratori 
Aut. Ital., vol. 4, p. 159, &c.) 

Their ambition increasing together with their 
power, the cities afterwards attacked several Barons 
situated at a greater distance from them, and obliged 
them to engage to become members of their commu- 
nity ; that they should take oath of fidelity to their 
magistrates; that they should subject their lands to 
all the burdens and taxes imposed by common 
consent ; that they should defend the community 
against all its enemies ; and that they should reside 
within the city during a certain specified time of 
each year. — (Muratori ibidem.) This subjection of 



65 



the nobility to the municipal government established 
in cities became almost universal, and was often ex- 
tremely grievous to persons accustomed to consider 
themselves as independent. Otto Frisingensis thus 
describes the state of Italy under Frederick the 
First : The cities so much affect their liberties, and 
are so solicitous to avoid the insolence of power, that 
almost all of them have thrown off every other 
authority, and are governed by their own magis- 
trates. Insomuch that all that country is now filled 
with free cities, each of which have compelled their 
Bishops to reside within their walls, and there is 
scarcely any nobleman, how great soever his power 
may be, who is not subject to the laws and govern- 
ment of some city. (X)e Gestis Frider. I, Imp. lib. 
2, c. 13.) In another place he observes of the 
Marquis of Montferrato, that he was almost the only 
Italian Baron who had preserved his independence, 
and had not become subject to the laws of any city. 
I will now pass over the three succeeding centuries, 
during which the Venetians were in the zenith of 
their glory, and pass to — 

The League of Cahbeay. 

At the commencement of this work I have named 
the League of Cambray, but said very little about it, 
as it was then out of chronological order. The point 
at which I have now arrived is an opportune one to 
state that the struggles of the Venetian Bepublic, 
as well as those of her invidious rivals who had 
leagued themselves together for her destruction, were 
great on both sides, and that the war lasted from the 
year 1507 to that of 1516. Pope Julius the Second 
had already recovered from the Venetians the cities 
of Faenza, Rimini, Ravenna, and Cervia, which had 
formerly belonged to the Eoman Empire, and were 
ruled by Imperial Vicars, when they were forcibly 
taken from them, by stratagem, treason, and war, by 



66 



Valentino, who was instigated to that dirty work by 
his father, Pope Alexander the Sixth, and assisted 
in the first instance by the arms of the French King 
Charles the Eighth, and afterwards by Louis the 
Twelfth, each of whom in their turn formed a con- 
federacy to conquer and partition amongst themselves 
the whole of Italy, after expelling the Emperor, the 
Vicars, the Spanish King, and extinguishing the 
[Republics. Valentino, however, had them taken 
from him by the Venetians. "With the assistance of 
the League, they were afterwards recovered by 
Julius, who (seeing that the Venetians were fast re- 
gaining possession of many of the Lombard towns 
which they had lost on the first attacks of the con- 
federate army), for fear of closing them again, 
meddled, and hastened to propose peace, which was 
concluded whilst the Republic had recovered almost 
every town which she had previously lost by the 
treason of its friend the King of France, who was 
allied with it, and had no cause for disagreement 
with it. "Without notice, or any declaration of war, 
he sent orders to his Generals suddenly to occupy 
with a strong corps d J armee the lands of Trevi and 
Casal Maggiore ; which was actually acomplished 
before the Venetians had time to collect and reunite 
their forces at Ponte Vico. After his occupation the 
French withdrew a portion (the surplus) of those 
troops to Milan, and there awaited the arrival of the 
French king, Charles the Twelfth. As soon as he 
arrived, he sent a herald to declare war against the 
Republic, which did not care about his declaration, 
as he had broken faith, and the laws established by 
civilization. 

I will here make bold to ask what European State 
besides Venice could have resisted, for so many con- 
secutive years, the coalization of nearly all Europe, 
defending itself, as it has done, by land and sea, in 
so many places simultaneously, and after all losing 
nothing of great consequence either in power or 



67 



territory except the towns detailed above ? The cele- 
brated Eembo says that they spent more than five 
millions of gold ducats in that war, which was a 
large sum for those times. The allies must have 
consumed even more than that to contribute, after 
all, to the enhancement of the military glory of the 
illustrious Eepublic. 

At the end of the fifteenth century (the period of 
the discovery of America and the Cape of Good 
Hope), the naval power of Yenice was considerable, 
and is described to have consisted of 330 great ships 
{alias men-of-war), a much larger number of smaller 
ships, as well as an infinite number of mercantile 
vessels. The war fleet was manned by not less than 
36,000 sailors, and there were besides 16,000 men 
employed in her arsenals. Notwithstanding all their 
immense power and wealth, the discoveries in the 
New "World opened to the other nations such vast 
fields for enterprise that the old stream of wealth 
was diverted from Venice ; and the Venetians, being 
rich, grew indolent, continued only upon the old roads 
and streams, lost the greatest part of their traffic and 
their profits, and by degrees saw the other naval 
powers progress, while subsequently to that time 
they were almost constantly engaged in glorious 
wars, which I must say victoriously contributed to 
their ruin. 

The Quaerel op Paul the Fifth with the Vene- 
tian Senate, defended by Feiae Paul. 

I will now speak of the quarrel between Paul the 
Fifth and the Venetian Eepublic ; the history of 
which was carefully written by the celebrated 
historian of the Council of Trent, Friar Paul, who 
also wrote the clever and energetic defence of the 
Venetian Senate against the said attempted usurpa- 
tion by Clement the Eighth and Paul the Fifth. 



68 



I have in my possession both of these works, — the 
History of the Quarrel, and the Defence, alias ' A 
Evil and Satisfactorie Answer to the late Vnadvised 
Bull, thundered by Pope Paul the Fifth/ &c, 
modestly entitled by the author, 'Considerations 
upon the Censures of Pope P./ — and I shall not 
take many extracts from these books, on account of 
the orthography of the English language at that 
time, but will pick out a few paragraphs, so as to 
give the reader an idea as to what were the inten- 
tions of that celestial and terrestrial jewel. The 
first book begins thus : " Pope Paul the Eift was 
addicted from his youth and nourished in those 
studies, which have no other end but to acquire unto 
the Pope the Spirituall and Temporall Monarchic of 
all the world : and to advance the order of the Clergie 
so farre, as not only to exempt them from ail power 
and jurisdiction of Princes, but further to exalt them 
above Kings themselves, and submit unto them 
secular men in all kindes of services and commodi- 
ties/ ' &c. This was very good as far as it concerned 
the Priests in their houses, but out of doors, and 
even in the churches, as they were public property, 
the Popes and the Priests found out that it was a 
mistake. It then goes on to say that the Papacy, 
and Paul in particular, were much averse to Kings 
and Monarchs, and that they strongly detested the 
Bepulliques or " Common wealthes, because consider- 
ing the Gouvernours thereof in their private persons 
(in which respect they are without power) he might 
hope to attaine his end, howsoever they were joyned 
in one body, and assisted by authoritie which accom- 
panieth public forces. But above all, he had a par- 
ticular designe of revenge against the State of 
Venice, as well because it alone sustaineth the 
Dignitie, and hath the true markes of a Prince inde- 
pendent, as because the Ecclesiastiques have no deal- 
ing in that Estate, and yet farther, it alone (among 
all Princes) doth not give pensions to any of the 



69 



Court of Eonie : which being by them interpreted a 
contempt, is the cause that they carry all an especiall 
hatred, and nourish in themselves an evill will against 
that State, he proposed no other thing for his end, 
but to enlarge the Ecclesiasticall authorise, (or as he 
termed it) to restore it unto that condition from 
which it was fallen by negligence of his predecessors, 
and particularly Clement the Eighth. "Wherefore his 
first purpose was to establish a congregation at Eome, 
whose only charge and studie should be to consider 
of the meanes whereby this authoritie might be main- 
tained and augmented, or at least by examining all 
writings upon these matters to raise new difficulties, 
and to prepare occasions for his successors to give 
perfection unto that which he could not finish, and 
in the meane while to mortifie the presumption (as 
he called it) of Secular Estates" This was the pro- 
gramme of that terrestrial and infernal thief who 
ruled at Eome, scaring and upsetting the world 
because the Venetians would not support at their 
own expense any vagabond he chose at the Court of 
Eome, and because they would not, in addition to 
that, pay large annual sums of money to the Holy 
Shop. It is not necessary to give any further ex- 
tracts, as those above given are, in my opinion, 
quite sufficient to show the cause, or rather the 
pretence, upon which Paul the Fifth grounded his 
casus belli. This alone was the real cause of 
quarrel, and the arrest and imprisonment of Scipio 
Saraceno, Canon at Vicenza, and the Abbot of J^er- 
vese, Count Be Valmarino, for criminal offences 
against the laws and humanity, merely afforded a 
pretext for making war. 

I will resume here, in a few lines, the statement 
written in old English, and give the act of accusa- 
tion of the two criminals. I should like also to 
insert here a copy of the Circular Letter of the 
Venetian Senate, which was addressed to all their 
Ministers and Consuls at the foreign Courts and 



70 



States ; but as my eyes are fatigued, I must limit 
myself to an extract from it. I must also say that 
I regret much to omit here the frank and loyal 
opinion of the English King and Ambassador given 
to the Venetian Senate, as well as the highest 
testimonials given by them of sincere friendship, 
and their disinterested offer of assistance with 
troops, ships, and sailors at a moment's notice. The 
Sultan acted with the same determined spirit as the 
English Government, to the confusion of the Spanish 
Government, which acted in a most underhanded 
manner, and urged the Pope forward in his scheme for 
plunging Europe into a conflagration, hoping, amidst 
the general confusion, to spoliate the Venetians of 
their wealth, and somebody else in the bargain. 
But they were disappointed in their expectations. 

This affair happened in September, 1605, and 
continued till the 9th of May, 1607. 

The Senate of Venice did not give pensions to the 
High Clergy of Eome, nor had they any dealing 
with that craft. The Doges and the Senate main- 
tained always their dignity and independence from 
the Court of Eome, and when Paul the Eifth was 
created Pope, seeing that in the States of that illus- 
trious Eepublic he could not enlarge the Eccle- 
siastical authority at the expense of its citizens, and 
that it was useless to say there, "I am the Pope, 
and I will be obeyed/ 9 there remained to him no 
other alternative but to seek a pretext for a quarrel 
to compromise that Government in the face of all 
Europe, and attempt to humiliate them if he could 
not obtain anything else, either by fair or foul 
means. The machinery of the Jesuits was in its 
full play, with full power, and the whole of the 
other religious sects aided them and assisted them 
with as much as their means permitted. The 
Venetian Senate was full of wisdom and very cir- 
cumspect, and would not fall into any pit or trap 
laid by the hasty imprudence of Paul the Eifth. 



71 



Therefore he lost his temper, and sought a quarrel 
with them on account of their having two laws, one 
touching the building of churches, the other against 
the alienating of laymen's goods unto Ecclesias- 
tics; and also because one Canon and an Abbot 
had been arrested, and were to be judged by the 
secular laws of the Eepublic. These three heads 
constituted the basis of the quarrel, which threat- 
ened to become an European conflagration, on 
account of the interfereuce of all the great and 
small European Powers. With regard to the two 
laws, the Venetian Ambassador answered the Pope, 
saying that God had given the power to all Princes 
to govern their States according to their wisdom and 
necessities, and as it did not appertain to the Vene- 
tians to govern the States of the Church, so it did not 
appertain to the Church to govern the States of Venice. 
The two Ecclesiastics were under trial for criminal 
actions, and could not be given up to the Ecclesias- 
tical Courts : " The incrimination of Scipio Serrano, 
Canon of a Church of Vicenza, consisted in having 
with great contempt defaced the Seals of the Magis- 
trate which had been put to, for the custody of the 
Bishop's Court of Chancery, at the request of the 
Chancellor (the See being vacant) ; that he did his 
utmost endeavour to seduce a demoiselle, his kins- 
woman, and prevailing not with her, after he had 
long molested and pursued her in public, and even 
in the Church, at last, in a despitefull outrage, he 
shamefully defiled her portall and house doores 
[decency forbids me to state what with] ; for which 
cause, being assisted by some gentlemen of her 
family, she came to Venice, and there put in her 
complaint against this Canon, who being called 
readily presented himself. Count Marc Antony 
Brandolino de Valdimarino, Abbot of Nervese, was 
accused to exercise a most unjust and cruel tyranny 
upon the country near about his dwelling ; taking 
up the goods of any man at what price himself was 



72 



pleased ; and to committ vile rapes and impurities 
with all sorts of women ; and withall to practise in 
sorcery and other magicall operations. That he 
studied the art of tempering and composing of 
subtill poysons, whereby he had wrought the death 
of his brother, of a Prior of St Augustine's Order, 
and of his servant : these two latter because they 
were conscious of his crimes, and the first because 
he was his competitor in the House ; and that with 
the same poyson he had brought his own father in 
extreme danger of his life ; that he had for a long 
time the carnall knowledge of his owne sister, and 
had empoisoned her maide, fearing by her to be 
discovered; that he had caused an enemie of his to 
be killed, and after that empoisoned the murtherer, 
lest he might accuse him. Shortly, that he was 
guiltie of many more murthers and notorious vile 
crimes." 

It appears that these two pretty jewels of the 
Holy Eoman Catholic Church amply deserved the 
benevolence and kindness of the hangman, instead of 
the protection and interference of the Pope ; never- 
theless, for nearly three years, and after going to 
great expense, the Pope could not be removed from 
his obstinacy to revoke the interdict or the excom- 
munication of the Doge and Senate. It would be 
worth while for the reader to peruse the whole seven 
books of the History of the Quarrels of Pope Paul V 
with the Senate of Venice, and the Defence. 

I am happy to say that the dignity which was 
evinced in its answers, and the wisdom and spirit 
displayed by the Senate, were much above the in- 
trigues and subtlety of the Pope and his supporters ; 
in fact, the Pope gained nothing, and the Venetians 
won the esteem of every honest man in every State 
throughout Europe. France interposed as a medi- 
ator, and out of courtesy to the King, the Senate at 
the last moment, after the withdrawing of the inter- 
dict, gave up to him the two culprits. In this political 



73 

imbroglio the only two powers which acted from 
the beginning with consistence, or with a frank, free, 
and liberal spirit, and which would have sided with 
Venice in the event of a general war, were England 
and Turkey, both of which nations had spontaneously 
and resolutely offered their assistance in the most 
disinterested manner, and had got their ships and 
sailors in readiness. The Turkish Admiral, with a 
fleet of sixty sail, when in search of the Spanish 
Admiral, met some of the ships of the Maltese 
Knights, and began to comb them, and it required 
all the prayers of the Venetian Admiral to stop him 
from doing any further damage to those black rooks. 
"When the Pope and the Spaniards heard of the de- 
termination of the Turks and the English (well 
knowing that Holland in course of time would have 
joined the Venetians likewise), they shrank into 
nothing, and all their verbose bravados and cabalis- 
tical projects were converted into a miraculous smoke 
which darkened the horizon for a long time. There 
was a party which gained a great victory, that is, as 
they say in England, " over the left that party 
was the Jesuits, who busied themselves with books 
and pamphlets after the manner of the present time, 
and gained their expulsion from Venice and the Vene- 
tian States. A law emanated from the Senate of 
Venice against them as severe as the statutes of 
Henry the Eighth, and by that law they were regu- 
larly and properly treated as they deserved. 



Notes taken ebom the Defence by Fkiae Paul. 

Eegnum de gente in gentem transfertur, propter Eccles. x. 
injustitias, injurias contumelias et diversos dolos. 

Eex qui judicat in veritate pauperos, tronus ejus Prov.xxix. 
in seternum nrmabitur. 

In the olden time the Ecclesiastical Benefices were 
void by the death of the Intendants, and therefore 

9 



74 



the Court of Rome hath the first-fruits, and the 
price of the Bulls. Many Benefices belonged to 
Monasteries, Chapters, and other fraternities; the 
Popes perceived that by such a dependence they 
lost that benefit which otherwise by the Curates' 
deaths came into their hands, and they considered 
that, under every fifteen years, such a vacancy might 
fall out; and, therefore, they ordained that all 
benefices thus depending, should pay every fifteen 
years a fifteenth. So, in like manner, may a Prince 
suppose that every hundred years a possession may 
become confiscated, and so make them pay every 
hundred years a valuable confiscation. To prevent 
which, in some kingdoms there is a custom that 
when anything stable is conveyed over to the 
Church, the same is bound to give homine, vivente 
moriente, and confiscabile till the stabilitie be by 
royal authority extinct. 

Stable possession, also, is sometimes sold, and 
paid for the same by some duty to the Prince, or 
goeth to strange heirs, for which likewise a certain 
portion is paid ; as, in like manner, if after the term 
of many years one of these accidents should occur, 
would it be reason that the Prince without any 
consent given thereunto, should be deprived of these 
his rights ? &c. (Priar Paul in defence of the Vene- 
tian Senate against Pope Paul the Pifth, p. 21. 
London: John Bill., 1606.) ^ 
Traitez de Lettre du Senat de Venise ecrite aux Eecteurs 
Treves e &c Consuls et Communautez des Villes, &c. : 
Vc»r3, S p.29. Dieu Eternel voulant et ayant ordonne que les 
Princes ses Lieutenans et immitateurs paroissent au 
monde pour Gouverner les hommes et maintenir la 
societe civile : de la vient que comme lui, Pere et 
Conservateur universel, assiste et prouvoid a tous 
par sa grande bonte et sapience : qu'ainsi les subjets 
des Princes soyent maintenus et gavantis par les loix, 
et par la prudence d'iceux es gouvernemens par- 
ticuliers. La Eepublique ayant 1'ceil continuelle- 



75 



ment ouvert sur cela, et non moins soigneuse des 
biens et commoditez des villes et communautez a 
elles sousmises que de la propre cite de Yenise, a 
voulu d'un zele paternel que les habitans d'icelles 
villes et communautez comme membresbien — aimezet 
portion de son corps d'Etat, eussent part aux statuts 
et a l'ordre qu'elle a cognu leur estre advantageux et 
profitables. Estant doncques, &c. It goes on 
enumerating various abuses introduced in Venice by 
the various pretended religious corporations, and then 
it comes to say, that as the laws do not permit such 
innovations, and the stoppage of human progress, 
that to maintain— la conservation de la liberte 
publique, quoi faisant nous estimons servir a Dieu, 
assurer et maintenir de nouveau cette Seigneurie et 
les subjects que sa Majeste Divine lui a raccomandez. 
Outre plus il convient pour vivre paisiblement et a 
recoi, exercer indifTeremment justice contre les 
scandaleux et perturbateur du repos public : 
contre lesquels, comme chacun sait, se trouvent 
souvent des Religieux et Ecclesiastiques en 
grand nombre aujourd'hui, devenu si audacieux 
et debauchez, qu'avec tres-grand scandale ils 
troublent et tourmentent non seulement les 
citadins, mais les cites mesmes, ravissent les 
biens, Thonneur, la vie du prochain, et se 
licentient a cela pour assouvir leurs appetits insa- 
tiables, outres les litigieuses et cauteleuses plaideries, 
leurs meurtres et empoisonnements, attentates contre 
le sang plus prochain, pour courir avec tant plus 
d'audace en la voye de leurs pensees diaboliques. 
Mais nos ancestres qui ont catholiquement et reli- 
gieusement gouverne la Republique, ont toujonrs 
chastie et punis tels debauchez, quoi qu'ils se no- 
massent Eeligieux Ecclesiastiques, telle joustice etant 
permise par les lois Divines et humaines a l'honneur 
de Dieu et de l'Eglise, et au soulagement des oppres- 
sez : dont nos dits predecesseurs ont en divers terns 
ete toujour louez et approuvez par plusieurs tres- 



76 



saincts Papes en leurs Prefs et Bulles Pontificates. 
Or nous etans deliberez et resolus, selon notre devoir, 
de maintenir la tres- juste loi susmentionnee, et ceste 
si aneienne coustume de justice, sur tout a present 
contre personnes souspectes de plus grands excez que 
les paravant mentionnez, Paul V de present nouveau 
Pape a ete circonvenu et persuade par des flatteurs, 
ennemis du bien public, de vouloir empecher tel 
oeuvre, enterompre les coustunies tres-anciennes et 
francs privileges, ensemble le cours regulier de nos 
tre-joustes loix, ce que aucune puissance du monde 
n r a ose entreprandre en l'espace de douze cent ans. 
1200. 

This political affair speaks for itself; therefore 
comment is unnecessary. If any publisher should 
think it worth while to issue a new edition of the 
History of this Quarrel, and the Defence, I am open 
to any proposition. 

The Siege oe Candia. — The Conquest oe Mobea, 
oe Athens, and other Places. 

The Siege of Candia, which commenced in 1652, 
and lasted nearly twenty-five years, and cost the 
illustrious Venetian Eepublic many millions of ducats, 
as well as an enormous sacrifice of life on their part, 
and one hundredfold more to the Turks, cannot fail 
to afford the historical reader the highest satisfaction, 
because the events of that siege will convince him 
of the grandeur and sublimity of the naval and 
military science of the Venetians, which ranked far 
above that of their enemies, and must have offered 
a luminous example to the other European powers, 
which, before that time, possessed neither the means 
nor a man who was able to cope single-handed with 
the Turks, much less with the Venetians. 

It would require too much time and space to 
insert here a description of the heroic deeds of arms 



77 



which were effected by the small republican army 
under that great hero Morosini, who, after the 
death of Generals Poscoio, Mocenigo, and Foscarini, 
was named to command in chief. The chivalric 
deeds achieved by the Venetian army in defending 
themselves against the attacks of the Turks, from 
the year 1652 to the 22nd of May, 1667 (on which 
day the Turks succeeded in opening a breach in the 
town) were innumerable, and of the most heroic 
description ; and from that day in particular the most 
courageous and extraordinary efforts were made by 
them in the defence of their lives and in their 
struggle with death. Their deeds of this kind were 
too numerous for recapitulation here. It must 
therefore suffice to say that in less than six months 
they sustained and warded off no less than thirty-two 
regular assaults by the Turks, they themselves 
making seventeen sorties during that time. The 
Turks also blew up the mines no less than 618 times. 
All this failed to subdue the Venetians, who would 
rather have suffered death than have surrendered the 
place, although they had lost in defending it 3,200 
soldiers, and 400 officers ; amongst them were a few 
volunteers from all nations, who were attracted 
there by the fame of this celebrated siege. The 
Generalissimo Morosini, and the Governor Barbaro, 
though repeatedly wounded, never gave way either 
to the propositions for peace by the Turks, or to the 
daily decrease of their provisions, ammunition, 
and men. At last the Pope, the Kings of Spain and 
Trance, and the Emperor of Austria thought it was 
time to interest themselves on behalf of the Vene- 
tians, for fear of losing their interest and influence 
through the successful spreading of the Turks. 
Accordingly, they ordered their fleets and armies 
to proceed to the assistance of the Venetians, as they 
were by this time nearly exhausted ; however, they 
did not proceed there in sufficient force nor in time. 
A corps d'armee of only six or seven hundred French 

?2 



78 



volunteers appeared on the scene, under that valorous 
and really clever General, theDuke La Eeuillade, who, 
through jealousy, would not submit to the views of 
the more expert Morosini ; he therefore decided to 
have a brush with the Turks by himself, which he 
really did, and afterwards returned to France, in spite 
of the supplications to the contrary of the citizens 
and of Morosini, He had quite sufficient of the affair, 
and his pride and obstinacy were cured by a single 
action, which, however, it is just to say, he fought 
most resolutely and gallantly. The Spaniards sent 
a fleet, which, however, did not appear on the scene 
of action, on account of the winter weather. The 
Austrian Emperor sent 4,000 troops, belonging to 
various States ; after which Louis the Fourteenth, the 
Pope, and the Knights of Malta sent a fleet. 
Prance also sent 6,000 men, under the command 
of the Duke of Beaufort, who, like his predecessor, 
La Eeuillade, would not listen to the experience of 
Morosini, and insisted upon acting in his own way ; 
in consequenee of which he brought out his troops 
against the Austrians, mistaking them for the Turks. 
As soon as he discovered his error, he recalled his 
men, and valiantly led them upon the Turks, with 
such impetuosity that they were very shortly forced 
to abandon their places and run to the mountains. 
The Erench, in their anxiety to possess themselves 
of the redoubts and batteries of the Turks, unfortu- 
nately set fire to some barrels of powder, mistaking 
them for mines; they began to cry out that the 
mines were on fire. Siezed by a panic, they 
abandoned the place, and their arms, and fled with 
such confusion and rapidity that Morosini had 
scarcely sufficient time to send them a detachment of 
his soldiers to protect their hasty retreat into Candia. 
As the loss of the Erench consisted of thirty or forty 
men only, Morisini flattered himself that, upon the 
arrival of the Duke of Mirandola with other rein- 
forcements of the confederates, they would soon 



79 



undertake some grand, decisive action. The French 
General, however, obstinately decided upon departing 
immediately with his troops for Trance ; and neither 
the tears of the women, the deputation of the clergy, 
nor the prayers and exhortations of Morisini, could 
prevail upon him to remain. After this, single- 
handed, Morosini made new efforts with his army, 
displaying great valour; but all was useless, on 
account of the great number of the Turks, who soon 
discovered that the French had departed. The last 
attack of the Turks was valiantly repulsed in a 
sortie by Morosini ; who, though severely wounded, 
pursued the Turks up to their encampment with a 
tremendous loss of men. 

Morosini felt as sure that the departure of the 
French and the other allies had emboldened the 
Turks, as he was cognizant of his scanty means of 
defence, and of his small number of available troops ; 
therefore, as the Grand Vizier had several times pro- 
posed a treaty of peace, before succumbing to pres- 
sure and want of means, after due consideration, and 
after having called a Council of War and heard their 
opinion, he wrote to the Grand Vizier telling him 
that he could not sign the conditions of peace which 
had been sent to him by Chevalier Molin (the Vene- 
tian Envoy at Constantinople), except as Captain- 
General of the Army, and that, if the Grand Vizier 
was really disposed to treat for the establishment of 
a general peace, he would send Commissioners to him 
for that purpose. Morosini, in the meantime, com- 
municated with Chevalier Molin, so that he might 
also contribute his quota to the most advantageous 
negociations, which lasted from the 28th of August 
to the 6th of September, 1668. The treaty was 
signed, by which the Venetians ceded to the Turks 
the city of Candia. The necessary time was accorded 
them for the embarkation of their arms, ammunition, 
and various stores. Permission was also given the 
inhabitants to embark with the garrison, as well as 



80 



to take with them their effects, and any property 
that they could carry away. Besides this, the 
[Republic reserved to itself the three principal ports 
of the kingdom of Candia, with the adjacent Isles, and 
all those towns and lands which belonged to them in 
Dalmatia and Bosnia, including even the very im- 
portant fortress of Clissa. Such was this most honour- 
able capitulation, as concluded by this brave and in- 
domitable soldier, who was at the very extremity of 
being buried in the ruins of the town with a mere 
handful of men, which was all that remained of a 
small corps d'armee which had defeated and destroyed 
an enemy fifty times superior to them in numbers. 
The admirers of heroic actions should read the siege 
and defence of Candia, no matter by what author. 
The result would sufficiently compensate them for 
the time employed in the perusal. The population 
of Candia, in consequence of the siege, was reduced 
to 4,000 souls only, and they unanimously demanded 
that the Venetians should convey them elsewhere, 
which they preferred rather than remain where they 
had lost their friends, relations, and substances. The 
General granted them provisions and money, as well 
as free passage to and the gift of lands in Istria, in 
compensation for their fidelity to and affection for 
the Venetian Government, which approved and con- 
firmed his generous acts. 

In 1684, war was raging in Europe; France and 
England were fighting against Holland, and the 
Turks and the Hungarians against Austria, Poland, 
and Innocent the Eleventh. The Venetians could 
no longer tolerate the violation of their treaty by the 
Turks, who had audaciously trespassed in many 
different ways; consequently they leagued them- 
selves with Austria and Poland, and Erancis Morosini 
was again elected Generalissimo of the Eepublic, 
which placed at his disposal twenty-four ships of 
the line, twenty-eight other smaller vessels, and six 
more of minor sizes. These were all in a state of 



81 



completion and fully manned, and with this fleet 
Morosini sailed from Venice on the 8th of June, 
1684. The whole of the authorities were present to 
witness the departure, as well as the entire popula- 
tion, which flocked from every part, to give the 
warriors the cheerful Vale. 

In the course of a few days this fleet arrived at 
Corfu, where it received reinforcements from the 
Venetian General Purveyor of the Isles, and was 
joined by some Maltese and Pontifical ships. Prom 
this point Morosini directed his expedition upon the 
celebrated island of Santa Maura, where was situate 
a fortress of considerable importance ; upon reaching 
the island he commenced the assault upon this 
fortress, which, however, after uninterruptedly re- 
sisting the assaults of the intrepid Venetians for 
eighteen consecutive days, was compelled to sur- 
render. This victory was the prelude to many 
others, which were successively gained in a very 
few days, on account of the activity and military 
valour of Morosini ; in fact, the Castles of Vomizza, 
Valpo, Natolico, Missolungi, and others in the 
country of Acarnania, were all of them dexterously 
conquered by assault, and with but trifling losses. 
Thus emboldened by his successes, Morosini under- 
took to besiege Prevesa, in spite of the greatest 
difficulties which stood in the way of opening a 
breach there ; but by his skill and ingenuity, sup- 
ported by the valour of his troops, he soon mastered 
this place also, and there stationed himself for a 
short time, thus ending the campaign of 1684. In 
the following year he formed the project of com- 
mencing the campaign by attacking Corona, one of 
the most important places of Morea, and to carry 
out his project he disembarked 8,000 of his men, 
and encircled it ; but at the very moment that he 
was about to master the place, he found that the 
arrival of Bashaw Mustapha, with a reinforcement of 
9,000 men, was immediately expected. Upon 



82 



learning this, Morosini immediately determined to 
raise his camp, and go to meet and defeat him before 
he could approach the town ; in fact, he fled to meet 
his rival, whom he surprised whilst sleeping in his 
camp, and who was so frightened and astonished, that 
he took to flight without offering to defend himself, 
abandoning his artillery, arms, and baggage, 
standards, and horses, all which fell into the hands 
of the Venetians, who followed him and massacred a 
great number of his followers. Morosini then re- 
turned to Prevesa, and called upon the garrison to 
surrender. They answered him with insult ; upon 
which he blew up a mine containing 150 barrels of 
gunpowder, which had hardly any injurious effect 
upon the Turks, though a breach was opened. The 
Venetians then pressed on the assault of the forti- 
fications ; but they were repulsed with great loss. 
Is evertheless, they were not daunted, but determined 
on repeating the assault on the following day, which 
forced the garrison to display the white flag. "While 
the articles of the capitulation were being discussed, 
a cannon was fired from the town, which wounded 
several Venetians whilst they were standing near 
their glorious chieftain. Upon this the Venetian 
soldiers became furious, and resolved to summarily 
punish this infamous treason. In a moment they 
flew upon the Turks in the most desperate manner, 
dealing blows right and left, upon men, women, and 
everyone they met in the streets, thus taking full 
vengeance upon them for their treachery and bar- 
barism. The massacre became general, and the 
irated soldiers were not calmed until those Turks 
who had escaped with their lives were chained and 
made prisoners. A considerable quantity of artillery, 
ammunition, and provisions, as well as a great 
number of slaves, were taken as trophies and sent to 
Venice, together with the standards of two tails of 
the Seraskier and numerous other things, which were 
duly received by the Venetians ; who held a great 



83 



feast and jubilee in honour of their brave country- 
men, at which the trophies were displayed. Of 
course the Senate, as usual, decreed an annual feast 
in commemoration of these splendid victories, &c. 

I must not leave the hero Morosini with his 
victorious army inert. Eeing at a trifling distance 
from the much- renowned and classic Sparta, the 
people, in remembrance of their former glory, and 
feeling acutely the debased condition to which they 
had been brought by the oppression of their Turkish 
conquerors, leagued themselves, in conjunction with 
the peoples of the Province of Maina, with the 
Venetians (who they looked upon as their liberators 
and friends), and united together made a powerful 
attack upon the city of Zamata, which was soon con- 
quered. The Aga, who was the Commander-in- 
Chief of the place, was also compelled to surrender 
his sword into the hands of Morosini, to whom he 
presented his humiliation. ISTot yet tired of victories, 
Morosini continued his march to accomplish the 
conquest of Calamata. He found the Captain (Bashaw) 
strongly and firmly shut up in that fortress, with 
12,000 troops to defend it. They fought ; they lost 
the battle, and the fortress too. After this Morosini 
went further on and took Chielafa and Passava, and 
in a short time he conquered all the places and forts 
of Maina, freed that province entirely from the 
Turkish dominion, and made the entire population 
Venetian citizens. I may here remark that the 
Venetians were exceedingly liberal to the peoples 
they conquered, and gave them the Venetian laws, 
and even the rights of citizens of the Eepublic, with 
the same privileges which were enjoyed by the old 
citizens. The season was advancing, and Morosini, 
as well as his valiant troops, required some rest. 
He then directed his fleet to sail for Corfu, as that 
was a convenient place for winter quarters. On ar- 
riving there Morosini wrote to the Senate for per- 
mission to return to Venice to rest a few days. The 



84 



Senate, with the most honourable expressions of 
gratitude to the hero, replied u that they found it 
most useful that he should stay there," flattering him, 
and leaving to him the option of finding another 
enterprise worthy of himself, and as great or greater 
than the others. Upon this Morosini conceived the 
idea of conquering all the Morea : and as that sacred 
land had been the birthplace of so many heroes and 
geniuses of all kinds, he thought he could not do 
anything better than follow his own inspiration, and 
redeem them from Turkish abomination and rule. 
This project was highly approved of by the whole of 
his array, who enthusiastically swore to make every 
effort to accomplish such a noble project. Finding 
his troops so well disposed, and determined to sup- 
port him in his liberal Christian plan for emancipat- 
ing a people who had been great and noble-minded, 
but who had been unfortunately subdued by force of 
arms, and degraded by the brutality of the Turks (in 
the same way that the Venetians themselves are now 
Austro-germanised, and stripped and plundered 
of everything, excepting the extreme miseries under 
which they live), the Captain-General, who was 
ready for this great and noble work, conducted the 
greater part of the fleet to Lepanto, so as to attract 
the attention of the Turks there, whilst a portion of 
it took Kavarino, and afterwards Modone, though the 
latter was well fortified, and furnished with a great 
many cannons and a very numerous garrison, but 
all which was useless when opposed to Yenetian 
bravery. 

Modone proved to be of great advantage to the 
Venetians, on account of its position on the sea, and 
for the reason that 4,000 prisoners were taken there, 
and afterwards employed as free men in manning the 
ships, besides the ammunition, and arms, and pro- 
visions found there. Although Morosini was aware 
that the Seraskier was marching his great army to 
Hapoli di Eomania, and that that town and its forts, 



85 



also, were well provided with troops, and exceedingly 
difficult to take by assault, yet he unhesitatingly 
determined to follow the fortune of war, and accord- 
ingly set sail for that place. Upon arriving at 
Tulone (four miles from Napoli), he disembarked his 
land troops, and blockaded the place. The defenders 
resisted, but were compelled to surrender before the 
arrival of the Seraskier, who soon appeared with 
4,000 horsemen and 3,000 infantry, which were 
instantly placed in order of battle. Upon observing 
the superior number of the Turks, Morosini ordered 
2,000 of his sailors to disembark and join the 
infantry, which hastily marched straight upon the 
Turks, whose cavalry, after attempting to break the 
Venetian battalions, in front and flank, suffered 
horrible losses by their artillery, by which they 
became so dismembered, and the horses and men so 
terrified, that the Seraskier and horsemen ignomi- 
niously turned their backs upon their conquerors, 
leaving a great number of dead and wounded on the 
field of battle. 

Immediately after this the fortress of Argos was 
also taken. Morosini then brought all his forces 
against Naples, and commenced a regular siege, 
throwing into the town and forts from five hundred 
to six hundred shells per day. The Turks defended 
themselves most valiantly, whilst the Venetians 
redoubled their efforts, which were wonderfully suc- 
cessful ; and at the moment that their artillery had 
almost silenced the fire of the Turks, the defeated 
Seraskier came from Mount Palamida with ten thou- 
sand new troops, and, presenting himself upon the 
scene of action, put his troops in order of battle. 
Morosini collected his men together in good order, 
and met the Turks, who fought most obstinately, 
with bayonets and swords in hand, for three hours, 
and, for the second time, were defeated, after an 
extraordinary loss of men. They again quitted 
the place, and once more took to the mountains. 



86 



Morosini lost no time in again commencing the siege 
of Napoli di Romania, and, to frighten the Turks, he 
momentarily adopted the Turkish system, and showed 
some Turks' heads, fixed upon halberds, in order to 
give them to understand that, unless they sur- 
rendered, they could expect no other treatment. 
Fully understanding the intentions of the Venetians, 
the Turks shortly afterwards planted the white flag 
upon the walls. Hostilities then ceased, and the 
town and forts surrendered, when the Venetians 
entered the metropolis of the Morea, which was well 
provided with everything, as it was the residence of 
the Pachas. Mustapha and his brother Alexander, 
who had surrendered the fortress of Chielafa in the 
previous year, feariugthe Sultan's resentment, asked 
and obtained permission from Morosini to go and 
reside in Venice, which the Senate duly approved of, 
and received them and their families with due dis- 
tinction. 

After the achievement of these new victories, the 
Senate conferred fresh honours upon Morosini, who, 
with his fleet and army, had by that time opened a 
new campaign at Petrasso, where he found the Turks 
ready, and awaiting his attack. Morosini soon set 
them to rights, after a fight which lasted only two 
hours, as is attested by the historians. This great 
warrior next took Lepanto, with its fortifications and 
its famous Dardanelles. In addition to this he 
visited, with his fleet, the whole of the shore of the 
Gulf of Lepanto, extending over a space of nearly 
two hundred miles. He destroyed the nest of pirates 
which infested those places, and restored the inhabi- 
tants to freedom and Venetian protection. Having 
learnt that the grand Seraskier had taken refuge at 
Corinth, together with some of the troops that re- 
mained with him, Morosini directed his fleet thither. 
Before he could arrive there he heard that the Seras- 
kier had abandoned the place, and crossed the 
Isthmus. He thereupon disembarked some of his 



87 

troops, took possession of Corinth, and installed some 
of his soldiers in its forts, as that place was of great 
importance, and was the key to all the Korea. With 
his fleet he then visited the entire coast of the Korea, 
and found it free, and under the Venetian protection, 
except Malvasia, where the Turks showed opposition 
and resistance. 

The bad season was now approaching, and the 
great Morosini, to avoid exposing his fleet to the 
chances of severe winds and tempests on such rocky 
shores, directed his course to the Gulf of Egina, in- 
tending again to visit Malvasia as soon as the weather 
would permit. Here he wrote to the Senate, giving 
them an account of all his proceedings. Having 
calculated the immense advantages arising to 
civilisation in general on account of his splendid 
victories, and in particular to the illustrious Republic 
by the capture of so many cannons, ammunitions, 
stores of all sorts, and men fitted for navigation, as 
well as ships, standards, and spoils of every kind, 
not knowing how to convey to Morosini their high 
appreciation of his merit, as they had already ex- 
hausted in his favour all their homages, and all the 
dignities they could confer on him, the Senate 
decreed, on account of such luminous actions, that the 
standard of three tails of the great Seraskier, and a 
full statue in bronze of the hero, Morosini, should be 
erected in the Great Hall of the Council of Ten, with 
the following inscription under it : 

" Francisco Mavroceno 
Peloponesiaco 
Adhvc viventi 
Senatvs.'* 

They thus rewarded him after the manner of the 
Eomans, who paid the highest honours to their 
living heroes. Morosini, hearing how he was appre- 
ciated by the Senate, and that his deeds were 
applauded by the whole nation, inflamed by the 



88 



highest spirit of republican patriotism and devoted 
to the welfare of humanity in general, was highly 
pleased, and, with the general approbation of the 
Senate, which voted him some pecuniary means for 
that purpose, he handsomely rewarded his soldiers 
and sailors. 

The season getting better, Morosini determined 
again to set forth with his warriors to conquer other 
places, and accordingly set sail for the Morea. As he 
passed Malvasia (which still resisted), he bombarded 
it; but, as it was entirely unprotected by other 
Turkish places and forces, instead of losing time 
there, he proceeded to Misistra, which was situated 
where the celebrated ancient Sparta stood. He 
opened a bombardment upon this place, and took it 
in so short a space of time that he was almost 
ashamed of gaining so easy a victory in so renowned 
a place, where he expected to have to display his 
military skill. Here he took 700 Turks, and for- 
warded them to Venice as prisoners of war. As the 
weather was now very bad, and it would have 
involved much danger to undertake any great 
enterprise, he called a council of war to deliberate 
upon what was best to be done. The result of the 
deliberation was that they should attack Athens, 
with the view of freeing it from the Turks. The 
Captain- General gave the order, and the fleet got 
under sail: On the 2nd of September, 1687, it 
arrived in the famous Pireus, which was then called 
the Porto Lione, from an ancient and great lion, 
carved in stone, which is placed there as a monument. 
Arrived here, the General in Chief called upon the 
Turks to surrender the place. The answer was 
that they would resist to the death, for they felt 
confident in themselves, on account of being well 
fortified and well armed and provisioned ; in addition 
to which, they were in daily expectation of the arrival 
of the great Seraskier, with a number of fresh troops, 
for their assistance, who were to come from Tebe. 



89 

Morosini was not a man to trifle time with words, 
nor to attempt to persuade anybody to surrender, 
except by force of his cannons ; therefore, he lost 
no time in disembarking his men and military 
weapons and everything ready for the siege and 
assault of the fortress, although it was an arduous 
task, on account of being situated on a high and 
inaccessible mountain. In consequence of the rocky 
nature of the soil it was impossible to excavate 
trenches, but their military genius found a means of 
constructing superficial galleries and redoubts, by 
which the besiegers could work under some protec- 
tion. These completed, the bombardment began 
with all its terrific effects, and when the Yenetians 
were thinking that their cannons and shells did not 
have sufficient effect upon the besieged, suddenly a 
terrific explosion was heard, when it was discovered 
that the Turkish gunpowder magazine had blown 
up. This produced considerable destruction and 
dismay amongst the Turks engaged in the forts, and 
unfortunately, also, the partial demolition of the 
exquisite and admirable Temple of Minerva, which 
was situated near the magazine, and in which two 
hundred Turkish families, who had taken refuge 
there, perished by the explosion and through fear. A 
portion of the fortress itself also fell down; other 
buildings were much shaken, and reduced to a 
dangerous condition. "When the soldiers recovered 
from the shock, they conceived that they had no 
other alternative but that of being buried in the 
ruins if they did not at once capitulate ; therefore 
they showed the white flag, and sent to the Com- 
mander-in-Chief five of their superior officers, as 
hostages to obtain the suspension of hostilities, and 
a capitulation. It was agreed that the Turks should 
quit the town and fortress, and proceed to Smyrna, 
embarking in ships hired at their own expense, and 
they were allowed only to take away whatever they 
could carry upon their backs. The Moors and the 

A 2 



90 



Christian slaves were to remain there ; many Turkish 
families supplicated and obtained permission to 
remain, also agreeing to be baptised as Christians. 
Morosini, who had the highest sense of Christianity, 
and an exquisite feeling of civilisation and freedom, 
highly approved of the conversion of the Turks to 
Christianity, and ordered the religious ceremony of 
baptism to be celebrated with the greatest pomp and 
the most magnificent show consistent with religion, 
so as to attract by those means others who might 
feel inclined to follow the same example. 

Upon the suspension of hostilities, Morosini, with 
his sailors and soldiers, went to admire the so-much 
renowned Athens, and felt much grieved when they 
found that the majestic Parthenon had been so materi- 
ally damaged by the explosion of the gunpowder depot, 
which had been placed so near to it by the igno- 
rance and barbarism of the Turks. Morosini would 
have remained there for some time, had he not been 
afraid of a pestilence which was raging just at the 
time. He therefore decided upon abandoning the 
Pireus, and wintering at Egina. Whilst here he 
learned the death of Doge Giustiniani, and that the 
Senate had all given their votes in his favour, and 
elected him Doge. The Senate sent to him one of 
their Secretaries, to announce his election to that 
supreme dignity, and to present him with the Ducal 
Diadem, and the Gold Eing with the Seal which by 
prescription the Doge was obliged to wear constantly 
on his finger, and begged that he should remain 
with his fleet where he thought most convenient in 
those parts. 

On the 26th of May, 1688, Morosini appeared for 
the first time on a throne, which was erected on 
board his ship, with all his insignia as Doge ; and 
there received the ovations of all the officers, and the 
felicitations and homage of all the nobility and 
gentry, and the authorities of Egina and many other 
towns, who had congregated there, and obtained 



91 



permission to be presented to him. They were all 
regaled by the Doge with the most exquisite re- 
freshments, and the whole of his army and navy 
received from his private treasure a small sum of 
money, and an abundance of wines and provisions of 
all sorts for three days. After this followed a regular 
number of sumptuous feasts, arranged with the 
greatest and the most exquisite taste, but which it is 
unnecessary to describe here. After the feasts the 
Doge, with his army, left Egina, and proceeded to 
invest Negroponte ; upon reaching which place he 
gave a terrible battle to the Turks, in which the 
latter lost a great number of men. Soon after this, 
Morisini was assailed by severe indisposition, and 
his ships' crews were also so severely affected by dis- 
ease, that he resolved to quit the place, and go to 
Napoii di Eomania, where he duly arrived with all 
his fleet. Here Morosini partly recovered, and 
wrote to the Senate to inform them of the state of 
his health, and to ask their permission to repatriate. 
The Senate had already heard of his indisposition, 
and for fear of some misfortune ensuing in conse- 
quence, had sent there another Proveditor-Generale 
to assist and direct, or to take the command in 
case of need. While Morosini was waiting the 
answer of the Senate, he went with his fleet to 
blockade Malvasia ; which he did so effectively that 
the place surrendered directly afterwards to his suc- 
cessor, as Morosini himself had already quitted the 
fleet for Venice, on account of his illness, which 
arose from several old wounds, through want of proper 
rest, having increased. After the lapse of sixty days, 
he arrived at Malamocco. 

I must leave the reader to find the description of the 
most grandiose triumphant entry of Doge Morosini 
himself into Yenice. All historians agree pretty well 
as to the extraordinary sumptuousness and eclat of 
the feasts ; I have not space to say anything further 
than that the entire walls of every room of the Ducal 



92 



Palace were decorated and entirely covered with the 
trophies and spoils of those enemies which had 
been conquered by the Doge Francesco Morosini. 

So much for the past and present Jesuitic detrac- 
tors of the Venetian Eepublic. The present genera- 
tion should read the histories of two or three great 
nations, and then compare their deeds with those of 
the Yenetians ; they would then see which of them 
has done the most towards the progress of civiliza- 
tion and the good of humanity. In reading those 
histories throughout, it would be found that in many 
instances the Venetians went to war, not only to 
obtain redress for offences which they had received 
themselves, but for those which had been suffered 
by other nations, particularly in defence of Chris- 
tianity. The rivalry and the invidious enmity of the 
Monarchs (especially of the Popes) were always un- 
accountable, because these last, more especially, have 
always been propped up, when in distress, by those 
same Venetians, whom the Popes, in the excess of 
their ingratitude, instead of thanking and re- 
paying or compensating them for their trouble 
and expenses, only studied new means for in- 
flicting ruin and calamity on their benefactors; 
and when they could not find an ambitious Prince 
who was ready to attack them under some pretext, 
they themselves provoked and attacked them, in 
the expectation of creating such a chaos, that with 
the help of the leagues of the Church, the con- 
fessional, or by any other iniquitous, demoniacal 
invention, they might invade and destroy them. 

I regret to repeat here that, for nearly three hun- 
dred years, the Popes, availing themselves of the 
hypocrisy, the religious superstition, and the jealousy 
of the Genoese, maintained a constant and fratrici- 
dal war against the Venetians, thus materially pre- 
venting the advance of each other's prosperity, and 
their progress in the work of Christianity. Turn for 
one moment to the oriental Venetian conquests, for 



93 



instance, and it will be readily seen that the Ge- 
noese and the Popes were more formidable enemies 
to the Venetians than the Turks themselves. The 
League of Cambray is corroborative of this assertion. 
"With regard to the siege of Candia, there is no doubt 
that the military valour of the Venetians would 
have victoriously and promptly terminated it had 
they had proper assistance from the other friendly 
rulers ; but they had not, and it ended, as I have 
related, in consequence of the invidious rivalry of 
some, and the open enmity of the other sovereign 
Powers. 

After this short expose of such brilliant and 
glorious political facts, I need not make a peroration 
in favour of the rights and liberties of Venice, as a 
reward due to the genius of her citizens. Humanity, 
common sense, and justice will plead their cause 
with greater eloquence than would be contained in my 
poor and humble expressions ; therefore I leave the 
case in the hands and heart of the reader, with 
almost the certainty of his sympathy, and his appro- 
bation of the right of the Venetians to their resur- 
rection. 

I might still further illustrate the claims of this 
great and brave people, by citing many other valiant, 
humane, and praiseworthy Christian acts ; but what 
I have already said would be sufficient to place any 
nation upon the highest pinnacle of fame. I will, 
therefore, abstain from any further illustration of 
their heroic deeds, and pass over the remainder of 
Morosini's triumphs and his death. 

I am sorry to be compelled to make an alteration 
in this portion of my work, on account of Cavour's 
death. I am truly grieved by this irreparable loss, 
particularly at this time and stage of the political 
Italian resurrection. Acknowledging gratefully, as 
I do, the patriotic spirit of the Liberal Minister, I 
hope the nation will have his name and his worthy 
acts recorded, in proper time and place, in the Eoman 



94 



Capitol or in the Pantheon, as a great luminary for 
the enlightenment of his political successors who 
have to traverse the dark and dangerously encum- 
bered footpath, which is ever infested by the predomi- 
nant black vermin. I have no doubt that the illus- 
trious and happily-energetic-minded Eicasoli (who 
gave such splendid proofs of his ability in the con- 
duct of political affairs two years ago, — so well 
disposed and so well seconded by the flower of the 
nation constituted in the revival of the glorious old 
S. P. Q,. I.), will be equal to the task, equally liberal, 
and equally enterprising and successful as the la- 
mented Cavour, to whom most sympathetically (as 
the distance prevents me spreading a flower upon his 
tomb) I wish, corpori terra lsevis, spiritui pax. 

We must, then, devote all our energies to the 
welfare of the Nation; and every Italian should 
help, in proportion to his intelligence and means, to 
reconstruct that noble edifice, which was unfortu- 
nately knocked down at the time of Pliny, in spite 
of the support and patches kindly tendered by several 
Caesars, until one of them, more generous and good- 
natured than the rest (Constantine), in his benevo* 
lent attempt to give more assistance than required, 
Samson-like, and ignorant of his strength, over- 
balanced and crumbled to pieces the towering edifice 
of the Eoman Empire, which lay in a heap till two 
years ago. Through the assistance and benevolence 
of another Caesar, however, it is now in a fair 
way of successful reconstruction. 

I will here relate that I had a dream lately, which 
I will recount (though it may not be believed as a 
fact), that Cavour did not die, but merely took an 
excursion to Olympus to tell Jupiter and Minerva 
that their favourite country, the Grecia Magna, is 
now free, and disencumbered from the monstrous 
bipeds who had inhabited, perverted, and polluted 
that classic soil for so many ages ; that henceforth it 
would be inhabited by a genial people,, anxious for 



95 



civil and moral progress ; and that, out of gratitude to 
their old benevolent deeds, the people would be happy 
to see them reinstated in their old places, not exactly 
as before, but merely as friends and convivials, as the 
Nation did not intend in future to trouble them 
with any sort or form of worship as they used to do. 
The fact is, Cavour has got carte blanche to invite 
them all to return even to Borne, where they shall 
be respectably entertained, but not in the same manner 
as of old, as we have changed the style. I dare say 
he will apologise by telling them that they must 
excuse the barbarians who expelled them from the 
Pantheon and other favourite places, and darkened 
with various inglorious and imaginary things 
the great Eternal Truth. He will tell them 
that those places are not yet ready, on ac- 
count of the immense number of repairs they re- 
quire ; and besides, that so many whitewashings are 
necessary to obliterate all the black spots ; that the 
black deeds and even the black men must undergo 
whitewashing ouire-a-ca ; there are so many cart- 
loads of filth accumulated in that town, and so many 
monstrous things to destroy by fire, sword, or water, 
that it will take at least six months to purge the 
place, even if they were to be drowned in the Tiber — 
like the Chouans were in the Loire. But I must put 
aside my dream, and return to the positive. I, there- 
fore, congratulate myself, in common with the Italian 
population, upon the acquisition of the illustrious 
statesman Ricasoli. His diplomatic genius, the 
versatility of his talents, his assiduity, and patriotic 
inspirations will all endear him to the nation, who 
already highly esteemed him before he assumed the 
Portfolio of Foreign Affairs. Since his installation 
to the pinnacle of diplomatic honour, too, by his two 
already published official documents he has elevated 
himself in the universal esteem and admiration of 
the political world, and it will not be too much to 
say that posterity will hereafter venerate his memory 



96 



as we now do that of his old and illustrious com- 
patriot, P. Capponi. I will avail myself of the 
opportunity to insert here his two public documental 
declamations, in order to perpetuate his straightfor- 
ward policy, as well as honest zeal and desire for the 
welfare of the Italian nation. The people, with these 
programmes under their consideration, will see who 
contributed materially to develope their interest and 
prosperity ; in the meantime they will have present 
to their mind who have been, and who are their 
spiritual and material mortal enemies. 

Ttjein, July the 2nd, 1861. 

(House of Commons, present the S. P.Q.I.) 

Baron Eicasoli, after having spoken of the inten- 
tion of the Government as to the administration of 
the interior, said : — " We arm not only for the 
defence of the national territory such as it actually 
is, but also to complete it — to restore it to its natural 
and legitimate boundaries." The Minister then 
said : — "The Government has the happiness to an- 
nounce to Parliament that, with the exception of 
Austria, its friendly relations with the principal 
Powers of Europe are of the most satisfactory kind. 
The Italian cause enlists general sympathy, and can 
still count upon having allies. The recognition of 
the Kingdom of Italy by England and Prance and 
other Powers is a solemn proof of the confidence 
which we inspire in our friends, and we have reason 
to believe that it will not be long before these ex- 
amples are followed by Europe generally. Thanks 
to the principle of non-intervention, our nationality 
will very soon be universally and solemnly acknow- 
ledged, as well as our incontestable right to complete 
our independence. I have heard some mention of 
a project of cession. Permit me, who represent by 
word and thought the Government of the King, to 
repel with disdain such an idea. I say, once for 
ever, that I do not know of a foot of Italian soil 



97 

which was to be ceded, that I should not wish to 
cede it, and absolutely will not cede it. The King's 
Government sees a national territory to defend and 
to recover. It sees Eome and Venice, and addresses 
them in words expressing the grief, wishes, hopes, 
and intentions of the nation. The Government is 
sensible of the great task expected of it, has decided 
upon fulfilling it, and, God be thanked, will fulfil 
it. The opportunity which time is preparing will 
open the way to Venice ; meanwhile let us think of 
Eome. We wish to go to Eome. Eome, politically 
separated from the rest of Italy, will continue to be 
the centre of intrigues and conspiracies, and a per- 
manent menace to public order. For Italians, there- 
fore, it is not only a right but an inexorable neces- 
sity. But we do not wish to go to Eome aided by 
rash and inopportune insurrectionary movements, 
which might compromise the national work. We 
wish to go to Eome in accord with Prance, not des- 
troying but building up, and at the same time 
opening to the Church a way of reform by giving 
her that liberty and independence which will invite 
her to regeneration — a task to be accomplished by 
the purity of religious sentiment and simplicity of 
manners — by that severity of discipline which in 
the primitive ages rendered her glorious and vene- 
rated, and by the frank and loyal abandonment of 
that power which is opposed to the great idea of her 
institution. The Government does not believe this 
to be an easy path to tread, but draws courage and 
faith from the very greatness of the work and the 
strength of public opinion. The Italian revolution 
is great because it founds a new era. I hope that 
the justice of our cause, our prudence, our firmness, 
our perseverance, and our boldness at the right 
moment will enable us to maintain our end." Sig- 
nori Cordova, Crispi, and Mordini also spoke on the 
subject. 

I will now quote the important Circular issued by 

i 



98 



Baron Ricasoli, dated Turin, August 24, 1861, to 
the Foreign Courts, in which, as Prime Minister, he 
condemns and exposes the enemies of Italy and of 
civilization : — 

In the Circular despatches which I have had the 
honour of addressing to the representatives of his 
Majesty abroad, I alluded to the troubles and diffi- 
culties which exist in the Southern provinces of 
the kingdom; and whilst declaring that I would 
neither dissimulate nor extenuate them, I expressed 
the hope that those provinces, warmed by the sun of 
liberty, would soon be cured of their evils, and 
would add force and honour to the Italy to which 
they belong. ~No new circumstances have arisen 
calculated to diminish the hopes which the King's 
Government placed in the vigour of the measures it 
was adopting, and in the patriotism of the popula- 
tions. But as the brigandage by which those pro- 
vinces are desolated, feeling itself more closely 
pressed, has redoubled its efforts — as the co-operation 
of its auxiliaries has become more powerful (no one 
is now ignorant who they are), and as in these efforts, 
which we are inclined to believe will be the last, 
acts of cruelty which ought to be unknown to our 
times and our civilization have been committed, and 
to which, consequently, by a deplorable necessity we 
have had to order a corresponding repression — as all 
this is so, our enemies have regarded it as a new rea- 
son for protesting more strongly against the oppression, 
as they say, which Piedmont imposes on that unfor- 
tunate country, forced by trick and violence from its 
legitimate master, to whom it desires to return even 
at the cost of martyrdom and blood. To these male- 
volent allegations of our enemies have been added, 
it is painful to say, imprudent language of men who 
are honourable and strongly Italian by old affection 
and profound conviction ; which men, seeing the 
fatal conflict prolonged in the Neapolitan provinces, 
incline to the belief that the union of those districts 



99 



to Italy was made inconsiderately, and that, con- 
sequently, it is necessary to look on it as of no 
effect until after a new and more certain experience. 

For our part, we can never accept the point of 
view of these persons, though we do not question 
either their patriotism or the uprightness of their 
intentions, since we cannot doubt either the legiti- 
macy or the efficacy of the plebiscite, by means of 
which those provinces declared that they would 
form part of the Italian Kingdom, and since the 
nation cannot in any way admit that it possesses 
the right of declaring itself separated from the other 
provinces, and a stranger to their fate. The Italian 
nation is constituted, and all that is Italy belongs 
to it. In this state of things, and in this situation 
of public opinion, the King's Government thinks 
that its representatives abroad should be informed of 
the real condition of the Neapolitan provinces, and 
of the considerations by which they will be able to 
correct the inexact judgments which may exist on 
the subject in foreign countries. "Wherever the form 
of government and the reigning dynasty have had to 
be changed by a revolution, there always remains, 
to trouble the new order of things for a period more 
or less long, a leaven of the past which cannot be 
removed from the body of the nation without fratri- 
cidal conflicts and bloodshed. Spain, after the lapse 
of thirty years, has not yet seen the wounds of civil 
war healed up which, at every moment, threaten to 
break out afresh. England, after having recovered 
her liberties with the House of Orange, had to 
struggle during nearly fifty years against the Stuarts, 
whose partisans were able to march from Scotland 
to the gates of London. France also sacrificed the 
Girondists to the cause of the federation, devastated 
Lyons, was rendered desolate by invaders, and was 
afterwards distracted by the troubles at La Vendee, 
which province, scarcely vanquished in the terrible 
and sanguinary war under the Republic, took up 



100 



arras in the Hundred Days, and did the same against 
the Monarchy of July ; and yet no one, in the midst 
of those difficulties of Spain, England, and France, 
dared deny the right of repression possessed by the 
Governments fully constituted and approved of by 
the great majority of the nation ; and no one con- 
sidered the armed resistance to the national will as 
anything else than rebellion against the national 
sovereignty, although that rebellion had regular 
armies, brave and experienced generals, possessed 
towns and territories in which it exercised authority, 
and to put it down a regular war and pitched battles 
were necessary. 

You cannot have failed to remark the immense 
difference which exists between the Neapolitan acts 
of brigandage and the facts which I have just men- 
tioned. On no account can we do the former the 
honour of comparing them to the latter. The par- 
tisans of Don Carlos, and of the Stuarts, and also the 
Vendeans, who combated for a principle, would have 
considered themselves insulted if they had been 
placed in comparison with the vulgar assassins who 
invade different parts of certain Neopolitan provinces 
solely for the sake of pillage and rapine. It is in 
vain that you would demand from them a political 
programme ; in vain that you would seek among 
the persons who guide — if, indeed, there are any 
who do so — one man who can even be distantly com- 
pared to Cabrera or Larochejaquelin, or even to the 
priest Merino, to Stofflet, or Charette. Among the 
general and superior officers who have remained 
faithful to the Bourbons there is not one who has 
ventured to take the command of the Neapolitan 
brigands, and the responsibility of their acts. The 
absolute want of political principle which is proved 
by the events which have occurred and the acts of 
the Neapolitan brigands, is also clearly evidenced by 
the testimony of the English consuls and vice-consuls 
in the Southern provinces, and by the official cor- 



101 



respondence recently presented to Parliament by the 
Government of her Britannic Majesty. To this 
correspondence I venture to direct your attention, 
and particularly to the dispatch written from the 
Capitinate by Mr Bonham on the 8th of June, and 
to that of Mr Severn, dated the 12th June; which 
latter says textually, "The bands of malefactors are 
not so numerous as they seem ; but they go about 
everywhere, and everywhere their ferocious acts are 
complained of. They rob travellers and pillage 
hamlets ; they cut electric wires, and sometimes set 
fire to crops. The old Bourbonian flag has been 
raised in some places, but it is certain that the 
movement has no political character, and that it is 
a system of agrarian vandalism embraced as a pro- 
fession by a great part of the disbanded troops, who 
prefer pillage to labour.' 9 

Still, Neapolitan brigandage may certainly be an 
instrument in the hands of the reaction which ex- 
cites and pays it, in order to keep up agitation in the 
country, encourage foolish hopes, and mislead public 
opinion in Europe. But as it would be an error to 
regard it as an armed protest of the country against 
a new order of things, so it would be contrary to 
truth to represent it, on the faith of newspaper ac- 
counts, as possessing the importance and extent 
ascribed to it. Of the fifteen provinces which com- 
posed the kingdom of Naples, five only are infested 
by brigands. That does not mean that they occupy 
these provinces or that they are established in any 
town or village, but they live in small bands in the 
mountains, and from them rush on defenceless places 
to seek their prey. Never do they dare to attack 
even a third-rate town, or a position guarded by any 
soldiers, however few the latter may be ; and if they 
arrive without resistance in any place, they deliver 
malefactors from the prisons, and, reinforced by them 
and peasants accustomed to such sort of enterprises, 
rob and pillage and then take to flight. Brigandage, 

♦ 2 



102 



as it is practised in the province of Naples, is neither 
a political reaction nor a new thing ; it is the fruit 
of the wars which have continually taken place in 
that province, of very frequent political commotions, 
of rapid changes of rule, and of governments which 
have always been bad. Brigandage desolated those 
provinces during the Spanish and Austrian viceroyal- 
ties up to 1734, and did not cease during the reign 
of the Bourbons, of Joseph Napoleon, and of Murat. 
Brigandage in the Neapolitan provinces, therefore, is 
accounted for by historical precedents and the habits 
of the country, to say nothing of the excitement of 
political revolutions, to which in the present case 
other causes are added. I will not dwell upon the 
bad government of the Bourbons in the Southern 
provinces ; I will not be more severe than the repre- 
sentatives of the European Powers at the Congress 
of Paris in 1856, who denounced it to the judgment 
of civilised Europe as barbarous and savage, nor 
more stringent than the Hon. Mr Gladstone, who, 
in his place in the British Parliament, called it the 
negation of God ; I will only say that the Bourbon 
Government had for principle the corruption of 
everything and everybody — a corruption so univer- 
sally carried out, and with such persistence, that it 
appears to us almost miraculous that those noble 
populations should ever have been able to extricate 
themselves from it ; everything which in tolerably 
organised governments serves to strengthen, to disci- 
pline, and to moralise, there only served to weaken 
and deprave. The police was a privilege accorded 
to an association of malefactors to harass and plunder 
the people as they pleased, and to exercise espionage 
for the Government. Such was the Camoria. 

The army, with certain exceptions, was composed 
of elements carefully selected, scrupulously trained 
by the Jesuits and chaplains in the most abject and 
servile idolatry of the King, and in the blindest 
superstition. JNo idea of duty towards the country : 



103 



their only duty was to defend the King against the 
citizens, considered essentially as enemies, and in a 
continuous state of rebellion, at least in intention. 
And if this rebellion became real, the army knew 
that the life and resources of the citizens belonged 
to it, and that it would have every facility for gra- 
tifying its ferocious and brutal instincts, and all the 
cupidity which was fostered in its heart. Moreover, 
there were no regulations to maintain discipline and 
give the soldier the esprit de corps becoming his noble 
mission, his importance, and dignity ; he had no 
love for his country ; he was only required to be 
submissive to the King, who, to gain his goodwill, 
did not even spare the most ignoble flatteries. They 
were 100,000, well supplied with arms and money, 
possessors of formidable fortresses and unbounded 
military resources ; and yet they did not fight ; they 
continually retreated before a handful of heroes who 
had the courage to advance against them ; regiments, 
and even a complete corps d'armee, submitted to be 
taken prisoners. It was concluded that men who 
did not fight would never make soldiers worthy of 
the name, and especially Italian soldiers ; they were, 
accordingly, offered the opportunity of returning to 
their homes, and were disbanded ; but, accustomed 
to a life of idleness and dissipation in barracks, 
and unused to labour, they revived with equal fe- 
rocity, but with greater cowardice, the traditions of 
Hammone and Mona — they became brigands. If in 
their atrocious enterprises they sometimes displayed 
the Bourbon banners, it was merely from habit, and 
not from affection. They dishonoured themselves by 
not defending their flag, and now they dishonour 
their flag by making it an emblem of murder and 
rapine. It was thus that was formed the Neapolitan 
brigandage ; and at the present moment the de- 
throned King of Naples is its champion, and Naples 
the apparent object. The dispossessed King resides 
in Rome at the Quirinal, and he there coins the 



104 



false money with which the Neapolitan brigands are 
freely supplied. The offerings extorted , from the 
Catholics throughout the different countries of Eu- 
rope, in the name of St Peter, are employed to 
enrol these brigands in every part of Europe. They 
go to Eome to inscribe their names publicly, to 
receive the word of order, and the blessings which 
make these ignorant and superstitious men hasten 
with greater alacrity to commence their career of 
murder and pillage. From Eome they obtain the 
immense quantities of arms and ammunition which 
they require. 

On the Roman and Neapolitan frontiers there are 
depots, places of rendezvous and refuge, where they 
reassemble, and whence they return with renewed 
ardour to their rapine. The perquisitions and 
arrests made within the last few days by the French 
troops leave no doubt on this subject. The hostile 
attitude assumed, and the language used on these 
solemn occasions, by a part of the clergy — the arms, 
powder, and proclamations found in certain convents 
— the priests and monks taken in the ranks of the 
brigands in the execution of their enterprises — prove 
beyond all doubt whence and in whose name all 
these instigations proceed. And as there are here 
no religious interests to defend — and even if there 
were it would not be with such arms, nor with such 
champions, nor with such means, that their defence 
could be tolerated — it is evident that the connivance 
and complicity of the Roman Court with the Neapo- 
litan brigandage are founded on the solidarity of 
temporal interests, and that the object now is to 
keep the Southern provinces in a state of revolt, and 
to prevent the establishment of a regular govern- 
ment capable of repairing so great evils, both recent 
and of long standing, in order that the sovereignty 
of the Pope may not be deprived of its last support 
in Italy. We trust that this will furnish a new and 
powerful argument to demonstrate that the temporal 



105 



power is condemned, not only by the irresistible 
logic of the national unity, but also that it has 
become incompatible with civilisation and humanity. 
Were it even to be admitted that the Neapolitan 
brigandage is of a character essentially political, the 
consequences to be drawn would still be contrary to 
those which our enemies would fain infer. In the 
first place, no argument can be drawn from its 
duration ; it must not be forgotten that it is impos- 
sible for us to surround the brigands on all sides, as 
would be requisite to effect their complete destruc- 
tion, since, when beaten and dispersed on the Neapo- 
litan territory, they find a convenient asylum in the 
Roman States, which lie close at hand ; and there 
they form again, and then, strengthened by fresh 
succours, return to their work of devastation. 

What provinces, towns, or villages have risen to 
join these new liberators ? Will it be said that the 
Government distrusts the populations and represses 
their sentiment by terror? Look at the press of 
Naples ; it may rather be accused of licence than of 
abstaining from commenting as it pleases on public 
affairs. The Government has armed the country in 
the National Guard ; the Government has appealed to 
the country for volunteers. The country has amply 
responded to this appeal. Already have several batta- 
lions been organised and mobilised, and National 
Guards and Mobilised Guards, townspeople and 
peasants, hasten to encounter the brigands, and 
often expose their lives. At the present moment 
differences of opinion are disappearing, the various 
sections of the Liberal party rally round the Govern- 
ment, so that neither the regular nor local forces 
have experienced a single defeat. For more than a 
year, in the midst of so much uncertainty, anxiety, and 
change, in the full exercise of a new and unrestricted 
liberty, Naples, that great city of 500,000 inhabit- 
ants, has not raised a single cry of disunion, has not 
permitted the extension and realisation of a single 



106 



one of the thousand Bourbonist conspiracies which 
are continually springing np, to disappear imme- 
diately. I think that, from the whole of these facts, 
it will he evident to you, Sir, that the Neapolitan 
brigandage has no political character ; that the 
European reaction established and countenanced at 
Eome foments and supports it in the name of the 
dynastic interests of Divine right, in the name of 
the temporal power of the Pope, taking an abusive 
advantage of the French arms placed there to 
guarantee more elevated and more spiritual in- 
terests ; that the Neapolitan populations are not 
hostile to national unity, nor unworthy of liberty, 
as some persons would have it believed. We must 
not forget that these victims of a corrupting system 
of government supplied heroes and martyrs in 1 799, 
and that they were quite prepared, at the moment 
of the new regeneration, to take their position beside 
their other brethren of Italy. 

What the civilisation and the humane sentiments 
of the present age cannot tolerate is, that schemes of 
subjugation should be prepared at the seat and 
centre of Catholicity, not only with the connivance, 
but with the countenance, of the ministers of him 
who represents on earth the God of meekness and 
peace. Truly religious minds are indignant at the 
abuse made of sacred things for ends altogether 
temporal ; weak consciences are seriously alarmed to 
see the discordances arising between the precepts of 
the Gospel and the acts of him who ought to in- 
terpret and teach them. Eome, by advancing in 
the path on which she has now entered, compro- 
mises her religious, without promoting her worldly 
interests. Every upright mind is already pro- 
foundly convinced, and this universal conviction 
will greatly facilitate the task of the Italian 
Government, which it cannot decline, and which is 
that of restoring to Italy, and also to the Church, 
her liberty and dignity. — Accept, &c, Eicasoli. 



107 



The following letter by Garibaldi, in answer to one 
received from Princess Ghika, paved the way to cor- 
roborate the statements of Baron Eicasoli's Circular: 

Caprera, July 16, 1861. 

Madam — I have read your splendid letter with 
admiration and gratitude. It confirms the opinion 
which 1 have long held, that woman is appointed by 
Providence to take the first part in the emancipation 
of oppressed nationalities, and in the destruction of 
despotism and superstition. You are right. The 
Papal theocracy is the worst scourge which afflicts 
my poor country. Eighteen centuries of untruth, of 
persecution, and of complicity with all the tyrants of 
Italy, have made its wounds incurable. Now, as 
ever, this vampire of the country of the Scipios raises 
its corrupt carcase, and, by discord, reaction, depre- 
dations, and civil war, offers a pretext for the presence 
of foreign arms, while, with its accursed influence, it 
prevents a noble nation from establishing itself. Our 
mission is difficult. We have yet many obstacles to 
overcome ; but the mutual sympathies of the different 
nations of Europe, the unanimity of purpose and 
progress which binds them, so that with clasped 
hands they hasten to the same goal of freedom — are 
sure guarantees of the final success of this crusade of 
humanity. So many causes of affection exist between 
your country and the Italian people, that it will 
appear to you only natural if, through you, I should 
address to your noble fellow-citizens a word of advice, 
which, I think, will benefit the general interest. The 
present position of Hungary is very delicate. The 
Hungarian people, who in the field of battle of Italian 
liberty cemented their friendship with us, especially 
deserve the co-operation of the nations of Eastern 
Europe, whose cause is identical with their own. 
Servians, Croats, Dalmatians, join in the national 
aspirations of the Magyars. The Moldo-Waliachians 
should follow this example, and I put unlimited faith 



108 



in your influence with your compatriots, and in your 
ability to unite in a fraternal and everlasting bond 
the Oriental families and their sister races of Central 
and Western Europe. "When, by the wicked designs 
of tyrants, the people were forced to combat one 
another, they increased the power of these tyrants 
themselves. Let them now live together in love 
and peace*, according to the laws of Christ and of 
humanity, and they will by themselves realise those 
dreams of prosperity which have been dear to us 
throughout our lives. G. Gakibaldi. 

The whole of the Liberal press of England and 
Prance, as well as of other countries, has most 
severely censured the acts of the highest Ecclesias- 
tics, in league withtheBourbonswho maintain brigan- 
dage in Italy. As this state of things is both 
intolerable and inexplicable, the Liberal press re- 
monstrates against the patient calm, amounting to 
nothing less than in difference on the part of the 
Italian and the Erench Governments. I extract the 
following article from the public newspapers of the 
15th of July, 1861, which will serve as evidence of 
this, and exclaim, in unison with the learned Editors, 
" Quousque tandem Papa abutere patientia nostra ?" 

The Erench in Kome.— The Opinion Nationale 
ventures to make the following outspoken observa- 
tions upon the extraordinary conduct of the Erench 
Government in cherishing a focus of reaction at 
Rome : " The state of things in Italy since the 
taking of Gaeta will certainly furnish one of the 
most curious and extraordinary chapters of history 
that was ever registered in its annals. In the name 
of the great principles proclaimed in '89, in the 
name of justice, in the name of the sacred right of 
people to choose the form of their Government, we 
have permitted Victor Emmanuel to realise the 
desires of Italy, and to create national unity. Erance, 
England, Switzerland, Portugal, Greece, Turkey, 



109 



the Scandinavian States, have recognised the new 
kingdom. Our desire is that it may consolidate 
itself, progress peacefully and with order; but by 
the strangest of all possible contradictions, we stand 
between Italy and the exercise of the most essential 
of all her rights — that right which nature has en- 
graved in the hearts and conscience of all creatures 
— the right of self-preservation and legitimate de- 
fence. We allow her bitterest enemies, those who 
hope for her ruin and sigh for her death, to fix their 
camp in the very centre of her provinces, to foment 
rebellion, to suborn brigands, and furnish supplies 
for civil war; and when the elected King would 
defend himself — when he would punish his enemies 
and sweep them out of Italy — we stop him under 
the pretext of religion, and require from him a 
degree of patience which God would not exact from 
saints in Paradise. Such an abnormal situation 
cannot long continue. It is pregnant with danger, 
and in keeping it up, we run the risk of goading the 
Italian people — if not the Italian Government — to 
some extreme resolution, likely to compromise the 
general peace. This is a truth which must strike 
every one. We must assure the future of Italy and 
the triumph of liberal principles ; we must at length 
allow Yictor Emmanuel's Government to emerge 
from the stifling atmosphere in which he is pent up ; 
and our opinion is that it would be for our own in- 
terest and dignity to hasten the desired solution 
with or without the concurrence of other Powers — 
whether Catholic or Legitimist." 

TxiRm, July 14, 1861. 
According to news received here from Rome tc* 
the 11th inst., Francis II had had a secret confer- 
ence with Chiavone. The arms of the late Bourbon 
army, which were stored in the Castle of Saint An- 
gelo, had been distributed among the reactionary 
bands. 

h 



110 



English Peecedents against the Innovations of 
the Clergy. 

As I have particular reasons for thus digressing 
from the order of this work, and that which I am 
now about to introduce will give a beneficial lesson 
to the Eoman Catholic priestcraft, I trust the reader 
will bear with me, and not consider that that which 
will follow is altogether out of place. 

In England, where Constitutionalism has now 
become Patriarchal, at various ages uncommonly 
wise laws have been mooted and passed to put a stop 
to abuses of trust and power, not only by the lay 
class, but by the Ecclesiastics also. Should there- 
fore Baron Eicasoli and Count Persigny want pre- 
cedents at law in such cases, they can easily obtain 
them. Eor their immediate necessities I will here 
quote a few acts or proposals, which I extract from 
MSS. 4 vols, in folio, which were began about 170 
years ago, afterwards discontinued, and then taken up 
again by the Amanuensis of Sir Eobert Walpole 
during the twenty-eight years he held the Premier- 
ship in the administration of the country. The 
contents of these volumes are a calendar of the 
journals of the House of Lords, from the beginning 
of King Henry the Eighth's reign, &c, and they end 
in 1787, still incomplete. They are alphabetically 
arranged under the heads of substantives, such as 
Academy, Address, Army, Alum Mines, Attorney- 
General, &c. Under the word Impeachment, I find 
the trial of the thirteen bishops for crimes and mis- 
demeanours, dated the 4th of August, 1641. It is 
much too long to be copied here; as the volume con- 
tains many other things which are much shorter and 
equally suited to my purpose, I will content myself 
with giving only the cause which brought on or ac- 
celerated the Act of Accusation against the Bishops. 



Ill 



I take it from the MS., vol. 2, p. 34, under the 
head Bishops y and it begins thus : 

" The Lord Keeper by Command of His Majestie 
Delivered a Petition which was presented to Him 
being stiled, a Petition and Protestation of all the 
Bishops and Prelates called by writ to attend in Par- 
liament, Protesting against all Laws, &c, which since 
the 29th Instant should pass during the time of 
their forced Absence, and the same being Eead, was in 
regard the Lords conceived it contained matters of 
High and Dangerous Consequence, and Intrenched 
upon the fundamental Priviledges and Being of 
Parliament, Communicated to the Commons at a Con- 
ference, 30th Dec. The Commons by Message 
returned their Lordships Thanks for Communicating 
the said Petition to them, and accused the respective 
Bishops who signed it of High Treason for preferring 
the same, and thereupon they, being Twelve in 
Number, were ordered to be brought before the House 
and Committed to Safe Custody, 30th Dec. 1641, 
post merid." Vide Impeachment in the samebook ? 
where there is all the rest, &c. 

I will now copy some of them, and at the same 
time will avail myself of this opportunity to remark 
that long since I adopted the rule of never inter- 
fering with the religion or politics of any country 
where I might happen to reside. I have always 
adhered by that rule hitherto, and hope I shall 
not be materially departing from it upon the 
present occasion by referring to these historical facts, 
which occurred about 210 years ago, and which 
now form part and parcel of the pillars and founda- 
tions upon which is so firmly built and so equally 
poised the religio-political edifice of glorious Albion. 
As a mark of my appreciation, and the esteem and 
consideration which I feel I owe to those great men, 
the citizens, and the martyrs who baptised and 
christened with their blood the religious liberties of 
this country, and as a tribute of veneration to them 



112 



and their noble deeds, and as an encouragement to 
other countries to follow in the same steps for the 
attainment and accomplishment of like ends, I take 
the liberty of copying the following from page 26, 
Vol. the 2nd, of the MS. above-named, under the 
word Bills. 

u For disabling Persons in Holy Orders to Exercise 
Temporal Jurisdiction, brought from the Commons, 
and Speed in the Passing of it Recommended, and the 
Bill was read the first time 23rd October. It being 
moved to Bead the second time, it was desired by 
some Lords that it might be deferred till another 
Session, they Alledging the Substance of it was voted 
against in a former Bill this Session, but the matter 
being debated, the Bill was ordered to be taken into 
Consideration the next day peremptorily, 27th Oc- 
tober. The Commons by Message desire the Lords 
to proceed in the Bill 14th June. The Bill was Bead 
a second time, and committed 4th February, post 
merid. The Committee of the whole House having 
gone through the Bill with Amendments, the same 
were Reported, and the Bill was read the third time 
and Pass'd, and Dissent, 5th Feb. The Com- 
mons signified their Agreement to the Amendments, 
and desired some Lords might be sent to the King to 
desire Him to Crown this Bill with the Boyal Assent, 
7th Feb. Beasons of both Houses sent to His 
Majesty for passing it, 8th Feb. Passed by Com- 
mission, 14th Feb, 1641." 

The substance and wisdom of this law was entirely 
extracted by the English legislators from the Decree 
issued by Pope Paschal the Second in the year 1111, 
after he had been tamed of his impertinent arrogance, 
and subdued by war, by the Emperor of the Holy 
Boman Empire, Henry the Fifth. This Decree (of 
which I have already made a copy, as well as of the 
whole of those transactions resulting from that war of 
usurpations, by the Pope) is a masterpiece of castiga- 
tion and self-condemnation of that and of all the other 



113 

succeeding Popes. As I have submitted to the reader 
this Decree in its entirety, in its chronological order, 
I shall here simply quote the preamble of it, which 
commences thus : Paschalis Papse Decretuin. "Pas- 
chalis Episcopus, Servus Servorum Dei, dilecto filio 
Henrico Kegi, et ejus Successoribus Imperatoribus," 
&c. 

Divinse legis institutionibus sancitum est, et sacris 
canonibus interdictum, ne Sacerdotes curis seculari- 
bus occupentur, neve ad Comitatum, nisi pro dam- 
natis eruendis, atquepro aliis, qui injuriampatiuntur, 
accedant. TJnde ad Apost. Paulus inquit : Judicia si l Corinth., 6, 
habueritis, contemptibiles qui sunt in Ecclesia, illos 
constituite ad judicandum, &c. It will be plainly 
seen that Paschal even quotes the Eible to serve his 
purpose, though he forbids it to the secular people. 
I begin to wonder what the saints of the almanack 
for next year will say to me for disinterring such old 
documents and conventions, which had been agreed 
upon after a schism and a war. My answer will be that 
this Paschal knew very well both before and at that 
time, what he contemplated doing and what] he did, 
when he took without permission that which did not 
belong to him ; for he was well aware what belonged 
to him, and what to Csesar. Neither admonition nor 
advice on the part of the Emperor, however, could 
prevail upon him to desist and make restitution of 
the sacred Caesarian rights. This was a bold attempt 
to revive the old constitutional fever of the Popes — 
the pilfering fever — which, however, gave way to 
the prompt and successfully-administered doses of 
emetico-cathartic medicines, and he was soon purged 
and cleared by the disgorgement of the greedily swal- 
lowed heterogeneous bodies which had produced that 
mad fever. Erom vol. 2, p. 31, of the MS, Calendar, 
under the head of Bill, I take the following : — 

"Against Scandalous Clergymen, and four private 
Bills brought from the Commons 12th April. The 
Pill Bead the first time 26th April. A 2nd time and 

k2 



114 



Committed 2nd May. The Commons desired the Bill 
might be hastened 1st June. The House was in 
Committee on it 20th June. A Select Committee 
was appointed to Consider of the Amendments 23rd 
June. The Commons desired the Bill might be 
Dispatch' d 25th June, and 30th July. The Bill was 
referr'd to two Judges 24th Jan. The Commons by 
Message desired expedition might be given to the 
Bill, and thereupon the Committee for it was 
Ordered to Meet in the Afternoon 27th Jan. The 
saidBill was reported with Amendments and Approv'd 
of 28th Jan. Bead the 3rd time and Pass'd 30th Jan. 
1642. The Commons Signified their Agreement to 
the Amendments the same day in the Afternoon." 

Here is a further specimen, which relates to an- 
other matter in connection with the Clergy. I take 
it from the same book, p. 30, under the head of Bill. 
"For Suppressing divers Innovations in Churches, 
and brought up 24th March 1641. — Bead the first 
time 25th of March. A 2nd time, and Committed, 
29th March. The Commons desired the Lords would 
give Expedition to the Bill 1st and 12th April, 1st 
and 25th June. The said Bill was Debated in a Com- 
mittee 14th July. The House having been again in 
a Committee on it, 'twas referr'd to Justice Crauley 
to draw a Proviso that the taking down Glass Win- 
dow may be done by such Commissioners as shall be 
appointed by both Houses 15th July. The Amend- 
ments were Read, as also the Bill with them, and 
then the Bill was read the 3rd time, and Pass'd, and 
sent to the Commons 16th July. A free Conference 
was had at the desire of the Commons concerning 
some Alterations in the Bill, 30th July, 1842." 

Again, under the head of Bill, in the same volume, 
p. 23, occurs this: — " Eor Regulating Archbishops, 
Bishops, Deans, and Chapters — Read the first time 
1st July, post merid. A 2nd time and Committed 3rd 
July, 1641." Erom the said MS. vol. ii, p. 48, 
under the head Conference : — 



115 



" Another Conference desired by the Commons 
concerning some reasons to be offered to His Majes- 
tie for the speedy Passing of the Bill to take away 
the Yotes of Bishops, and had, and the Commons 
Reasons being Reported, the Lords Agreed to joyn 
therein, and directed the same to be presented to His 
Majestie 8th Feb. 1611, post merid." 

In the same volume, p. 49, also occurs this: — 
" Another Conference desired by the Lords touching 
the Amendments in the Bill against Pluralities 12th 
Feb. The Commons by Message Signified they were 
ready for the Conference, and the Lords Agreed to 
meet with them in the Afternoon, 14th Feb. The 
Conference was accordingly had the 14th Feb., post 
merid. A free Conference was desired by the Com- 
mons touching the Bill, 24th Feb., post mend. An- 
other free Conference was desired by Commons, 22nd 
March. The same was agreed to, and the Bill was 
Recommitted, 23rd March, 1641. The Commons de- 
sired Expedition might be given to it, 1st and 
12th April. The former Alterations waived, and a 
Proviso was added and sent to the Commons, and a 
Conference being had at their desire they signifyed 
their Agreement to the Proviso, and the Lords, at 
the Commons , request, changed the word (June) to 
(August), and immediately Signified the same to 
them in the Painted Chamber, 3rd May. The Bill 
was Read the 3rd time and Pass'd, 4th May. It was 
ordered to be sent to the King to be Pass'd, 20th 
June. His Majestie to be desired to Pass it, 14th 
July, 1642." 

I am resolved to make no remark or comment 
whatever upon these affairs, notwithstanding I am 
of opinion that, even at the present time, they might 
be of some service to those upon whom is placed the 
responsibility of conducting the public weal in moral 
order, not only in the public streets, but particularly 
in the Churches. I will therefore transcribe some 
chapters ad rem from the said second volume of MSS., 



116 



under the head Church. I take the following from 
p. 78 : 

" Eites or Ceremonies in the Church which may 
give Offence not to be Introduced, 16th Jan. 1640. 

" Church of Halsted in Essex, the Examination 
of a great Disorder and Eiot Committed in it by one 
Poole, and Haward was Eecommended by the King, 
and they were ordered to be sent for as Delinquents, 
30th Nov. 1640. The Lord-Lieutenants to command 
the Deputy-Lieutenants to take care to apprehend 
them, 10th Dec. They were brought to the Bar, and 
denying the Eact were committed to the Eleet till 
the Matter be heard, 12th Dec. Examination had, 
and they ordered to make their submission, and to 
be discharged, 19th Dec. They having made their 
Submission accordingly, the Proceedings against them 
were Ordered to be Stopp'd, 13th March, 1640.' 7 

"Were I to ask the Mr Poole who occupied so con- 
spicuous a place in the Police reports during the 
winter or summer of 1860 (I forget which), with re- 
gard to his inquisitory and extra-amatorial impudic 
questions at the Confessional of St Barabbas, if I were 
to ask him, I say, whether he is a distant relative and 
descendant of the above-named gentleman, he might 
assert his right to refuse an answer, and upbraid me 
with impertinent inquisitiveness in interfering with 
that which I must confess I myself think derogatory 
to my present business. I therefore leave him fixed 
on the cress upon Mount Calvary, to contemplate 
the stars in lieu of Barabbas, and proceed to take 
another quotation from the Constitutional MSS. in 
my possession, to establish the rights and prece- 
dents of liberal Governments, to bring to trial and 
destitute and punish, according to the evidence 
adduced, the Eight Eeverend Transgressors of Secular 
and Canonic Laws ; and I do so for the sake of doing 
homage, and encouraging the present enlightened 
Erench and Italian Ministers in their administration 
of the Laws and Justice of the Eealms. 



117 



" A Committee appointed to consider all Innova- 
tions in the Church concerning Religion, 1st March. 
They were Impowered to send for the Learned men 
to assist them, 6th March. Directed to meet on par- 
ticular Day, 10th March. They were Ordered 
peremptorily to Meet on the 29th and 24th March, 
1640. Order' d to meet that day sev'night peremp- 
torily, 29th March. [Although I do understand 
this, it reads like a puzzle to me ; nevertheless, I 
will be a faithful copyist, and nothing more ] An- 
other time appointed for meeting, 5th April, 1641. 
[The next case is this.] Divine Service having been 
Disturbed in Churches in Cheshire, it was Ordered to 
be performed according to Law, and Such as Disturb 
it to be severely punished, 23rd April. Upon a 
Certificate of the Magistrates that they found no such 
Disturbances as was complained of, 'twas referr'd to 
the Committee for Innovations, 31st May, 1641." 

There is no ambiguity whatever about this ; it 
is clear enough. I will now proceed to the next case, 
also under the head of Church ; 

" A Petition Complaining of Certain Disorders in 
Churches in South warkEoad, and the Offenders' names 
to be given in, 9th June. Given in accordingly, and 
they were ordered to be sent for as Delinquents, 
10th June. Counsel and Witnesses heard, and new 
Eails Ordered forthwith to be set up about the Com- 
munion Table in the same manner as they have 
been for 50 years past, at the cost of the Delinquents, 
who were publicly to acknowledge their faults, and 
to be committed to the Fleet, and one Waineman 
and Bonace, for Making a great Tumult in the time 
of the Administration of the Sacrament, were Com- 
mitted to the King's Bench, to stand on a Stool in 
the Streets and Acknowledge their faults, and to 
pay a Fine of 20 S. to the King, 17th June. One 
Shepheard who was Committed to the Fleet, Acknow- 
ledging the Sentence to be just, was set at liberty, 
5th July. The other Persons Sentenced, upon 



118 



Acknowledging the same to be just, to be also 
Released, and in regard to their Poverty they were 
Excused from Setting up the Bails, 19th July. 
Upon their Petition to the purpose aforementioned 
they were Eeleased accordingly. "Waineman and 
Bonace, upon their Acknowledgment, were Dis- 
charged, and their fine Eemitted, 22nd July, 1641." 

I will here give it as my humble opinion that 
these few extracts from this English History (I call 
it so, from the fact that it is the most accurate his- 
torical collection of documents, proposed, past, or 
rejected in the Senate of these Eealms from the 
beginning of the reign of King Henry the Eighth to 
the end of the political career of Sir Eobert Walpole, 
extant) should be quite sufficient for the present, as 
I have said, to show the leaders of modern Consti- 
tutional Government what steps might be safely 
taken by them in imitation of other illustrious 
Constitutional predecessors, who at various times had 
recourse to the prompt and energetic wisdom which 
was contained in these measures to disentangle and 
clear the way from the political obstructions, ma- 
chinations, and snares invented by the then mutinous 
Clergy. If I were not afraid of indirectly offending 
the present class of Clergymen, I would select further 
extracts from various other chapters ; but I desist 
for this reason, as well as from the fact that they 
might be deemed superfluous. I will therefore 
apologise to the reader for what I have already tran- 
scribed, and then resume the subject of my work. 

The Eight of the House or Savoy to the 
Italian Theone. 

The election of Victor Emmanuel to the throne of 
Italy was responded to by every true Italian heart. 
Of all others, Victor Emmanuel was the fittest 
monarch to wear the crown of that country, for the 



119 



liberties and rights of which he so nobly fought, and 
scorned to think of danger when " Liberty, glorious 
liberty, to the soil of Italy " was the battle-cry. 
There are other reasons too, besides these, why the 
Italians would have none other than Yictor Em- 
manuel, or his successors, for their King : first, be- 
cause he is the oldest Sovereign Euler in any part of 
the Italian dominions, and, rhetorically speaking, 
the pars pro toto is the same as totum pro parte ; par- 
ticularly when derived by a legitimate lineal descent 
of about forty consecutive generations. There is no 
other legitimate Italian Sovereign, and, for this 
reason alone, he is fully entitled to the Italian 
throne. The Lorraines, the Bourbons, and the ex- 
Este Sovereigns are all spurious branches, and hetero- 
geneous to the Italian elements, never having reigned 
to the hearts' content of the populations, nor with 
their consent. The Este family only had a prescrip- 
tive right, which was of very ancient date, like the 
Savoy Carignan ; but their rights died away with the 
grandmother (who was the last of the Este family) 
of the late Erancis the Fifth, the ex-Duke of Modena. 
I say late, because the Eternal God, in his merciful 
Providence, decreed that this last abortion of that 
family, in punishment for the crimes of his ancestors, 
should, like a mule, be impotent to generate ; there- 
fore, dead or alive, it is all the same for him, and, if 
there is any sense or feeling in him, he will endure 
remorse for his forefathers' crimes, committed to the 
detriment of those unfortunate Modenese people, who 
had to bear their absolute and despotic rules in 
Eerrara, Modena, Eeggio, and other towns for nearly 
a thousand years. Secondly, because, at various 
epochs, the House of Savoy had waited the oppor- 
tunities, and attempted to redeem Italy from the 
stranger's oppression, and, two or three centuries 
back, not only re-established the glory of the Italian 
arms at home, and freely and liberally (as far as was 
permitted by contemporary Sovereigns) ruled in her 



120 



own States, but actually rebuked and baffled the 
Papal impostures sent to her in ancient times in the 
shape of Bulls or monitories, and maintained her 
rights and privileges at home for the welfare of her 
subjects; she also harboured the Waldenses at various 
times with a tolerance worthy of applause, though at 
others she was compelled, through the imposition of 
the . powerful States, to persecute them. Thirdly, and 
lastly, because Victor Emmanuel, like an old Paladin, 
is brave, honest, and free — as desirous of his own 
liberty as he is of that of his subjects — gentle and 
generous, valiant as were Poland, Pichard Coeur-de- 
Lion, Orseolo, Morosini, Mocenico, Dandolo, &c. of 
old, and equally heroic as the modern warriors, ISTapo- 
leon and Garibaldi. Therefore no one shall presume 
to reign in Italy but he, the chosen of the nation, 
the honourable sword of Italy, the defender of the 
faith of regenerated, resuscitated Italy. 

It is not my intention in what follows hereafter to 
entertain my readers with a story or an allusion ; far 
from it. I am about to furnish the real truth, which 
I intend to borrow in the shape of facts from old 
and authentic diplomatic documents, and which will 
go to prove incontestably the right of Victor Emma- 
nuel's succession to the throne of Italy. I shall not 
give the history of his illustrious house, although I 
shall extract from the ancient historian of that family 
a few facts with relation to the diplomatic transac- 
tions of nine or ten hundred years ago. 

The illustrious House of Savoy is one of those which 
presents an uncommonly old genealogical tree, and 
as early as the opening of the thirteenth century was 
intimately connected by marriages with Philippe the 
Guiciienon, Second, King of the Pomans, with the Roman Ernpe- 
Orfrom'the 8 ' ?oys, the French and English Kings, and other 
PaSdeiVeve Sovereigns. I will now extract from Guichenon's 
d'Aiiiance,' ' * Histoire Genealogique de la Maison de Savoye,' a 

887 atotiie ^ ew ** nes ^ rom ^ e concess i° n maa *e by Philippe the 
Preamble. Second to Thomas de Savoye, Comte de Murienne, 



121 



who went to Basilea to meet him. — Quod accedens 
ad presentiam nostram Carissimus consanguineus 
noster Thomas Comes Sabaudice apud Basileam, &c, 
and there the King gave and confirmed to the Count 
a diploma of the investiture of the towns of Kario 
and Testona. — Et quo incessanter ad ipsius utilitatis 
et honoris augment um intenti esse cupimus, de 
gratia Regiae liberalitatis feudo suo, quod prius 
ab Imperio tenuit, addimus sibi, concedimus et 
confirmamus Yiilam de Kario, nec non Yillam 
de Testona, cum omnibus appendiciis et tenimen- 
tis earuin, et cum omni jure et integritate, quem- 
admodum ad Imperium spectare dignoscuntur ut ipse 
Comes et sui hseredes, easdem possessiones, ab Im- 
perio et a nobis, nostrisque successoribus Juere Feudi, 
teneant et recognoscant. Sciendum quoque est, quod 
memoratus Consanguineus noster Comes Sabaudice, 
Castrum Meldani a nobis recepit in Feudo ; et nos 
fideliter promisimus, in ipso Castro et omnibus per- 
tinentiis ejus, eum manutenere et contra omnes 
homines defensare. Statuimus igitur et Eegio Edieto 
firmiter praecipimus ut nulli unquam personam altse 
vel humiii, Ecclesiasticse, sive seculari, licitum sit 
saspe fatum consanguineum nostrum in hac nostra, 
donatione et concessione molestare aut ei aliquo im- 
probitatis ausa contraire : quod qui facere ausus 
fuerit, in vindictam transgressionis centum libras 
auri puri componat, quarum medietas Cameras nostras 
reliquum possis injuriam persoivatur. Ad cujus rei 
certam iinposterum notitiam, banc Ducalem paginam 
exinde conscribi jussimus et Majestatis notrse bulla 
aurea insigniri. Then follow the signatures of the 
Xing and of his noble witnesses, &c. 

I have omitted the preamble for the sake of 
brevity, and limited myself to name this Investiture 
by the King of the Komans to Thomas, Count de 
Maurienne, one of his relatives, and an Imperial 
Vicar, to whom he gave as a feud the above-named 
towns to honour and increase the interest of that 

I 



122 



noble family, and make them more illustrious. 
I will first take notice of a treaty of peace and 
alliance between Othenin de Bourgogne, Sire de 
Salins, et Benaud de Bourgogne Freres, d' une part : 
et Thomas de Savoye Comte de Piemont, et Aine de 
Savoye Freres, d' autre. Fait a Paris en Tan 1071. 
This treaty is written in Patois, or rather the lingua 
Franca of that time and place, as it i3 still 
spoken by the French people of the South ; it is also 
familiar to an Italian of the North. I will give 
here the exordium, as it will serve as a specimen of 
the idiom of the ancient Troubadours : 

Nous Othonins de Bourgogne et Sires de Salins, 
et Benaux Freres fommes a savoir a tous cens qui 
verront ces presentes Lettres, Que nous regardee la 
grand esperance d' amour, laquelle nous avons eue 
toujours et aurons en enpres a Nobles Barons et 
nostres chiers et ames Thomas et Ame de Savoie 
Freres, prometons a iceus maimes en bone foy 
donnes sermenz corporeement a saintes Evangiles 
de Dieu, valoir et conseiller et aider tant cum nous 
vivrons de toute guerre et de touz plaiz, de toutes 
querailes contre tous homes dou monde de totes noz 
forces, de tous nos povoirs, exceptez nobles Barons 
Philippe de Savoye et de Bourgogne Conte, Aaliz 
de Savoye et de Bourgogne Comtesse, Hugue Due de 
Bourgogne, Thebaut Conte de Bar, et en seur que 
tout nous prometons per le serment devant donne, 
que s' il avenoit par aucun cas, &c. If I do not mis- 
take, this Thebaut, Conte de Bar, was a celebrated 
musician, a poet troubadour, and a Maecenas of the 
Middle Ages. I have quoted this treaty to show 
that Baron Philippe de Savoye was also Count of 
Bourgogne, and the Counts of Savoy continued for 
several consecutive centuries to possess part of the 
lands and the title of Count of Bourgogne, as I 
shall demonstrate after the close of this note. The 
treaty of Othenin and Thomas ends with these 
words : Ce fut fait a Paris en len Cloistre Nostre 



123 



Dame en 1'Ostel lois de Savoye en Tan de Pincarna- 
tion notre Seigneur mil lxxi. xxi le jour da 
mercredy devant ]a Teste S. Nicolas ; apres la Eeste 
S. Andrier L'Apostre. 

S. Guichenon reports another early treaty of peace s. Guichenon 
between Eodolph, Xing of the Romans, and Philippe, ^deSnai- 
Count of Savoy, made— datum in Castris ante Pater- sob de Sa- 
niacum in die Beat. Joan. Apost, anno 1083. In ^ye,Preuv e s, 
this treaty the King of the Romans promises the 
Count he will not have any quarrel nor war with 
him, and that he will maintain peace for all his life, 
in consideration of the cession and assignment to 
him of the towns Muratum and Contaminum. This 
has all the appearance of an imposition by a strong 
party upon a weak one, who is compelled to buy the 
friendship of his neighbour. 

I also find in the ' Recueil des Traitez de Paix, 
de Treve, de Neutrality de Suspension d'armes, 
d' Alliance/ &c, a treaty of peace between Thomas, 
Count of Savoy, and Maurienne and Marquis of 
Italy, and Albert Seigneur de la Tour du Pin. This 
treaty was made in the Chateau de S. Symphorien 
le 30 Janvier, 1218. In the same year, 1218, also 
in the Recueil des Traitez, in the same page, 828, I 
find the Marriage Contract between Margarette of 
Savoy and Herman, Count of Kibourg. This treaty 
was made apud Melclucium, Calend. Junii. 

The high esteem which the illustrious Thomas, 
Count of Savoy, enjoyed from Frederick, the Roman 
Emperor, is attested by the trust and confidence 
which he placed in him in making a treaty on his 
behalf with Hugolinus, Mayor of Marseilles, and this 
will be the proper place to show the Count's ability 
in the transaction of political and civil affairs. This 
treaty is to be found in ' Guichenon' s Histoire Genea- 
logique de la Maison de Savoy e,' Preuves, p. 54, 
and commences thus : In Nomine Domini nostri Jesu 
Christi, Amen. Ego Thomas Comes Sabaudige, Yica- 
rius in Lombardia Domini Eriderici, per Dei Gratiani 



124 



Romanorum Imperatoris, et Eegis Siciliaa et Surise, 
promitto tibi Hugolini Done Dame, Potestas Mas- 
silise nomine Communis Massiliae, et pro eo stipulanti 
et recipienti, &c. This was done and sealed anno 
Domini, 1226, 

After this I find numerous instances of treaties of 
Political and of Matrimonial alliances with the 
highest reigning families in Europe, almost forming 
a precedent ad instar of the present illustrious family 
of Cobourg. I may name here that Ame, of Savoy, 
gave to Margaret, his sister, Countess of Kibourg, 
as a donation, the Chateau de Monteys, in the year 
1239. Shortly after this the same Amedeus, Count 
of Savoy, gave to the said sister, Margaret, the Town 
of Saint Maurice on Chablais, as reported by S. 
Guichenon, and inserted in the ' Recueil des Traitez 
de Paix/ &c., p. 830. That donation conveyed 
only the useful Dominion, and the Sovereign power 
was reserved as well as the coining of money by the 
donor. 

|^ c e h g eu ^ The said Count Amadeus the Fourth, in the year 
reuves,p. . ^42, gave to his brother, Thomas of Savoy, Count 
of Flanders, as a donation, the Chateau de Bard en 
la Val d'Aouste : Hoc donationis et Infeudationis 
Instrumento dedit, et tradidit dilecto Eratri suo 
Domino Thomse Comiti Flandrise et Havnaut, et 
ipsius hseredibus in perpetuum. 

Then there was a Marriage Contract between 
Amedeus the Fourth and Cecile de Baux, which was 
effected in the year 1244 ; and in 1247 Mainfroy 
(Manfredus), the Son of the Emperor Frederick, mar- 
ried Beatrice, Countess of Saluzzo, and daughter of 
Amedeus the Fourth. This last treaty was signed 
at Chambery on the 21st of April, 1247. 

After this, in the year 1251, Aymon, Seigneur de 
Faucigny, fait donation a — Illustri Viro Domino 
Petro de Sabaudia Marito Agnetis carissimaa filiae 
nostrse, pro ipsa Agnete, omnia Castra nostra, omnes 
Terras, Possessiones nostras, cum Juribus, feudis, 



125 



Dominiis, usagiis appenditiis et pertinentiis eorun- 
dem ; and he divested himself of his Castles, Lands, 
Possessions, &c, to invest the above-named Count 
Peter, husband of Agnes, his daughter. 

Now comes the best part, or the greatest Donation, 
and I can assure the reader, and even the Wolf of 
Orleans, Antonelli and Co., that this is a positive 
one, and entirely different in its nature from the 
imaginary vision of St Peter's Patrimony. It con- 
veyed the Sovereign and useful Dominion, and it was 
given as a grateful recompense for benefit received 
by the King of the Eomans from the Counts of Savoy. 
It may not be out of place if I quote here two or 
three lines from the exordium of the Document of 
Donation and Investiture, which says : TJt Mobiles, 
et Magnates Imperii gratis prgeveniamus beneficiis, 
ac dignis honoribus exaltemus, promotionibus eorun- 
dem, tarn benigne, tamque favorabiliter insistendo, 
ut ad obsequendum nobis alii eorum exemplo facilius 
inducantur. What do you say to this, you incorri- 
gible blacks ? Your Poman Curia, in spite of the 
many opportunities offered it, never did an atom of 
good to anybody ; and in attempting to do too much 
for itself, spoiled even its own interest. Is not this 
the truth ? But I must not lose sight of the Diploma 
of Donation made by Guillaume, Pois de Pomains, 
a Thomas de Savoye, Comte de Maurienne, des Yilles 
et Chateaux de Turin, de Montalier, de Eivoles, de 
Colegno, Cavours } Ivree, du Pays de Canavais et 
autres lieux — Faite le 22 Mai, 1252, which is to be 
found, in extenso, in S. Guichenon's 'Histoire Geneal./ 
&c, Preuves, p. 93, and in the 'Pecueil des Traitez de 
Paix,' &c, p. 833. Neither must I forget to name 
the Testament of Eubal de Geneve, son of Humbert, 
Count of Geneve, who, in the year 1259, bequeathed 
to his relative, Count Peter of Savoy, the Comitatum 
Gelennensern. That Will was made in London in 
the year 1259. The Will of Agnes, Dame de Fou- 
cigny, Countess of Savoy, is important on account 

12 



126 



that she bequeathed her estates to her husband, 
Count Peter of Savoy, and her other properties to 
Beatrice, her daughter, who was married to the 
Dauphin, as reported by Guichenon, Preuves, p. 78 : 
instituo mihi Hseredein earissimam Filiam meam 
Beatricem uxorem IllustrisYiri G. Delfini Viennensi3, 
et Alboni Comitis. This "Will was made on October 
the 17 th, 1262. 

Neither is the Testament of Beatrice of Savov, 
Countess of Provence, made in March, 1263, less 
interesting on account of the great wealth of that 
lady, who was the widow of the illustrious Beymond 
Berengarius, Count of Provence. Her daughter, 
Margaret, was married to the French King, and 
Aiconora was married to the King of England. It 
will be recollected that I have taken some slight 
notice of the strong and reasoning letters written by 
this lady to the Pope and to the Emperor when the 
latter arrested her son as he was passing through the 
Imperial territory on his return from the wars in Pa- 
lestine. This was not a Papal-Imperial blunder ; but 
it was a Papal and an Imperial grassamon on the 
highway, just after the style of Chiavone, and the 
modern Cavalieri di Cristo ! ♦ 

Again, the English and French Queens inherited, 
during their lifetime, their mother's property, which, 
after their respective deaths, reverted to the two 
sons of Thomas Amedeus, the brother of Beatrice, 
Countess of Provence. (See Guichenon' s ' Histoire/ 
or the ' Eecueil des Traitez/ in which the "Wills are 
reported in full.) 

In 1263 the Emperor Eichard made a Donation u a 
Pierre Conte de Savoye, des biens d' Herman Le 
Jeune, Comte de Kibourg." (See Guichenon, Preuves, 
p. 74.) This was a capital Donation, and the 
Counts of Savoy possessed already the right of suc- 
cession by consanguinity. 

The next step was a matrimonial alliance between 
Philippe, Count de Savoye, et Alix, Comtesse Pala- 



127 



tine de Bourgogrie. In the marriage settlement it 
was stipulated that the Count should receive for life 
3,000 livres of the current money per annum, to 
be deducted from her estates ; and that, after his 
death, they should be paid yearly to their heirs, or 
to any party that they should name. (Guichenon, 
Preuves, p. 88.) 

The wealth and extension of territory of the illus- 
trious house of Savoy had assumed almost the pro- 
portions of an Empire, and their political importance, 
influence, and power were great, not only in Italy, 
as Imperial Vicars in Lombardy, but also in France 
and England, where they possessed lands ; and by 
their consanguineous alliances also with the Imperial 
family, those Counts were entitled to the respect of 
the remainder of the ruling Sovereigns, as well as 
to the admiration of the populations. 

Instead of copying the Testament of Count Peter 
of Savoy, made in the month of June, 1268, and 
reported in the 1 Eecueil des Traitez de Paix de 
Treve/ &c lib. 1, p. 838, I will extract merely a 
few lines, just to prove this statement. 

Peter, after saying that he desired to be buried 
apud Attain Combam, Beatricem carissimam flliam 
nostram Uxorern Illustris Viri Delfini Viennensis, 
hseredein nostram instituimus in tota Terra nostra, 
quam habemus in Gebennesio, et in Vuando (the 
Cantons of Geneve and Yand), usque ad Mosternen- 
sem, et in Alemania, quocumque titulo in predictis 
terris, aliquid possideamus, vel quasi excepto jure 
quod habemus apud Scyssellum, etMontem-Palconem. 
— Item domus, et legamus eidem Beatrici Eilise 
nostra, homagium quo tenetur nobis Albertus Do- 
minus de Turre, cum feudis quae a nobis tenet. — 
Item feudum quod a nobis tenet Comes Eorensis. 
Item castra sancti Eaneberti et de Lommes, cum 
manda mentis, et pertinentiis universis, et feuda quae 
a nobis tenentur omnibus et singulis prasdictis. Item 
damus et legamus dilectis Kepotibus Nostris, Eiliis 



128 



Domini Thomse de Sabaudia, carissimi Eratris nostri 
Yillam-Eranchiam in terra Pedemontis, et Jus quod 
habemus in ipso Castro, et pertinentiis ejus, et terram 
quam habemus in Essex et in honore Aquilise in 
Anglia. Item carissimse Dominse nostrse Alienoree 
Eeginse Anglise, donamus et legamus Comitatum 
Eichemontensem, ita tamen quod ipsa solvat, et 
satisfaciat integraliter de omnibus debitis, quibus 
tenemur Mameto Spinas, et ejus sociis eivibus, et mer- 
catoribus Elorentinis. This seems to me one of the 
highest examples of honesty and generosity, on his 
part, that could possibly be offered ; but I have been 
unable to find, as yet, in history how the house of 
Savoy came to possess the lands in Essex and the 
County of Eichmond in Yorkshire, unless they were 
acquired by the Archbishop of Canterbury, who was 
a great uncle of Count Peter of Savoy. In the Coun- 
ties of Savoy, on this and the other side of the Alps, 
he constituted as his heir his brother Philippe, 
Count of Savoy and of Bourgogne, &c, and to his 
wife, during her lifetime, he gave " dilectas uxori 
nostras Agneti Dorninse Eaucigniaci Castra de Yer- 
soya, de Alingio, de Eesterna, de Charrossa, de 
Albona cum eorem pertinentiis universis." To his 
sister, Dominse Margaretse Comitisse de Quiburgo, 
and to the daughter of his brother, Amedeus, he be- 
queathed money, and to one hundred and twelve 
other personages, as well as to hospitals, churches, 
and monasteries, he also left money, &c. 

Up till the year 1290 several conventions, mar- 
riages, and treaties took place with the Counts of 
Savoy and Bourgogne, and the Dukes of Bourgogne. 
The marriage of Gaston, Yicomte de Bearn, with 
Beatrice de Savoye, Dame de Eoucigny, took place in 
the year 1273. 

The treaty of League between the Counts of 
Savoy and Bourgogne, and Aymar de Poictier, 
Comte de Yalentinois, and that of the alliance be- 
tween the Count Philippe of Savoy and the Abbot 



129 



Jean de la Baulme, are dated 1281 and 1282. In 
those treaties, the Count of Savoy takes under his 
protection the Abbot and the Abbacy of Ambronai. 

In the year 1291, the Ligue entre Aime Y, Comte 
de, et Archeman, et Eodolphe Comte d'Haspurg, 
B. d'Haspurg Eveque de Constance — prometrant 
pour Archeman dont il etait tuteur et Oncle, par 
laquelle ligue Archeman s' engage a assister Ame de 
tout son pouvoir, pour recouvrer les Chasteaux de 
Loyes et de Condamine au Pays de Vaud, la tenir 
pour son pere, defendre sa personne, et ses terres, et 
particulieremenf le Ville et les Habitans de Berne. 
Eudolph, King of the Bomans, and his children 
had usurped it. This treaty was made at Chierces 
in 1291. 

1 have passed over other minor treaties and matri- 
monial alliances of the illustrious House of Savoy, 
and will take notice here of the Donation made by 
Beatrix de Savoye, Dame de Foucigny a Ame le 
Grand, Comte de Savoye, de tout ce que ladite Dame 
possedoit depuis le Lac de Geneve et Seissel jousque 
a Fribourg, which was made in the year 1294. 

The Ligue entre Ame, Comte de Savoye, &c, and 
Bertrand de Baux, Prince d' Orange, against the 
Dauphin, was signed in May, 1300. 

In the year 1306, the Union of the Counties of 
Piedmont, of Provence, and Porcalquier, which was 
effected by Charles the Second, King of Sicily and 
Jerusalem, at Naples, on the 14th of January of 
the above year. 

I omit noticing other treaties, and come to the 
Investiture faite a Ame le Grand Comte de Savoye, 
du Comte de Savoye, de Duchez de Sablais et 
d'Aouste, du Marquisat d'ltalie, et de Seigneuries 
de Bauge et de Coligny, par TEmpereur Henry VII, 
fait a Pise le 11 Juin, 1313. 

In the year 1314, the treaty between Ame, le 
Grand, of Savoy, and Jean the Dauphin, of Vienna, 



130 



followed, and many other marriage alliances, leagues, 
and treaties with the other noble ruling families 
followed, which for brevity's sake I will not 
name here. I will, however, notice the Traite 
entre Jean, Rois de France, au nom du Dauphin 
son Tils, et Ami VI du nom Comte de Savoye, 
surnomme le Verd, par lequel le Traite entre Aymon 
Comte de Savoye et Humbert Dauphin, est confirme ; 
et il est porte, que le Eoi de France, ni le Dauphin 
ni leurs successeurs ne pourrons aquerir aucune terres 
en Savoye, ni le Comte en Dauphine. Fait a Ville 
— Neuve d' Avignon, le 27 d'Octobre, 1351. After 
a page of preamble it states : Item convenerunt et 
componunt dicti procuratores prsedictis nominibus, 
quod Rex idem vel successores sui, Eegesque alii 
qui erunt Franciae pro temporibus in futurum per se 
vel alium tacite vel expresse directe vel indirecte 
quovis colore quaesito non possint, nec sibi liceat 
perpetuo quicquid acquirere de novo in Comitatu 
Sabaudiae, terris, baroniis, juribus, feudis, retro- 
feudis dicti Comitis successorum, vassal, hominum 
vel subditorum ejusdem qui nunc sunt de Imperio 
et inter limites Comitatus, terrarum et Baroniarum 
eorundem per gardas, feuda, retrofeuda, homagia, 
conventiones, tractatus alios sive causas : Et si con- 
trarium (quod absit) fieret in futurum, acquisita 
non teneant ipso facto in commodum acquirentis, 
eaque statim etomnino acquirens dimittere teneatur; 
et ex nunc prout ex tunc contractus invalidus cen- 
seatur et sit : Et hoc potissime quia ex talibus 
acquisitionibus per potentiores Dominos in minus 
potentum terris inter ipsos suscitantur discordise 
saepias et dissentiones non parvae, quas inter Eeges 
et Comites praedictos evitare cupiunt et inter eos 
nutriti perpetuum amoris et iidei vinculum co- 
operante gratia Salvatoris. Insuper dictus Comes aut 
sui perpetuo successores, per se vel alium tacite vel 
expresse quovis colore quaesito, non possint nec sibi 



131 



liceat perpetuo quicquam acquirere in Dalphinatu 
Yiennesio, terris, baroniis, juribus, feudis retrofeudis 
dicti Daelphini, suecessorum, vassallorum, &c. 

This treaty is pretty clear, and without reticences, 
as it also gives the reason why, for the future and 
in perpetuity, both parties ought to abstain from 
acquiring ulterior possessions in other States, and 
that, if by chance they shall do so, the contracts 
should be considered null and void, and quashed. 

I omit marriage treaties, alliances, and wills, as 
usual, and take up the Convention between Ame the 
Seventh, surnomme le Rouge, ou le Rouge Comte 
de Savoye, et ceux du Comte de Nice par lesquelles 
ils se donnent a lui. This convention was made 
before the Church of St Ponce, in that monastery, 
on the 28th of September, 1388. The document is 
a very long one, by which the Maire and the Com- 
munity of Nice, the Counts of Yintimilli, that is of 
Tenda and of Briga, together with the primary 
citizens of those places, as well as of Nice, by com- 
mon accord, gave themselves up to the Count Rouge, 
Ame the Seventh, of Savoy and Eourgogne, Prince 
d'Achaja, Marquis of Italy, and Imperial Vicar, &c, 
so that they might be protected from the constant 
aggressions of their enemies, and from pillage, and 
starvation, as there was a prospect of great scarcity 
of victuals, on account of the destructive wars which 
they had suffered and were still likely to suffer, as 
they were unprotected, and because the King of 
Jerusalem and Sicily was impotent to assist them, 
they being his subjects. In order to avoid these 
sad contingencies, they agreed to a spontaneous 
dedition, Sfc. This convention, which occupies five 
full pages, contains many other stipulations, but as 
they are irrelevant to the present purpose, I will 
quote only a few words from the preamble, which 
will give the reader some idea of the ingratitude 
which those provincials showed to the illustrious 
House of Savoy in return for the benefits and 



132 



advantages which they had derived from its pro- 
tection, besides the prescriptive rights acquired by 
five consecutive centuries of dominion upon that 
little State. 

u Ex tenore hujus veri et publici instrumenti 
universis prsesentibus et futuris elucescat. Quod 
cum Universitas et homines Civitatis JSTicise atten- 
dentes et considerantes oppressiones et damna 
hesiones, injurias, prsedas, rapinas, offensas et vasta 
factas et facta, illatas et illata hujus temporis 
guerrarum discrimine, dictse civitati civibus et sin- 
gularibus personis tarn dictse civitatis, quam dis- 
trictus et Vicarise ejusdem, in personis et in bonis 
eorundem ; et quee futuro tempore fortius inferri 
parabantur per Illustrem Dominum Ludovicum filium 
Illustris Domini Ludovici quondam Andegavise 
Ducis, ex eo quod se Eegem Jerusalem et Sicilise, et 
Comitutum Provincise et Porcalqaerii Comitem se 
asserit; adeo videlicet, quod fames et caristia in 
dictate Civitate JSTicise jam insurgebat et fortius 
insurgere spectabatur, propter dictarum guerrarum 
discrimina, et inimicorum potentiam suorum. 
Yidentes et ab experto cognoscentes succursutn 
Serenissimi PrincipisDominiLadislausRegis Jerusalem 
et Sicilise et Comitatuum Provincial et Eorcalquerii 
pnE dictorum Comitatuum eorum Domini naturalis, 
habere non posse, propter ipsius impotentiam, et 
dictorum suorum inimicorum robur et potentiam 
rapacem qui jam majorem partem dictorum Comita- 
tuum Provincise et Porcalquerii vi sua usurparunt, et 
suo subjugarunt Dominio; et quod ulterius vivere 
non poterant quin succursum alicujus Domini im- 
plorarent habendum; habito super hoc, inquam, 
pluribus colloquiis et consiliis deliberato proposito 
elegerint unanimes et Concordes viam eligentes 
saniorem, implorare succursum Illustris et Incliti 
Principis et Domini Domini Amedei Comitis 
Sabaudise, Sacrii Imperii Yicserii Generalis a 
quo," &c. 



133 



I will now pass over many documents of im- 
portance up till the year 1401, and extract from 
the Convention of Sale of the County of Geneva a 
few lines (as reported by Guichenon), to show the 
reader that the Canton of Geneve, or County of 
Geneve, had two masters, and that both of them had 
rights upon the same State by anterior treaties, and 
family rights of inheritance. Odo de Yillars had 
inherited the previous year the said County from his 
nephew, Humbert de Yillars, and we have seen that 
the Counts and Dukes of Savoy had anterior family 
feudal rights. The two Counts, to avoid contention, 
strife, and law-suits, arranged in a friendly way to 
disentail that estate, and so concluded the — Yente 
du Comte de Geneve faite a Ame VIII, Comte de 
Savoye, par Odo de Villars Seigneur de Baux et 
Comte d'Avelin, faite a Paris en i'Hotel de Nesle le 
8 Aout, 1401, for the sum of 45,000 francs.— " Idem 
Dominus Comes Sabaudiae promisit et convenit 
praafato Domino Odoni stipulanti et recipienti ut 
supra, dare et solvere realiter in pecunia numerata, 
semel tantum ac simul et non per partes 45,000 
francorum auri boni et legitimi ponderis," &c. 

I must still pass over many other interesting 
affairs, and take my stand at the year 1514, when 
Charles the Eighth, Duke of Savoy, surnamed Le 
Bon, infeudated the County of Geneve and the 
Baronies of Foucigny and of Beaufort to his brother, 
Count Philippe of Savoy. This document was made 
at Chambery on the 14th of August, and is reported 
in full in the f Traitez de Paix de Treves, d' Alliance/ 
&c. 

After the twenty* two lines of preface, it says— 
Cogitans et animo revolvens, quod etsi dicti Ducatus 
Sabaudise dignitas, tarn ex forma Juris, quam ex 
vetustissima et antiqua eonsuetudine, hujus Sere* 
nissimae et indites Domus ac Prosapise Sabaudise 
Indivisibilis sit, et Ducatus ipse cum suis pertinentiis 
quibuscumqiie integro Statu ad Primogenitum 

m 



134 



Masculum, secundum divinas et human as leges 
pertinere dignoscitur, quern vel aliquod ejus notabile 
membrum, alien are, vel in to turn appropriare, non 
conveniat, sciens tamen quod proprium et peculiare 
Dominorum Principum se infeudare et liberalitate et 
munificentia, uti in eos maxime qui sibi sanguine 
juncti sunt et Statui suo afficiciuntur, ut ilium ne 
dum tueri et protegere, sed et ampliare dilatareque 
semper studuerunt, &c. I need not proceed any 
farther, as the above quotation is sufficient to show 
that this infeudation was made for the sake of taking 
better care and of bestowing more attention upon 
the provinces composing the States of Savoy, and that 
the infeudation was not an alienation nor a sale. 
Having, therefore, established this point, I will 
take the liberty to make a few remarks on the late 
transaction, the cession of part of Savoy. 

I was in a fever during the whole of the time that 
the Parliamentary debates and the political discus- 
sions were going on in the newspapers upon that 
question, but condemned myself to silence, for fear of 
causing embarrassment, and the suspension of those 
political affairs. Now that the public mind is 
directed somewhere else, like an old woman, I must 
state my invalid opinion. First of all, I will put the 
question to Italian Statesmen, whether, before ac- 
ceding to the agreement of cession to Napoleon the 
Third of the territory of Savoy, the Diplomatist had 
tried verbally to infeudate the said territory to 
Prince Napoleon on account of his alliance with 
the Italian family, giving it as a dowry, or marriage 
settlement, to the Princess of Savoy, and in the 
absence of any issue, making it revertible to the 
parent State, reserving only a life-interest to Prince 
Napoleon, and to his lawful heir. Should the Princess 
die, and the Prince marry again and have children, 
all such rights to cease and determine. 

If such a treaty as this had been concluded, in- 
stead of absolute cession, it would have been more 



135 



advantageous to both parties, and would have dissi- 
pated all the aspersions and suspicious omens that 
were raised as to the intentions and political deeds of 
Napoleon the Third. It would also have removed 
from the minds of Italian and foreign political men 
the suspicion that he intends, or contemplates, mak- 
ing another annexation. 

Another great cause for Imperial satisfaction 
would likewise have arisen, that is, the certainty 
of having gained for himself the esteem and grati- 
tude of the whole of the Italian population, with the 
exception of a section of dissentient Priests, Jesuits, 
and Co. A treaty of this kind would have conciliated 
and disarmed the Eepublicans, and broken the hearts 
of the retrograde and discarded Sovereigns, as well as- 
those of the Ecclesiastical rebels. Be certain, Sire, 
your generous act towards Italy would have put all 
your enemies into a corner, without the hope of raising 
their heads. Then you would have had the right to 
tell the Italians, and any other nation, that France 
was grateful to the former for upwards of twenty years > 
services in the supply of men and means for the 
campaigns of your illustrious Uncle, and that, in token 
of sympathy, after you had revindicated your rights 
and privileges in France, you had acknowledged and 
rewarded their former services, by assisting them to 
recompose and firmly unite the whole of their family. 

There is another consideration, which I will state 
here as briefly and submissively as I can, being 
disposed to applaud in every way, and to assist in 
and contribute to the maintenance and development 
of liberal principles in Europe, particularly in Italy, 
France, and England. To be able to explain my 
thoughts, I must be permitted to ask this question of 
the Emperor of the French : How long will your 
dynasty on the throne of France last, if you abandon 
your natural allies, Italy and England ? I have said 
natural allies, because the difference between these 
nations is not great in any particular respect as 



136 



regards intelligence, propensities, languages, industry, 
and commercial intercourse. Germany might be 
included in the same category, but she has been in- 
variably the opponent of Prance, and is still consi- 
dered its particular enemy, though that population 
aims at her own emancipation as other people do ; 
consequently, Napoleon cannot be happy with them, 
nor trust to their alliance, as he would have 
more to fear from them as friends than as enemies, 
or neutrals. 

I now arrive at another question : How long have 
the various French Governments lasted within this 
century? Why, for very short periods only. 
What were the causes of this ? For certain, it 
does not require the knowledge of a Pythagoras, 
nor of a Thales, to explain them, as they have 
evidently been the results of the two great discre- 
pant principles which prevail in France. 

First, the fanatically ignorant cagotique principles, 
which are inculcated upon the popular masses by 
the Ecclesiastics ; and, secondly, the unbounded spirit 
of patriotic progress of civilisation, unrolled and 
radiated like the light of the firmament, warming 
the bodies and the souls of men, who are fully aware 
that they are entitled to freedom. These are the 
two demons of the century, and it is these which give 
the veto to the regular investitures of the French 
Monarchs. One of them must be subdued for a 
time, at least ; and you, Sire, are the only person 
who can find the proper means to quiet them, 
without the assistance of an opiate. You are well 
versed in the history of past events in France and 
everywhere else, and need no suggestion ; you have 
seen (God forbid that you should see a repetition of 
them) events that would change even the statum quo 
sumus. Your existence is necessary to France, and 
to Italy in particular ; you are at the Eubicon, and 
have stopped longer than Caasar, and I hope you 
have not forgotten that your illustrious model said, 



137 



" If I stop here, I am lost." The eyes of all Europe 
are upon you, however distant you may be ; and 
millions of free-minded persons would willingly 
assist you in the responsible onus that you have 
undertaken. There are now none of those sects 
whose object was to destroy everything, without 
building up a new organization. The real Be- 
publicans, if there are any left, would help you ; 
yes, the sober-minded, austere lovers of the public 
welfare would applaud your actions ; but you should 
not suspect them, or mistrust them. Tempe- 
rate freedom conciliates the minds of mankind to- 
noble actions, and I am sure France fully deserves- 
that latitude which other countries have, and which 
France will have in future. 

There is no returning to past rules in any country 
now, and woe to the modern Polignacs or the Sovereign 
who should attempt it. As Sovereigns will league 
themselves for political and private alliances, so also 
will the populations for their mutual support, and 
the maintenance of their constitutional privileges and 
their popular rights ; and, before I die, I entertain 
the hope of seeing established in Europe the uni- 
versal constitutional principles, as also in each nation 
that sovereign tribunal of public opinion, which will 
guide the masses to walk in step and harmony with 
their respective Sovereigns. Sire, though I may 
appear bold, I protest in advance that my object is 
peace and happiness to every one, and obedience to 
the constitutional laws. These thoughts, and that it 
is time to remodel and modernise society, are the true 
aspirations of every honest man at the present day. 
Accordingly, as you are master of the situation, 
and have the power of doing all this, upon you de- 
volves the duty of accomplishing the will of God, 
who has prepared the way for you. Therefore, as vita? 
summa brevis est, and Europe is prepared to witness 
and to assist in the resurrection of various oppressed 
peoples, do not delay, or hesitate to achieve that 

m 2 



138 



honourable task, which would immortalize you and 
your nobilissima proles. Three short months of com- 
bined and well-directed political movements would 
conveniently and properly settle everything, without 
effusion of blood, and with only very few sacrifices to 
the inexorable Manes. 

I dare not say more, though I have much to relate, 
in this chapter ; but, before I close it, I will state 
that, until the public instruction is entirely secu- 
larized in Prance and everywhere else, so long as the 
Jesuits reign supremely in the churches and out of 
them, and even in the Ministries and public offices, 
— that until Europe is completely expurgated and 
emancipated from them — there will be no peace or 
happiness, and their mischievous veto will threaten 
and prevent the regular succession of the Investi- 
tures to the Monarchs of Prance and other coun- 
tries. 

I am of opinion that another continental 1848 is 
in progress, though the Liberals do not believe it, 
and will not have anything to do with the blacks 
who will head the movement, having at their dispo- 
sition a long cohort of idiotic sheep, to offer in holo- 
caust to the ambitious attempt to regenerate their 
already lost power. I sound the alarm, to warn the 
few exalted youths who, through want of experience 
and reflection, might fall into the nets of the old 
black foxes, who want to use them and to sacrifice 
them at the same time. Beware of them, I say. If 
the Pope, the Queen of Spain, the Emperor of Austria, 
the dismissed Princes, secular and ecclesiastic, as 
well as the other old rococos saintly recorded in the 
Tablet, and who reside in the best houses of every 
State in Europe ; if all these, I say, want to be rein- 
stated in that power which they once had, but 
which they did not know how to use, they must 
wait until their Messiah arrives ; then they may 
congregate, and arrange their accounts, and see what 
they can do by contributing all their means to raise 



139 



sufficient funds to support the expenses of their 
nefarious enterprises ; until then, they may address 
themselves and pray to the ex-Don Pulcinello of 
Naples, and, through his relations, to the other 
expelled ex-Italian Divinities, with the assistance 
of a Nymph, a Driad, an Hamadriad, a Nun, or one 
of those Ladies who sport the medal of the Sacred 
Heart ; they may seduce Jupiter to send another 
golden rain, to fill their pockets and their strong 
boxes, and to provide and pay for the new million of 
soldiers that they want to employ to extinguish 
liberty and Christianity. 

Before committing myself to this long digression, 
I was remarking that the infeudation of Savoy 
might have proved more advantageous to both par- 
ties, French and Italians. According to the ex- 
perience of the last seventy years, a political convul- 
sion occurs in Trance, on an average, every fifteen 
years. To prevent all this, it should be the study of 
the master-minded Legislator who desires to found his 
dynasty upon that throne, to leave his works to the 
admiration of posterity, and carry with himself ad 
Elisios the palm of satisfaction and self-content of 
his own merit at the end of his imperial and mortal 
career. Suppose, then, that, in spite of his vigilance, 
his Proconsuls, either through indifference or care- 
lessness, on account of being rich and easy, or through 
ambitious motives betray him, as did Phocas against 
Mauritius, or as in the case of Charles the Tenth, or 
as happened to Louis Philippe. In such case, if Savoy 
had been infeudated to Prince Napoleon by the King 
of Italy, and the Imperial Prince (Count of Savoy) 
could reckon at a moment of need to have at his dis- 
position 100,000 men, ready for an excursion to 
Paris, to reinstate the Imperial heir on the throne of 
Prance, do you not see clearly that such a scheme 
would be more materially advantageous to both 
countries and to both dynasties ; that one would 
support the other, and that, as Vunion fait la force,. 



140 



the success would be undoubted on both sides ? By 
these powerful auxiliary means, and these only, 
would both Monarchies be rendered safe and durable, 
and strong enough to resist and successfully op- 
pose external and internal political machinations. 
If things remain as they are now, in case of need, 
where is France to look for help ? To Germany, 
Spain, or England? Certainly not. It remains, then, 
that Italy, which is the next and most handy friend, 
and which could do that service with promptness, and 
as energetically as the circumstances would require, 
is the very nation that France would have to look 
to ; but unless things are changed, and brighter 
prospects are manifested for Italy, and unless she is 
repossessed of what belongs to her, she will say, "I 
sympathise with you, but for the service that you 
have done me I paid you in money and lands, and, 
therefore, 1 am exonerated from any obligation for 
the future." 

This is the language I speak to the Maw- worms of 
Saint Eoche, who would see Italy stripped of every- 
thing, for the sake of possessing themselves of what 
is hers. The Government is illuminated enough to 
understand and interpret the meaning of an inexpert 
writer, half puzzled, as I am, to express his 
thoughts, compelled by circumstances to make 
reticences, perhaps, to the best of his own ideas. 
Of course new treaties would be required, which 
could be easily effected, as Ministers have nothing 
to do, and there are plenty of materials, cheap 
enough, in the Offices, and the most important 
matters to transact ; and the first to be concluded is 
the liberation of Eome and the Venetian States. "When 
this is accomplished, the Senatus Populusque Italicus 
alta voceplaudentes te salutantAugustumPontificemque 
Maximum. What constitutes a good omen for 
Napoleon the Third is, that the actual political 
circumstances of the present moment are almost 
identical with those of 1900 years ago, when Caesar 



141 



had pacified Italy and Egypt, and would have 
demanded that province of the Senate, when he 
conceived the idea of becoming Pontifex Maximus. 
Therefore, macte animo, and give us the opportunity 
of singing your praises, as did old Ovid in Fastis, 
lib. 3, where Pridie Nonas Martias August. Pont. 
Max. festive decantavit — 

" Caesaris innumeris quos maluit ille mereri 
Accessit titulis Pontificalis honor. 
Ignibus seternis aeterni numina prsesunt 
Caesaris : Imperii pignora juncta vides." 

I know that so long as you are not crowned, all 
your public and private, political and civil acts might 
be quashed or disavowed by the coalesced Sovereigns 
who might undertake such a conspiracy. I know 
that you were renitently recognized as Sovereign of 
France by the Austro-German Powers. I know, also, 
that you were slighted by one of them, who pre- 
vented you from marrying the lady of your choice, 
and that the same antagonistic power opposed your 
Coronation as Emperor of Erance ; and, moreover, 
that the Pope, supported and encouraged by that 
veto, refused your Coronation. Again, I know that 
the Lombard Crown belongs to the Italian Kings, 
and is no more to be found in its Sancta Sanctorum 
at Monza ; which almost tempts me to inquire, who 
stole that Crown ? In addition to all this, I know 
many other things ; but as there are climateric days, 
in which I cannot remember them, much less write 
about them in a passive manner, without some trifling 
remarks upon the facts, and this being one of those 
days, I will abstain from inquiring upon certain 
things, and proceed towards the Caput Urbis et 
Qrbis, and there I will begin to cry out, procul o 
procul este profani to all those miscreants, the 
sweepings of all the European lupanaria ; and with 
the assistance of some of the valiant Bersaglieri, 
and of the brave, uncorrupted Trasteverini, and other 



142 



Eoman citizens who have kept aloof from that de- 
graded stream of impurity, earnestly work to purify 
and expurgate the roads, places, temples, and palaces, 
and clear the Via Sacra, so that your access to the 
Capitol should he free from all trammels ; therefore, 
to you, Priest, I say : 

Titmiius, Vos quoque abesse procul jubeo, discedite ab aris ; 

Eieg.i,iib.2. we (j n0 £ wan t sullied, unchaste Priests here, who 
spend their nights in the arms of Yenus. 

" Queis tulit hesterna gaudia nocte Yenus." 
Go, quit the sacred temples, and leave them free to 
men who are devoted to humanity, and well disposed 
to do homage to the Eternal God. Though amongst 
the Invalides, I already fancy myself amongst the 
ovantem populum, escorting the Imperial cortege 
through the Via Sacra to the Capitol, and see you 
Pontificem Maximum, Caesaremque indutum Sacra 
Stola equitantem, like the Persian Cyrus, and all the 
other ancient Eoman Emperors and Pontifices. 
Delay no longer, come to Rome, inunctus eris, 
sceptrum et coronam accipies munere Christi. Come 
to Rome, Senatus Populusque Italicus te Pontificem 
Maximum salutabit, et insignitum Imperio, et Ponti- 
ficatu fulgebis in Templis, in castris et arvis, et 
nomen Patris Patriae habebis. 

My inexperience and enthusiasm have again driven 
me out of my argument, and I find I have omitted 
to mention how the Counts of Savoy renounced to 
the French Kings the counties of Bourgogne, of 
Bresse, of Provence, &c. I have also omitted to 
make honourable mention of several of the Counts of 
Savoy, who signalised themselves in many noble ways 
and in war at all times. As it is impossible, in this 
short sketch, to find space for all of them, I shall 
name only the illustrious Thomas, Philippe, and 
Amedeus the Eourth. I find a short biographical 
sketch of this valiant Prince in a MS. which 
formerly belonged to the Colonna family. I will 
extract the following few lines from page 113 in 



143 



the life of Friar Folco de Villaret the Twenty-Sixth, 
Grand Master of the Knights of Malta, who was 
severely engaged against the Turks before Eodi, in 
the year 1308 and in 1309. I quote from the MS. 
history of the Pope, and of the Knights of Malta, in 
my possession. " When Arnedeus, Count of Savoy, 
arrived with troops, he displayed so much valour that 
the Turks were compelled to give up and abandon 
Eodi ; and in memory of that valorous action, that 
Prince placed on his shield and arms the white Cross 
in the red field, with the four letters, E.E.E.T., 
which signify, Eortitudo Ejus Eodum Tenuit, and 
that motto and armorials remain still as a mark of 
chivalrous veneration to that noble family." Arne- 
deus, or Ame le Grand, was one of the cleverest and 
most successful warriors of his time. Ame the 
Eighth was also a great soldier, politician, and Pope. 
Philibert, Prince Eugene, and others, are also most 
honourably recorded in history. 

In closing this sketch of the rights and privileges 
of the House of Savoy to the Italian kingdom, and 
which shows that no person has any right, under 
any pretext whatever, to possess or take from that 
illustrious House any part or parcel of their estates, 
particularly the Erench nation, with whom these 
Princes had so many family alliances and exchanges 
of possessions, of towns, lands, and provinces, I will 
quote here the " Declaration de Erancois I, Eoi de 
France, par laquelle il se depart de tous les droits 
qu'il pouvoit avoir contre la Maison de Savoye." This 
document was made at Lyons the 10th of September, 
1523, and is reported by S. Guichenon, and in the 
f Eecueil des Traitez de Paix,' &c, vol. 2, p. 651 : 

" Frangois par la grace de Dieu Eoy de France, 
Due de Milan, Seigneur de Gennes, Conte de 
Provence, Forcalquier et Terres adjacentes. A tous 
ceux qui les presentes lettres verront ; salut Sgavoir 
faisons que nous ayant regard et consideration a la 
proximite de lignaige dont nous attient nostre tres- 



144 



cher, et tres-ame, Oncle Charles, Due de Savoye, 
et pour la tres-cordiale et reciproque amour et entiere 
affection qui est entre nous et luy, desirans qu'elle 
soit indissoluble. A cette cause et occasions qui 
pourroient causer la rompture d'icelle; far 1' ad vis 
et conseil des Princes de nostre sang, et gens de nostre 
Conseil, apres qui nous est venu a memoire et recor- 
dation que avons et pretendons avoir contre nostredit 
Oncle, tante comme Comte de Provence, que Due de 
Milan aucunes querelles, la poursuite desquelles 
pourroient enfraindre icelle amour et benivolence. 
jSous, pour y obvier avons de nostre certaine science, 
plaine puissance et authorite Eoyal cedde, quitte, 
remis, delaisse et transports . Quittons, cedons, re- 
mettons, deiaissons pour nous, nos hoirs et successeurs 
d perpetuite a nostredit Oncle et a ses successeurs les 
droits, actions et querelles qui nous compettent et 
appartiennent, peuvent competer et appartenir 
comme a Comte de Provence et Due de Milan, a 
Tencontre de luy et de ses successeurs touchant le 
Comte de Mce, ses terres et appartenances, et aussi 
la Seigneurie et territoire de Yerceil, et les autres 
terres et Seigneuries qu'il tient et possede a present 
de la les Monts. Lesquelles actions et querelles 
combien qu'elles de soient icy autrement declarees 
et specifiees, quittons et remettons, et voulons icelle 
quittance estre de tel effet et vertu, comme si 
estoient de mot a mot declairees ; et si avons promis 
et promettons pour nous et nos successeurs ne luy 
ferons pour raison des choses dessusdites, ne aux 
siens directement ne indirectement par voye de Jus- 
tice, ne de guerre, ne autrement en fa^on que ce 
soit aucune question, querelle, poursuitte ne 
demande ; et ainsi 1' avons accorde et accordons en 
bonne foy et parolle de Eoy, et sur nostre honneur 
et consience pour ces presentes que nous avons 
signees de nostre main; et fait sceller de nostre 
grand seel. Si donnons en mandement par ce pre- 
sente a nos amez et feaulx les Gouverneurs de Milan 



145 



et de Provence ou leurs Lieutenants seant a Aix, 
President et Maistres des Archifs de nosdit Duche et 
Comte, qu' ilz facent lire publier et registrer ees 
presentes en leurs Kegistres et laisser jouyr nostre- 
dit Oncle, et ses successeurs de 1' effect de ces 
presentes. Car ainsi JSious plaist-il estre fait, 
nonobstant toutes choses qu'on poarrait alleguer au 
contraire, esquelles Nous avons renonce renongons 
par ces presantes. Donne a Lyon le X jour de 
Septembre l'an de grace 1523, et de nostre Eegne 
le 9, Signe Francois. Par le Eoy Due de Milan 
Comte de Provence, de Neufville, visa." 

With such historical documents as these in his 
hands, the Minister of his Majesty, Victor Emmanuel, 
should have acted differently in the transaction of 
the cession of Savoy ; and I repeat that the infeuda- 
tion could still be effected by an act of generosity on 
the part of the Emperor Napoleon the Third. Such 
an act would also materially contribute to increase 
his popularity in France and Italy, for it would dis- 
arm those enemies who accuse him of ambitious 
motives of cod quest ; it would really bind the Italian 
nation in perpetual obligation to the French ; and, 
in case of need, it would open a place of safe asylum 
for the Imperial family, where they could rally their 
strength, and, with the assistance of the Italian arms, 
in the event of any accident, reconquer the throne of 
France. I will now resume my remarks upon the 
rights of the illustrious House of Savoy to the Italian 
throne, and then close this historical article. 

The political intrigues of Spain and France brought 
on a terrible war at the end of the sixteenth century, 
into which, of course, was drawn also Charles 
Emmanuel of Savoy. Peace was established in 1598 
by a treaty, in which Henry the Fourth, King of 
France, Philippe the Second, of Spain, and Charles 
Emmanuel agreed to what is stated in that long 
treaty, inserted in vol. 2, p. 616, of the 'Becueil de 
Traitez de Paix/ &c. 

n 



146 



Though that treaty apparently purported to 
establish peace, yet the Spaniards aimed for a long 
time at the ambition of establishing a Supreme 
Universal Monarchy in Europe, and Ferdinand and 
Philip the Second had supported Charles the Fifth 
as much as they could, and as long as he lived. 
After his death, though Philip the Second and the 
Third were more active and domineering, yet they 
were not so successful. It is true that, by auda- 
city, impetuous presumption, and by the right 
which their strength gave them, together with 
the assistance of the Popes, and the practice of 
priestly intrigues, they had cowed down and bullied 
out of their States many of the old Italian Barons, 
and absorbed some of the Republics. Embol- 
dened by these successes Philip thought he could do 
the same with the States of Savoy, and prepared 
himself with all his leisure and all his means to 
attempt the accomplishment of his atrocious misdeed, 
Charles Emmanuel of Savoy did not at all understand 
the prospect of becoming a Spanish vassal, nor of 
losing his forefathers' inheritance ; and firm in the 
conviction of his rights of most ancient Sovereignty 
in those States, mindful also of the glorious deeds of 
his illustrious predecessor, of the value of his 
sword, and of the bravery of his own subjects, who 
were as anxious for independence and liberty as he 
was himself, he frankly appealed to the patriotic 
feelings of his own people, and of other Italian 
volunteers, who had ample reason for disaffection 
towards the Spanish usurpers. He then resolutely 
trusted his honour to the point of his sword, and 
met the numerous Spaniards at Asti, where, after 
an obstinate battle with great carnage, the glorious 
Charles Emmanuel, with his little Italian army, 
destroyed and routed the remainder of his pompous 
enemies; thus freeing his States from the fear of 
any ulterior attempts of that new incubus, and 
gaining for himself the merit and credit of being the 



117 



Propugnator of Italian liberty. By these means he 
restored happiness to his subjects, and emancipated 
them from the corruptions and robberies of the 
Spanish mercenaries. The celebrated Trajano Bocca- 
lini, a contemporary Italian author, a witty, prolific, 
and fashionable writer, who was endowed with a 
liberal spirit — a gentleman, in fact, who might be 
compared as a twin brother in thoughts and feelings 
with Mr Charles Dickens, — nauseated with the 
oppressions and the ignoble deeds of the Spaniards, 
and well acquainted with the sentiments and 
the strength of the Italian population, — in- 
cluded in one of his satirical works, called the 
Pietra del Paragone Politico, several satirical 
chapters upon the Spanish Monarchy, in which he 
most plainly foretold the complete prostration and 
downfall of that incompetent, pompous usurper, 
Philip the Second, describing and condemning that 
monarchy to the actual state to which it is now 
reduced, as if he had been possessed of the 
actual power of reading through a horoscope the 
realization at the present time of that which he 
wrote in 1614. I have the original MSS. Auto- 
graph (and, I regret, only one volume of it) from 
which I could translate and introduce here the — 
"Convocation of the College of Physicians by Apollo, 
for the sake of knowing the cause of the sudden 
death of Madame the most Serene Eeputation of 
Spain." 

" The Order of the Funeral and Burial of the Most 
Serene Eeputation of Spain, in the Certosa of Asti, 
out of the city, with certain stipulated conditions." — 
How excessively beautiful and true is this chapter, 
and what a moral lesson he gave to Lorenzo de 
Medici by the explanation that Pietro Aretino made 
to him of the oracular answer, 

" Non bene pro toto liber tas venditur auro," 

and " the General Inspection of the troops of Parnassus 
by Apollo" — and " the Epitaph recited by Virgil upon 



148 



the Tomb of the most Serene Keputation of Spain," 
— and many other chapters, politico-comical and 
prophetic, which in Italy contributed to reduce them 
to that state of political incapacity and demoraliza- 
tion in which they have since been plunged by the 
imbecility of a corrupted Government, that never 
knew exactly the definition of the meum, much less 
Quegrasto of the tuum, although they promised their creditors, 
Spanish" 6 ^ 0D g a g° (particularly their English ones) that they 
Bonds have would study arithmetic and moral philosophy. I 

nAPr» Tin in w A JL 

have all the works published by T. Boccalini, but do 
not know whether they have been translated into 
English. They are uncommonly well written, and 
spiritually witty, and would amuse any one fond 
of retrospective literature and political history. This 
clever man, who was the incubus of the Popes, the 
Jesuits, and the tyrants of his age, I regret to say, 
was at last kidnapped by the Jesuits, who put him 
out of the way by giving him repeated blows upon 
his chest with bags filled with sand. In such a 
manner was extinguished a luminary who had en- 
lightened more nations than one, and to whose 
memory, I hope, free Italy w T ill yet erect a monu- 
ment if none has been reared. This gentleman 
fully predicted, two hundred and fifty years ago, that 
only the illustrious House of Savoy had attempted 
to be, and would be, the regenerator and defender of 
Italian liberties. At all events, at his time, they 
maintained the honour and glory of Italian arms; 
and they have done so in more recent affairs, in the 
Crimea, in Lombardy, and everywhere they have 
appeared sword in hand. I must beg the reader to 
excuse me if I now discontinue this portion of my 
subject, and refer him to Guichenon for what I have 
omitted. 

Note. — Lady Quixotta, with the Pastoral in hand, 
has inexorably extinguished all traces of moral pro- 
gress and Christian liberty — a mockery to the mar- 
tyrs who sustained for more than thirty years a 
fratricidal war to place her on a perjured throne. 



149 f 



It would be needless for me to trace the many 
other historical evidences of the talent and bravery 
of the Venetians, or of their genius as a people ; 
what I have already advanced amply proves that 
they have from the earliest times been one of the 
most powerful as well as one of the most ingenious 
nations in the world, and that they have ever been 
the most steadfast friends to the progress and the 
support of Christianity. Without increasing the 
length of this already voluminous work, therefore, 
and with the sincere trust that what I have \iere 
put forth has amply proved my arguments, I will 
only further say that I hope the reader will kindly 
pardon the many faults which I am sure must have 
resulted from my inexperience as a writer, and my 
imperfect knowledge of the language in which it is 
chiefly written. 



PROPOSAL OF A TRIPLE ALLIANCE. 

The European reconstitution of the Nationalities, 
or the resurrection and emancipation of the Nations, 
was foreseen before the end of the last century by 
many liberal-minded politicians. Napoleon the First 
predicted " that in fifty years to come Europe would 
be either all free or all Cossack/ ' I accept the first 
and reject the last part of this prophecy, because 
human progress is the dowry of well-constituted 
minds directed by the Will of God, and no cannons 
or bombs can bar the moral progress of that Will 
which irresistibly o^ferthrows all the material and 
momentary obstacles raised up by the trembling hand 
of the tyrant. The innate principle of freedom be- 
queathed to humanity has never manifested itself 
more powerfully, or been more generally diffused 
than at the present time, and a grand opportunity 
now presents itself, directed by that invisibly potent 

n 2 



f 150 



Finger, that the few wise, liberal Sovereigns should 
coalesce (as well for the sake of their own families, 
and the due transmission of their inheritance to their 
kindred, as for the good and protection of the inte- 
rests of their subjects), and, with the assistance of 
God's wisdom, frame a new pact of alliance, doubly 
bound by the Eoyal and Ministerial manual signa- 
ture, and by the fraternal sympathy and good -will 
of those great human families who understand now 
that their mutual interest, safety, and prosperity 
depend only upon themselves. 

I will endeavour to explain myself after stating 
that Austria delenda est, by self exhaustion, want 
of means, and by the emancipation of its martyrs. 
Of Rome it is useless to say anything, as that is 
already morally conquered, in spite of the presence of 
the foreign arms that support it. Such being a 
matter of fact, though not quite accomplished, I will 
suppose that Italy is reconstituted in its unity, and 
admitted to the consessus of the great liberal nations. I 
trust, therefore, to be excused if I here suggest a 
proposal for a Political and Commercial Treaty of 
Alliance, offensive and defensive, between the three 
Sovereigns and their respective nations— England, 
France, and Italy. It seems to me that the union 
of these nations to mutually support each other in 
every sort of moral and political interest, in every 
sort of commercial enterprise and religious liberty, 
— that the accomplishment of such a great fact would 
be the greatest historical monument of glory to the 
three illustrious Sovereigns; that it would besides 
help to consolidate and bind their dynasties to their 
respective thrones; make therf Princes feared and 
esteemed abroad, and respected and beloved at home. 
It would consummate the greatest triumph of Chris- 
tianity and civilisation, maintaining peace and abun- 
dant prosperity to the people, who would rapidly 
develope commercial intercourse by the mutual ex- 
change of the natural productions of their respective 



151 . 



countries, at the same rated commercial tariffs agreed 
to by the Ministers of the three Powers, who would 
be equally bound to protect each other in commercial 
and political affairs, should any stranger trespass in 
any way or manner upon the honour, rights, or 
privileges of one of the Allies. For the accomplish- 
ment of this programme it will require two separate 
treaties, one political and the other commercial ; but 
both of them framed with the same liberal views 
towards each other, and written word by word 
equally for all parties, except only the name of the 
Sovereign and Ministers subscribing thereto. It 
should be noticed here, that for the mutual interest 
of each party the political treaty of alliance, offensive 
and defensive, should be construed in a new manner. 
For instance, the nations A, B, C. Suppose a foreign 
Power, or the subject of a foreign Power, X, has 
attacked or damaged the honour or the interest either 
of the Sovereign B, or of his commercial or non- 
commercial subjects. The Minister or Consul of the 
Sovereign B makes a circumstantiated report of the 
case to the Ministers of the nations A and C, whose 
diplomatic agents at the court of the offending Sove- 
reign or subject will mutually make the proper re- 
monstrances to redress the wrong and exact repara- 
tion. As soon as the first step is taken at that 
foreign court by the allies A and C, then come in 
also jointly the personal demands of the accredited 
Minister B at the court of the said foreign offending 
Power. Should this foreign court deny the proper 
satisfaction, then the allied Powers A and C declare 
war in the name of their own Sovereigns against the 
offender ; and twenty-four hours after that declara- 
tion shall follow also the declaration of the offended 
ally B. By this proceeding the allied* PoweiG A 
and C will prove to the offending Power X that 
they, the allies A and C, are determined to vindi- 
cate the honour and interest of B, making the fait et 
came their own, suspending immediately the exequa- 



152 



tur in the States of the Power X, and beginning the 
usual warlike diplomatic demonstration, preliminary 
to actual war. ' What I have said, for example, in 
regard of the Power B, applies equally to the allied 
Powers C and A. 

The first energetic demonstrations by these 'allies, 
A and C, would soon persuade the disturber of the 
peace, X, and in course of time many wars would 
be avoided, through fear of a general conflagration. 
Of course the prudence and wisdom of the Allies 
would dictate to them the abstinence from provoking 
or taking advantage of other Powers, great or small ; 
and would induce them rather to be the mediators 
for peace between other foreign belligerent or dis- 
puting States, than the promoters of wars* 

These Allies having agreed to this political com- 
bination, and secured themselves on their thrones, 
supported entirely by the affection of the benefited 
populations, would be spared many anxieties, and 
leisurely enjoy that happiness of which they now 
feel the want as much as any ordinary mortal, whose 
only cares are about his little family. Once banished 
the envy, animosity, and jealousy between the Allies, 
if any exist, and a spirit of friendly emulation 
would be substituted ; commercial speculations would 
be safe ; the farmer would no longer dream of foreign 
horses' hoofs trampling his corn-fields ; the women 
and children would have time for education ; indus- 
trious artizans would be properly remunerated for 
their labour to support themselves and families ; and 
peace and plenty would then be easily realised. 

The secure navigation to distant lands would bring 
home the fruits of their respective industrial occupa- 
tions, and the result* of sagacious enterprises would 
tend to prbmote domestic economy and comfort. 
Thus, in a comparatively short space of time the popu- 
lations would acquire and find out so gigantic differ- 
ence, such material improvement in their interests, 
that little more would remain to be desired. 



153 



England, France, and Italy, — these three old 
sisters, who saw the birth of Christianity, and saw it 
strangled in its cradle, — ashamed of their past inglo- 
rious inaction, at last awaken to their ancient glory ; 
the three, united in friendly compact as one, would 
take up again the proper Christian civilisation, and 
by due care and nursing they would ultimately suc- 
ceed in elevating the now prostrated humanity, in- 
spiring it with adoration for the real God, the Eternal 
Father of the creatures, without distinction, without 
crosses on the front or on the back, without confes- 
sional, without [Seraglios of £hiris, and other Eccle- 
siastical luxuries, too numerous to mention. Surely 
charitable feelings, and humanly and kind brother- 
hood, as well as a true love of God and veneration 
for His noble works, would spring up in the breasts 
of mankind, and would serve to moderate; regulate, 
and constitute the basis of that improved state of 
society, which, the more it spreads, the more it 
would link itself closer and firmer together ; and by 
the will of God, with the consummation of time, it 
might almost renew the so-much vaunted Golden Age. 

I am sure that the ninety-six millions of fellow- 
men of these three great human families, — France, 
Italy, and England, — occupied in the noble mission 
of peace, guided by the ever-watchful wisdom of 
their liberally-provident rulers, would be able to 
infuse almost a new life in some of the now degraded 
portions of the populations, and a new and simple 
organization in this old world. The confidence of 
their own people, and that of strangers, would rest 
on the honourable conduct of the Governments, and 
on the tolerance and good feelings of their subjects. 
Peace promotes industry, and industry abundance of 
the comforts and happiness of life. 

Certainly Europe requires reorganization, for 
history has shown that it is impossible longer to 
endure the present rate of misery and uncertainty of 
life. I would inquire if it is to be permitted for 



154 



Sovereigns to continue to make human sacrifices for 
the sake of maintaining upon a throne Kings who 
have no States of their own, and in opposition to 
the people ? Happily the days of Rudolph the First 
have passed away ; and though it was politic at that 
time to set upon the Imperial Throne the little Count 
of Hapsbourg, who had only a small castle near Berne, 
that arrangement, having long ago become a nuisance, 
ought to be removed for ever, as unfit for the times. 
The German Electors have lost the chance now of 
bestowing on one of their number the Roman Em- 
pire ; that institution died long ago, and the descend- 
ants of the Majordomo of the King of Bohemia have 
so entirely mismanaged the Empire that the public 
have lost all confidence in their politics and unscru- 
pulous intrigues without faith, or parole de Boi. That 
line is extinct ; but see the base subterfuges the Aus- 
trian Emperor now practises towards the Hungarians, 
who have listened to his promises ! See how he is j ustly 
rewarded by all his varied subjects for his cajoleries 
and false promises ! These different nationalities 
have been so constantly deceived that they are deter- 
mined to be deaf and imperturbably mute for the 
present. They await the sound of the tocsin for 
the general resurrection, and that will not be long 
delayed. Besides the yearly human sacrifices of 
blood, there are the ruinous expenses of keeping up 
an enormous standing army ; which consumes much, 
and produces nothing. It removes 600,000 men 
from their daily toils and avocations, demoralizes 
them, and makes them unfit for their moral duties, 
and creates a berth for at least two or three other 
hundred thousand bureaucratic employes of police 
and chancelleries In the meantime the labour of 
those men is diverted from the fields and the ateliers, 
and causes the want of the produce required for their 
consumption. Such things may last a long time 
in a wealthy country, but where there are only 
moderate riches to be had from the result of con- 



155 



stant toil, such a system cannot endure, and this 
is the reason why everything is mortgaged, and 
many unfortunate proprietors were fined and dis- 
possessed, under the pretext of being Liberals ; also 
where there is only a limited commerce, arising from 
the general want of confidence, the people being 
over-taxed to supply the unlimited, ever-pressing 
wants of the Government, whose forced loans are 
levied upon the same over-taxed people to fill the 
pockets of Government creatures, and the unscrupu- 
lous Ministers and Sovereign, ever thirsting for gold, 
extorting the precious metals, and issuing base, de- 
preciated coin and paper, worth only half its nominal 
value, and, out of the Imperial States, nothing. 
"What felicity can the subjects enjoy under such a 
ruler, and how long is that Government to last? 
Thus everything going to perdition, the people, 
tired and exhausted, at last call out for Reform ; 
and the Eeform that they demand will be the con- 
demnation and suppression of that corrupted Govern- 
ment. 

Serins ocius exitura locum, says Horace ; and no 
doubt, sooner or later, Europe must be relieved of 
such an incubus, through whose misdeeds the various 
States are kept in suspense, and the populations 
remain in a state of fermentation and oppression . 
Prussia is armed, and compelled to be so, through 
the insincerity of Austria, and the fear of France. 
England is in the same predicament, seeing the con- 
stant armaments of France and Spain. "Without a 
motive for war, France still remembers 1815, and 
knows what she can expect from the other Govern- 
ments ; Italy is not yet emancipated from the peni- 
tentiary shirt that was put upon her in 1815, for 
having assisted and made common cause with France; 
for that very offence, and for fear that she should 
again make France stronger, Italy was scourged and 
partitioned among the various (excuse the word) 
executioners. Now if France, the chief delinquent 



156 



in the eyes of the Holy Alliance, has emancipated 
herself from that treaty, a majori, Italy ought to be 
reinstated in her rights. The force of this proposi- 
tion was sustained by Lord Ellenborough, in the 
House of Lords, last session, though he was one of 
the party in opposition to Italy at the time of that 
treaty. 

It is evident that the whole of the European 
States must retrench their expenses, and this cannot 
be accomplished except by tranquillising the peoples, 
and giving them the legitimate constitutional rights 
so much desired and demanded. France and Italy 
must have a definite Constitution, according to their 
wishes, in the style of the English ; one which has 
withstood so many tempestuous seasons, and which, I 
hope, will never be wrecked. Once upon the same con- 
stitutional footing, and as soon as the political and 
the commercial treaties of alliance, offensive and 
defensive, are made, the three Foreign Ministers 
should prepare themselves for another work, consist- 
ing of the reform and dismissal of the superfluous 
army. They would diminish it by degrees, as by 
degrees they would create another element as a sub- 
stitute for its home duty. Only the cadres of the 
various regiments should be maintained ; so that, in 
case of need, the ranks could be easily filled up with 
volunteers, or regulars, according to the necessity of 
the case, The whole of the Artillery, the Marine, 
and other scientific arms should be maintained in its 
complement for the various services in the colonies, 
and at sea, and for the instruction of the volunteers, 
&c. A few practical men in France, and an equal 
number in England and Italy, should set themselves 
to work out this scheme, preparing the treaties and 
the new organisation, and the almost equalisation of 
the constitutional law. I know the difficulties and 
the opposition that might be raised to this particular 
point ; and I should say that it will be almost an im- 
possible work to conciliate the political men of the 



157 



day to three consitutions in three different countries, 
with analogous rules and regulations. A conqueror 
might do it by the power of his mighty sword ; but 
we are now in peace, and here arises the great 
difficulty. Still I am not afraid of that, because we 
have arrived at an era when men understand that if 
a thing can be done compulsorily with great advan- 
tage to humanity, the same thing ought to be done 
by peaceful persuasion and rationalism. It is useless, 
however, my wasting time to illustrate this point, 
which is so greatly comprehensive and elastic as to 
overpower my dwarf intelligence. But to continue: 
suppose the statesmen of the day at work at this 
scheme, and that England retains only twenty 
thousand men in or about Ireland, and sends the 
cad/res of her regiments to the colonies to be filled 
with natives, leaving an opening to the volunteers 
who may aspire to an active military career ; suppose, 
also, that the Volunteer institution has become the 
order of the day, the institution of the land, where 
all patriotic efforts unite for the support of order, of 
the Constitution, and of the ever-to-be-admired 
honourably liberal Sovereign. When I say England, 
I mean to comprise in it Ireland and Scotland too. 
As I have stated, I would retain all the Artillery, 
the Marines, and other scientific corps, and send 
tbem wherever they may be wanted, keeping at 
home purely and simply the veterans and invalids, 
who would be honourably employed in the general 
instruction of the younger generation, to inspire them 
with the noble sentiments of glory and military 
honour. 

Having made these suppositions, I should like to 
ask the opinion of the Chancellor of the Exchequer 
what advantages he would derive from these retrench- 
ments in his annual budget ? After two or three 
years of this new organisation, I am positive that this 
country would save an annual sum of twenty millions. 
But my scheme is not yet completely told. As the 

o 



158 



Marine remains complete as it is, it must have some 
duties to perform, partly in Europe, and in the 
Colonies; and another portion to be employed in 
conveying the excess of the poor population which 
crowds the workhouses. This is another sore point, 
which I should not have touched ; but how can the 
domestic economy be improved in a country where 
the population is in excess of the production of food 
for its maintenance ? I feel how difficult it would be 
to conciliate the different political sections on this 
point, and what storms it would raise in certain 
quarters ; therefore I will explain myself, and say 
that the Government should undertake to colonise 
certain fertile lands in fine climates easily accessible 
at all seasons, where the young European people 
would settle, and being put in possession of plots of 
ground sufficient to produce their maintenance by 
proper labour and cultivation, being chartered there 
by Government free of all expenses, and provisioned 
with sufficient means to outstand the first nine months 
of the year. In a very short space of time many 
fathers, with large families, without sufficient means 
for their maintenance in this country, and many 
orphans, would avail themselves of the opportunity 
of improving their social position, and relieve the 
workhouses from the present enormous expenses. 
There is also a certain numerous class, without the 
means to live in luxury and idleness, who have to 
undergo sometimes great privations, many of whom 
would voluntarily avail themselves of the opportunity 
of possessing a tract of land to live by the fruit of 
their own labour. What I have said of England I 
must say also of Erance and of Italy, too, when she 
shall be entirely reconstructed. But in Erance, at 
present, with the expenses for keeping up 600,000 
men under arms of all sorts, without the items of 
arsenals and Imperial forges, &c, the question is 
a more difficult one, on account of the discordant 
political elements, the extreme ignorance of the 



159 



peasants, and the rebellious league of the High 
Priests. However, it is a question of life and death 
with Napoleon the Third ; whatever he may do for 
the latter nothing will satisfy them. The Priests 
are revengeful, and never forget. Now the Emperor 
knows well the Roman history, and one day or 
another he may remember the incident of a Eoman 
Consul listening to an inopportune mutinous report, 
to which he answered by cutting with a stick the 
heads of some alta papavera that happened to be in 
the way ; and as that hint answered then, it will 
answer now, because only one of two powers can 
subsist, and the two in opposition cannot last long 
without one submitting to the other. It remains 
only, then, to give to the people the full Constitutional 
rights that the English and the Italians have. By 
that means jealousy will cease amongst the people, 
the newspaper diatribes and offensive critiques on 
this and that other topic will gradually subside, 
mutual sympathies will arise from mutual interest, 
and one will assist the other in quantum et per quan- 
tum, if he can without detriment to himself. 

To facilitate labour and economise time, as time 
is a most important item in a commercial country, 
let there be introduced in the three allied countries 
the Decimal System, in all its varied branches of 
weight, measure, and distance ; make the coins of 
equal quality, weight, and value, the only difference 
being the effigy of the Sovereign who issued them. 
When these populations have experienced the benefits 
that would inevitably arise from this new system, 
supported by equal laws, civil, commercial, and 
political (in course of time the Governments might 
also change or modify the Criminal Codes), the ma- 
terial interests and progress of these nations would 
be felt by every citizen ; and to win the confidence, 
friendship, and sympathy of the populations, let 
there be printed in the respective languages the 
treaties stipulated by the Sovereign allies ; they 



160 



should be framed in chapters easily accessible to the 
popular intelligence, and distributed to the people 
at a nominal price, to facilitate the learning of them 
like a catechism. Have your treaties duly recon- 
firmed every seven years, and any improvement or 
amelioration of the political principles which it may 
be necessary to adopt post factum, add them as an 
appendix ; so that the people may be constantly au 
fait of the earnest care and wisdom of their Govern- 
ment. There is nothing to fear from liberty ; liberty 
kills tyranny only, as is proved by the history of 
every country. As I have said somewhere else, a 
real Republican is the most honourable and liberal- 
minded man, who loves his country and humanity 
in general without interested motives ; and he is 
entitled to the same public esteem as is an honour- 
able Royalist. Those who are to be feared are the 
ambitious, the avaricious, selfish hypocrites who insti- 
gate the people to disunion and discord amongst them- 
selves, and contempt and rebellion towards their Go- 
vernment, in a clandestine manner fomenting discord 
between the people and the Governments whom they 
pretend to support, and betray at the same time with 
equally incredible hypocritical faces. These are the 
miscreants of society, who are ever ready to embarrass, 
embroil, upset, destroy, and stab both people and Go- 
vernments, for the sake of grasping anyhow, — never 
mind which party wins the day, — the best sinecures 
and the most lucrative honorary places. Society 
must be weeded first of this class of malefactors, 
before it can be improved in any sensible way, and 
before any Government can safely say it is fairly 
and firmly constituted. There is no security for the 
Government who harbours near its docks and ware- 
houses such vermin. They destroy and rot every- 
thing that comes in contact with them ; and history 
has proved and confirmed it in every country for 
the last one thousand years. Therefore, before the 
inauguration of the new system, before disarming 



161 



and depriving oneself of the means of protection, and 
of enforcing the new laws, separate the chaff from 
the wheat, like the husbandman before he puts 
down the new seeds in expectation of a good harvest. 
Such things have been repeatedly done in every 
European State, but in vain in Italy and France ; 
and now that these Governments know who are 
their enemies, it is the time to destitute them all 
without further ceremony or reserve. Without the 
expensiveness of trials, with a well-considered law 
firmly applied by the Home Secretary, one single 
decree is perfectly sufficient to settle everything as 
quietly as possible ; and if any symptoms of commo- 
tion should develope themselves, there are many 
Islands in the Pacificum mare which require popula- 
tion and manual labour, which could be improved on 
the occasion. 

It is only after this that Europe in general, and 
particularly Italy and France, could rest and enjoy 
the tranquillity they desire, and France could safely 
dissolve, and restore to their foyers, 300,000 men, 
who would resume their industry, and contribute to 
civilize their superstitious countrymen ; and some of 
them might even teach the Cure how to make the 
miracles on the most modern principles. Europe, as 
well as France, would be inspired with real hopes 
and faith in a durable peace. The benefits of domes- 
tic economy would soon be felt by every class of 
society ; the State debts, in the course of time, 
would be liquidated ; the Government, relieved from 
the pressure within and without, would apply itself 
to the material improvements the country may re- 
quire, and study new projects tending to ameliorate 
every class of society, executing everything at 
leisure and in the most economical manner, without 
dispossessing its ceraria of the pecuniary means 
deposited there for other urgent wants. I have 
alluded to the ke.eping at home the veterans and 
invalids of all sorts of arms ; and now I will suggest, 



162 



as they have learned more or less in the military 
schools, according to their intelligence and capacities, 
that they be employed in the national schools in the 
towns, provinces, and villages, to teach and instruct 
the populations in the use of arms and manoeuvres, or 
in any other branch of knowledge they may be com- 
petent to impart to others. Secularize every branch 
of public instruction, and dismiss all the Ecclesiastical 
teachers, except at the theological schools. I said 
also that the scientific arms, and the Marines, must 
be maintained in their complement ; and my object 
was, and is, that the three Governments, hand-in- 
hand, should open new fields of enterprise, and 
people distant colonies with the excess of their 
population, thus relieving the poor at home, and the 
householders who now support them. The Replete 
terram of Genesis might be attained in the course of 
a couple of centuries by this means, to the great 
relief, advantage, and comfort of the European 
nations; and the fulfilment of God's commandment 
would no longer be a reproach or a stain to the poli- 
tical character of the present European rulers. If I 
were to look upon the atlas, and count the spots and 
spaces which are stated to be almost abandoned, and 
others, though well populated, yet so mismanaged 
and so horribly misgoverned that the continuation 
of such atrocities constitute the highest grievance 
and offence to Almighty God, and put the question, 
— Why do the civilised European Sovereigns tolerate 
such monstrosities, equally derogatory to human 
nature and degrading to the character of the Kings 
of the earth who permit the continuation of such 
brutalities ? — though I would deviate a little from 
my argument, yet I would not lose sight of it, and 
would say — Why, for instance, does European civi- 
lisation countenance any further the abominations of 
the King of Dahomey ? Why do not the most civi- 
lised nations organise an expedition, and go direct 
to the West Coast of Africa to dethrone and hang 



163 



that miscreant, whose capricious delights are to float 
on human blood ? The populations would receive 
them as liberators, and would be grateful ; and I am 
persuaded that some good spot for Europeans to 
settle there could be found, and by their means, in 
course of time, to open communications with the 
interior parts of that unexplored region ; and from 
these European ingenuity and enterprise might suc- 
ceed to find the materials for new sources of wealth 
and commodities, and open new markets for the 
exchange of our goods with their produce. An 
expedition of 10,000 men, composed of Erench, 
Italian, and English, could meet at Malta, and in six 
weeks they would settle everything and return, 
leaving two or three steamers to cruize thereabout, 
in case of need for further assistance, should a 
reaction take place after the departure of the fleet. 
Perhaps four or five thousand men would be suf- 
ficient ; but with savages it is better to show them 
numbers, as they are easily impressed by a large 
force, which would cause them fear, and persuade 
them to reason. I hope that the Italian Kingdom 
will inaugurate and initiate this Christian Crusade, 
as a work of peace and civilisation; and that the 
Erench, English, and Italian flags will float in the 
African plains as gloriously as they did at the time 
of Scipio (minus the destruction of cities and citizens), 
and that the names of Palmerston, Thouvenel, and 
Bicasoli will be accepted as a godsend by those poor 
Africans, who, gladdened by emancipation under 
their auspices, will venerate them in future like the 
emancipated Italian nation. 

Initiate, then, these new treaties of alliance, as 
proposed here, or as you think most convenient, and 
hasten to conclude this new pact, this triumph of 
modern civilization ; and you, Thouvenel, Eicasoli, 
and Palmerston, crown this glorious work, and have 
the merit of doing so before you descend to your 
honourable tombs, and accept from a grateful Nation 



164 



a conspicuous place by the side of your respective 
Monarchs in the Eoman Pantheon, with the other 
illustrious contemporaries who have laboured and so 
much contributed to the Italian resurrection, — Glad- 
stone, Lord John Russell, Sir J. Hudson, Garibaldi, 
Minghetti, Cialdini, Farini, Panti, et quamplurimis 
aliis. 

P.S. This book was written upwards of a year 
since. In consequence of the death of the lamented 
Cavour, I have been compelled to make several alte- 
rations, substituting in his place the equally glorious 
and liberal Eicasoli. As the Italian Ministry is 
changed now, it would require still further altera- 
tion, — which I cannot make, as the preceding sheets 
are in print. Although the Ministry is changed, yet 
the principle of liberalism will continue immutable 
and unalterable, under the protection and surveillance 
of those well-known and well-tried Liberals, Tecchio 
and Eatazzi. 



FINIS. 



INDEX. 



PAGE 

€hkonology op Numa Pompilius, and his Election of 
Kino op the Romans — Definition op Religion - 1 

Pythagoras teaches Numa on the Laws and Religion — Hydro- 
mancy, Necromancy, and other Diabolical Superstitions — 
The Sybilline Books— The Educated Eagle of Pythagoras — 
The Pythagoric Silence ; he forbids Painting or Sculpturing 
the Gods — The Nymph a Egeria, and Numa's Nocturnal 
Congresses and Supposed Marriage — The Institution of Reli- 
gion — The Pontifices— The Salii — The Vestales — Romulus 
Venerated Jupiter Stator - - - 2 

The Arts op Statuary and Painting.— Tarquin Builds the 
Capitol— The Names of the most Ancient Artists — Hydro- 
mancy, Necromancy, and many other Superstitions of the 
kind—The Pretor L Petilius - - 9 

The Oath.— The Priests of Jupiter take no Oath— The Roman 
Catholic and Apostolic High Priests Violate their Oath at 
Pleasure - - - - - 19 

The Priests or Arch-Priests op Jupiter, and their Man- 
ners, their Supremacy, their Attributes - - 21 

The College of the Augures Instituted by Numa. — The 
Temple of Vesta — The Vestales : their Sacred Duties, their 
Punishment, and Two Miracles performed by the Vestales - 23 

Numa Institutes the Dancing Priests, Salios. — Their Num- 
ber ; their Crooked Staffs ; their Shield ; their Suppers ; 
their Temple (now converted into the Church of Santa 
Maria in Aquirio) - - - - - 35 

De Pontifice Maximo, et de Pontificum Jure. — The Attri- 
butes and the Etymology of the Pontifex Maximus; his 
Functions, his Consecration of the Temples, and his Conse- 
cration as Great Pontiff - - - 40 

F^ECIALES E PRiESTANTISSIMIS FAMILUS ASSUMUNTUR A NUMA 
PRO PACIS PCEDERE AC JUSTO BELLO DECERNENDO ; with Some 

Remarks upon the American Ambassador's Speech, &c. - 81 
On the Hebrew and Roman History. — Of the first Translation 
of the Bible — Of Jesus, son of Pontiff Sirach — Of the Four 
Expunged Hebrew Kings, Pontifices— Of Jesus Christ's 
Brother, first Ordained Bishop — Concerning the Origin of 
Christianity and the Apostles John, Paul, Peter ; his Decree 
to Clement, &c. — The Biography of Caesar— all from the MS. 
Chronica de JEtatibus (a Copy of the MS. Code of the Va- 
tican) — The first, second, and third Persecutions of the 
Christians — Memoranda - - - - 97 

p 



166 



PAGE 

The Birth op Our Lord Jesus Christ — The Apostles— -On 
the Perversion of the Primitive Roman Catholic Clergy after 
the Death of the Apostles - 125 

Historical, Lay, Ecclesiastic, and Diplomatic Evidences 
that Constantine did not give to Silvester, St Peter's Patri- 
mony, or the Temporal Power — Ancient and Incontestible 
Proofs Negativing the Donation of the Patrimony — Arripert 
the Second gives to Pope John the Seventh the Cottian Alps 
as a Donation, and King Luitprand revokes the Gift — Opi- 
nion of Cardinal Navagero upon the Temporal Power of the 
Pope— Pope Adrian obtains from Charlemagne the right of 
Levying the Tithes upon certain States, and takes the Oath 
of Fidelity to the Emperor - 136 

Constantine 's Real Donations to Bishop Silvester (from 
a Copy of the Ancient MS. Code of the Vatican Library in 
the Author's possession).— Description of the Enormous 
Wealth and Precious Gifts— Only two small Yearly Sums 
given as an Endowment - - - - 147 

Criminal History of the Popes.— The first great Quarrel 
between Athanasius, Bishop of Alexandria, and Arius — 
Athanasius and Bishop Liberius Exiled at the time of the 
Emperor Constant — The Roman Bishop Felix Decapi- 
tated by order of Constant, &c. — The Great Synod of 
Sardinia in 341— A Great Contention between Damasus and 
Ursicinus, Candidates for the Roman Episcopal Chair — A 
Great Slaughter amongst the Clergy, and the true Origin of 
the Cardinals — Marcellinus and other Ancient Writers — 
Pope Celestinus and his Cardinals ride upon Asses — He is 
Strangled by Cardinal Gaetani — Hieronymus plainly Un- 
masks the Clergy— Baronius Reports the Law against the 
Clergy Inheriting from the Women (the Venetian Senate 
made a similar law in the thirteenth century, the mortemain 
law now in universal usage)— Yalentinianus, Valens, and 
Theodosius make or confirm the Laws against the Clergy 
and other Religious Corporations— At the Great Synod at 
Constantinople in 381, a Canonic Law enacted to prevent the 
Bishops Encroaching on other People's Property — The Third 
Carthaginian Synod takes place in the year 397, and it is 
forbidden that any Bishop should style himself First Bishop, 
or Prince, or Pope, &c— Eusebius Emissenus reproves the 
Roman Bishop who attempts at the Primate — Bishop Boni- 
face 1st usurps the Primate, and rebels, anno 418, and is ex- 
pelled—He Supplicates to be readmitted — At the time of 
Gratianus lived Bishop Eusebius at Milan, in France Bishop 
Martinus, Hieronymus in Palestine, Augustin in Spain, J ohn 
Crisostonus at Constantinople, Orosius at Rome, Hilarius in 
Pictavia ; all true Christians — Valentinianus and Thodosius' 
Law enacted to subject the Clergy to the Secular Judges in 
Criminal Affairs — The usual Contentions and Strife by Sym- 
machus and Laurentius, candidates for the Roman Chair — 
The Emperor Theodoricus expels them both, and elects Peter 
Altinus— The Schism Suppressed and Theodoricus convokes 



167 



a great Synod in 501— The French Bishops also in a state of 
insubordination against King Clodoveus — The Emperor Jus- 
tinus writes to Bishop Hormisidas, styling him " Archie- 
piscopus et Patriarca ;" this is the first real title given to the 
Eoman Bishop— Belisarius is corrupted with money by Au- 
gusta Eutychiana — Another great Schism — Onuphrius Re- 
ports the Law by which the Election of the Popes depended 
by the Clergy, the Senate, and the Roman People, and the 
Emperors either confirm or annul the Election — The Elect 
Pope pays a regular sum of money to the Exarch before 
consecration — Vigilius Exiled; these are the best proofs that 
the Popes had not yet dreamed of St Peter's Patrimony — In 
anno 589 a Law issued to compel the Clergy to dress simply 
and avoid purple colours, as a sign fit only for laymen — 
Gregorius Magnus, a good Roman Bishop, is elected anno 
590 — Although a friend of the Emperor Mauritius, he does 
not attempt to defend him or his family from the assassins of 
Phocas — The Impudent Boniface the Third obtains from Phocas 
the title of " Universal Bishop," or the Roman Primate, 
and was the first to use " volumus et jubemus " — The Book 
of Revelations Sanctioned at the Fourth Synod of Toledo — 
Pope Vitalianus Excommunicates the Archbishop Maurus of 
Ravenna, who retorts with another Excommunication, anno 
680 — Phocas's Decree still Rejected by the Bishops, except 
the Roman ones — The Sum fixed at this time which the 
Popes should Pay to the Emperors before their Consecration 
— Peter and Theodorus, two new Rivals for St Peter's Chair, 
appear; both Rejected by the People,, who Elect Conon — 
More Schism and Contentions after Conon — Theodorus and 
Paschal — The People again Reject both Candidates, and 
Elect Sergius as Roman Bishop, a Priest selected by them 
from the Crowds — The Exarch John, anno 690, goes to Rome, 
Strips the Altars of the Silver and Gold and other Valuables, 
and Pawns them — Again Schism, and Anasthasius names Pas- 
chalis, another Candidate and a Great Magician — Innovation 
in the Papal Consecration — The Code of Digest of Constan- 
tine contained the Laws of the Sixth Universal Synod — An 
Apology to the French Nation— Arripertus the Second gives 
to Pope John the Seventh, anno 704, the Cottian Alps— The 
Emperor Justinianus sends a Fleet to Blockade and Subject 
Ravenna, Cervia, Comacchio, Forli, Cesena, &c, the Exarch 
Felix having Subornated those Citizens against the Pope and 
Emperor — The Exarch Blinded and Exiled — The Intriguing 
Conspirator Helias kills the Emperor Justinianus the Second 
and his son Tiberius, and sends their heads to Philippicus, 
who forwards that of Justinian to the Roman Pope Constan- 
tine — Philippicus ordered the Immaculate Tablet of the Sixth 
Synod to be Removed from under the Portico of St Sophy, 
also the Images from the Churches — Pope Constantine makes 
this a Pretext for a Revolution, and Emancipates from the 
Imperial Power a lot of Dirty Tablets— The Pope Refuses to 
Consecrate Philippicus, and the Revolution begins 



168 



PAGE 

The Origin of the Papal Intrigues with the French King, 
Charles M artel, to Spoliate and Destroy the Lombard 
Kings, and the Greek Empire — Of Power and States in Italy — 
The Towns Usurped by the Pope during these Wars against the 
Emperor, and the Lombard King — The Non-existence of St 
Peter's Patrimony — The Emperor Leo, Gregory the Second, 
and King Charles Martel die, anno 741— -Pope Stephanus's Hy- 
pocritical Letter to King Pipin— Pope Zaccharia continues 
the Conspiracy with Pipin against the Greek and Lombard 
Monarchs — The Successful Plot of Pipin and Zaceh arias to 
Dethrone King Chilperic — The Lombard King Aistulfus 
Invades Ravenna, and the Exarch goes to Greece - 233 

Episcopal, Papal, and Charlemagne's Elections.— Repeti- 
tion of the Evidence already given by other Historians, and 
several Imperial Laws pointed out - - - 247 

Diplomatic, Lay, and Ecclesiastical Negative Proofs op 
the Papal Temporal Power. — Gregory the Second implores 
the Assistance of the Venetians, who recover Ravenna from 
the Lombards, and restore it to the Greek Emperor. Anno 800, 
Charlemagne Crowned Emperor— Consecutive Proofs of the 
Imperial Power in Rome, &c. - 265 

Charlemagne's Will and Testament - 283 

Pope Gregory the Fourth is tried by the Imperial Judges and 
Juries for the Spoliation of Towns and Lands in the so-called 
St Peter's Patrimony — He is Condemned to Transfer, by 
Deeds, the said States, &c. - - - 298 

Continuation of Diplomatic Lay and Ecclesiastical Con- 
futations of the Papal Temporal Power — A Complete 
Confutation of all the Pretended Donations to the Holy See 313 

The Doctrine of Substantiation, and the Invention op 
Purgatory - 367 

On the Origin of the Cardinals.— Several Quotations from 
Cardinal Navagero's MS. in the Author's possession, and from 
other Authors ----- 373 

Evidences of Ecclesiastical and Secular History, in con- 
tinuation of the Papal Criminal History - - 385 

Evidences of the Popess Joanna's Reign - - 388 

How the Pope Usurped the Supreme Ecclesiastical Juris- 
diction. — The Pope Prevaricates— Reorganization of the 
Roman Senate — Nicholas the First issues Laws on the Celi- 
bacy of the Clergy (I would advise the contrary, and compel 
them to marry)— Theodora and her daughters, Marozia and 
Theodora's reign, a pretty story — The Concubinage of Hilde- 
brand with the Great Countess Mathilde — The Schism and 
Wars with the Emperor Henry the Fourth ; his Degradation 
— The Death of the Usurper Rudolph — Gregory Condemned 
by the Synod of Worms, and of Brescia— The Death of 
Gregory — The Schism Continued — Young Henry or Conrad 
Marries the Daughter of his Father's Enemy through the 
Intrigues of Mathilde, and set in Opposition to his Imperia] 
Father— Urban goes to Milan, and with Peter the Hermit 
Invents the Scheme for the Recovery of Palestine, anno 



169 



1093— The First General Council held at Clermont, 1095, 
where they decided to Organise an Army for Palestine — The 
Emperor "Henry the Fourth dies, anno 1099— Conrad, or 
Henry the Fifth, succeeds him — His Excommunication, and 
War against Paschal the Second — Schism continued — Three 
Popes at this time ----- 395 

Peteus Blesiensis de Institutions Episcopi — A Lecture to 
a Rebel Bishop paid with his own Coin - - 469 

A Miraculous Bottle, and other Episcopal Absurdities, &c. — 
Continuation of the Papal Criminal History — The Emperor 
Frederick the First, alias Barbarossa, maintains his Imperial 
Power in Italy— Diplomatic and other Historical Proofs of 
this fact — Schism and Horrible Wars — Diplomatic and 
Secular Historical Proofs of the Imperial Power, and Proofs 
that the Regalia or Donations to the Holy See did not con- 
vey the Temporal Power — Pope Nicolaus the Third attempts 
to Create two of his Nephews of the Orsini family Kings of 
Italy, and Expel the French and Germans — A Precedent 
against "Non Possumus" — Ecclesiastical Forgers of Bulls 
and Diplomas - 474 

Precedents a^ t d Confutations oe the Non Possumus, Non 
Volumus — A few Remarks about Scandiano — Continuation 
of Precedents against "Non Possumus" — Pope Alexander 
the Sixth Invents the Income-tax, anno 1500, and with the 
assistance of Valentino and the French Kings Poisons and 
Murders the Principal Noblemen of Italy, and Spoliates 
their Families — Julius, Leo, and Paul Succeed, and Supply 
more Precedents against the " Non Possumus " - - 540 

Continuation oe the Papal Criminal History. — Pope 
Martin the Fourth and Boniface the Eighth Emancipate 1 
themselves from the Empire — Boniface says, "Ego sum 
Imperator " — The usual Schism continued, and Wars rage for 
a long time ; Boniface is taken prisoner, and brought ignumi- 
niously to Rome — Clement the Fifth, another of his class — 
He is succeeded by John the Twenty-third— Horrible Wars 
renewed between the Pope and the Emperor Ludowick — Pope 
Nicholas the Fifth, at the instigation of John the Twenty- 
third, is Imprisoned by the Pisans— John the Twenty-third 
and his Wars with Charles le Bel — Benedict the Twelfth, the 
Seducer of Petrarch's Sister, &c. —Petrarch's Exposition of the 
Crimes of the Holy See - - - 582 

A Slight Peoject fob Reforming- the Papal Swat, and the 
Project for Reforming the Roman See made bv Pope Clement 
the Fifth in 1313 - - - • - - - 630 

The Recently Discoveeed MS. in Germany. — A few 
prophecies concerning Italy — A Genealogic Notion concerning 
the Family of Garibaldi " - - - 651 

The Papal Infallibility - - - - 656 



170 



VENICE. 

PAGE 



Its present Martyrdom and its former glories - I 

On the Genius of the Venetians - - 19 

Good Symptoms for the Italian Brotherhood - 35 

The Invasion of Venice by the Tartarian Ugres ; and by Pipin 38 

The First Expedition to the Holy Land - - 48 
The Wealth and Grandeur of the Venetians in the Eleventh 

and Twelfth Centuries - - - 53 

The French and Venetian Expedition to the Holy Land - 60 

The League of Cambray - - - 65 
The Quarrel of Paul the Fifth with the Venetian Senate, 

defended by Friar Paul - - - 67 
The Siege of Candia — The Conquest of the Morea of Athens 
and other places — Honourable mention of Cavour's and 
Ricasoli's Policy — Ricasoli's Memorable Circular and Gari- 
baldi's Letter to Princess Ghika, &c. — Opinions of the Press 76 
English Precedents against the Innovations of the Clergy - 110 
The Right of the House of Savoy to the Italian Throne - 118 
Proposal for a Triple Alliance - 149 



Since the completion of this work, the Author regrets to find that 
from his inexperience in reading for the press, numerous errors have 
escaped his notice ; but as they are chiefly literals, and of an obvious 
hind, he trusts that the intelligent and critical reader will readily cor- 
rect them as he proceeds. A few, however, may affect the Author's 
meaning, and these he has noted in the following 

ERE AT A : 

Page 2, for Athsenientium, read Athseniensium. P. 3, Fuit, Fecit. 
P. 7, Valiis, Vallis. P. 16, Valerias, Valerius ; repesti, reperti ; in- 
criptas, inscriptas. P. 19, Flamina, Flamine; itque, itaque. P. 21, 
adalatione, adulatione. P. 23, Autulorum, Rutulorum. P. 25, motur, 
motus. P. 26, numam, Numam. P. 27, matre, mater. P. 29, 
Nantse, Naute. P. 30, mancre, manere. P. 38, in, ni. P. 40, rerum, 
verum. P. 44, catenus, catenas. P. 48, piacularum, piaculorum. P. 
49, purum, parum. P. 51, area, area. P. 54, vulnu, vulnus. P. 57, 



171 



consecrationes, consecrationis. P. 61, Cuput, caput. P. 75, amanda- 
tus, emendatus. P. 85, affirmate, affirmante. P. 94, ca, ea. P. 95, 
conoratos, coronatos. P. 99, occhozia, Occhozia. P. 100, attare, 
altare. P. 114, demandam, demendam. P. 115, emixit, enixitl 
P. 116, amiciam, amicitiam. P. 118, persequutione, persecutione. 
P. 119, alias, alius ; successiorera, successorem. P. 120, exitio, exilio. 
P. 123 (marginal note), These three more Kings, 'There are three 
other Kings. P. 131,nenitus, penitus. P. 133, Conabatur, conabitur. 
P. 163, Avcutinus, Aventinus. P. 177, Baptisto a, Baptista. P. 184, 
excursaturum, excusaturum. P. 216, es, eo. P. 221, cum, eum. P. 
225—804, 704; Nance, France ; ce, ea. P. 236, Franck, French. P. 
244, intucatur, intueatur. P. 255, Caesaris, Caesareis. P. 290, 
ternis, tennis ; Bajone, Bajoar. P. 295, Romanium, Romanum. 
P. 309, terra, terna; par, per. P. 324, Torea, Ivrea. P. 327, Comado, 
Comaclo. P. 329, quattre, quatre. P. 340, die, die. P. 344, cum, eum. 
P. 347, ud, ut. P. 353, Henry the Fifth became Emperor and was 
called Henry the Sixth, Conrad became Emperor and was called 
Henry the" Fifth. P. 368, immanaem, immanem. P. 382, Suisse, 
fuisse. P. 398, terre, ferre. P. 399, Lactanias, Lsetanias (twice). 
P. 411, Testandur, Testantur. P. 425, Regnum, Regum ; Imperiis, 
Imperii. P. 429, noblis, nothi. P. 431, Ipse, Ipsa. P. 432, domina- 
runtur, dominarentur ; abi, ab. P. 438, bellarat, bellaret. P. 440, 
scortae, scorta; vous (dele); de, des. P. 442, Coranam. coronam. 
P. 444, proprius, propius; quondam, quendam. P. 445, comma after 
ducem, dele full-point. P. 451, cum, eum. P. 452, indignisset, in- 
diguisset; fantoribus, fautoribus ; voluntaretur, volutaretur. P. 453, 
cestitudinem, certitudinem. P. 457, oblitu, oblita. P. 461, conside- 
runt, conciderunt. P. 466, Cassineus, Cassinen. P. 469, Blasiensis, 
Blesiensis. P. 479, Blasius, Blesius. P. 488, partitientes, perti- 
nentes. P. 490, Nice, Nicea. P. 497, illo, ilia. P. 509, Estates, States. 
P. 514, quos, quas. P. 544, Vallioneri, Vallisnieri. P. 574, Ebarard, 
Eberard. P. 578, Vienna, Viana. P. 587, Argentia, Argentin; 
adduci, abduci. P. 588, Papae, Papa. P. 612, corrasit, corrosit, 
P. 614, feceret, fecerit. P. 628, utque, atque; Ecclesim, Ecclesiam. 

VENETIA. 

Page 28, for in 1428, read established in 1428. P. 113, ad, et. P, 
121, Juere, Jure ; imposterum, in posterum. P. 127, domus, dam us. 



A COLLECTION OF RARE AND VERY EARLY 
PRINTED WORKS. 



The Author proposes to Sell, by Peitate Contract, 

4 

to any Gentleman who is forming a Library, all his 
Collection of 

RAKE BOOKS, MSS., AND AUTOGRAPHS, 

the total consisting of about 4,000 Lots, 3,500 of which 
are Rare First Editions of the Latin and Greek Classics, 
Theology, History, the Arts and Sciences, 

THE EAELY ITALIAN DEAMATIC WORKS, 

Gems of Early Italian Literature (Prose and Verse), 
Numismatics, Archaeology, Bibliography, Philology, 
and 

ITALIAN TRANSLATIONS OF THE CLASSICS. 
Amongst the collection are 125 Alcline Editions, and 
a great many Works printed in Black Letter Types ; 
also many Editions of the Fifteenth Century, as well 
as Ancient, Eaee, and Early- Printed Bibles. 

The MS. and Autographs comprise about 500 Lots, by 
various Celebrated Authors and Distinguished Per- 
sonages. 



NOTICE. 



The Half of the Profits arising out of the Pub- 
lication of this Work will be devoted to the funds in aid 
of the Support of the Expatriated Boman and Venetian 
Families; and the Author sincerely trusts that the 
liberality of his Compatriots and the Supporters of Con- 
stitutional Freedom will induce them to aid in the 
circulation of the Work in promotion of the object 
which he has in view. 

The Author further proposes to Dispose of the 
Copyright of this Work, and to appropriate One-Half 
the amount obtained for it to the furtherance of a 
Project which he will in due time divulge, and which 
he is sure will be agreeable to the King, to Garibaldi, 
and to the entire Population of Italy. 

Direct, post paid, to Dr Beggi, Hobury Street, 
Chelsea, S.W. 

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